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• it rs indeed without * cause, I shall certain
ly do tuy duly to hr.’ ‘Elfb J° u have
raid a word this night which has P 1 ™ ed . *
thorn in my heart. b*ear to me—a dy.ng
e 3 R.'.b;n t on ’
swear it! snc saio j . • •/
i ih Earl after me lapse oS a orief
SJrt in Wtoh’lK dwb< breath with j
.real difeaulty; ‘I hare .lone you seme ser-,
vj ce __l believe you grateful—swear to me, j
bv all you expect, that my last request shall j
be fulfilled.’ ‘My dear Lord apd kindest j
friend,’ said Robinson, whose voice seemed
shaken by some strong emotion, ‘ if such ad-1
ddional proof of my sincerity is grateful toj
you at such a moment, I do swear it, most)
solesmlv!’ ‘lam satisfied!’ said the Earl.,
The silver tones of the clock chimed the hour;
of tvvelv*. ‘ Eliza!’ said the Lari, whose |
voice had sunk to a low, hollow whisper, v.e j
are friends, i hope! ‘ Give me your haod.’j
‘ You are cold!’ she said. ‘ Very very
cold—l lee! like ice ! get me more covering!’ j
Mr. Robinson called Gibson and the nurse.
‘ Good God!’ whispered Gibson, as he be
held his master, ‘he is dying!’ The Earl
vra# breathing heavily, and they were a.i
standing silently around-bim. Ihe valet en
deavored to raise his masler upon the pillow.
My dear master,’ said “Gibson, with real
• feeling ‘can I do any thing to make you
easier?’ ‘ Swear it! swear it!’ unconscious
ly muttered the dying man. As Gibson rais
ed his Lord, to render his breathing easier, a
’ slight convulsion seemed to shake his frame ;
his*teeth were clenched, and a streak of blood
was visible through his compressed lips. At
that moment the door opened, and a tall, mi
g.-iinlv looking person entered, and approach
ed the bed. It was Dr. Ellison. A glance
at his patient sufficed. • Lay down the body,’
lie said ta Gibson ; ‘ the Earl is dead !’
From the New York Time?.
ONE DAY LATER FROM ENGLAND.
By the packet ship Montreal, Captain
Griffin, which sailed from London on the 2d
and from Portsmouth on the 4lh of March,
we have London pvpers of the former date,
being one day later than by the Sheffield.
London, Saturday evening, March 2. —
We perceive, by the accounts from Paris,
that some of the great railway companies
there will be probably dissolved, and the pro
jects abandoned; but at all events they must
obtain a revision of the laws, with less oner
ous restrictions, before they can expect to
prosecute th undertakings with any proba
bility of BHcsesa. The price of shares in the
list) from Paris t Orleaus, on which -the
works are actually in progress, continues to
fall gradual,y.
The foreign exchanges yesterday showed
symptoms of decline, as there was more mo
ney than bills on most places. Bills at three
months date on Paris were sold at 25.45 to
50; on Amsterdam, at 12.2 1-2 to 2 34;
and on Hamburg, 13.9 1-3 to 9 1-2.
The stock exchange is rather animated
this morning, as a good deal of speculation in
Spanish bonds has sprung up, in consequence
of the exlraordinary pdoceedings in the Car
list camp, which it is hoped will end in a ge
neral dispersion of the rebel forces. All other
stocks are looking up.
Two o'clock. —Consols, after being at 93 1-4,
buyers for account, have declined to 93 1-8,
ami to 92 7-S for money. Exchequer hills
are Is. lower than yesterday. Spanish bonds
are wild ; they have advanced to 20 3-4, from
the cause mentioned above.
Belgium.—ln the British Parliament,
March Ist, Lord Palmerston, in answer to an
enquiry from Mr. Hume, said that there was
no resolve on the part of the British govern
ment to adopt measures of coercion towards
Belgium in the event of that state resisting
the separation of Luxemburg and Limburg.
A Brussels letter quoted by the Constitu
tions), says : ‘The King does not attempt
to use any personal influence, hut allows it
to be seen that he yields to the moral con
straint exercised over him by his father-in
law. It is evident that the presence of Gen.
Skrzynecki, who is not yet gone, is cause of
embarrassment. Same persons-have inti
mated to him that he would show a generous
spirit if be were to retire from Belgum. We
have had another great commercial failure.
The house of M. Saportas, Prussian consul
at Antwerp, has stopped payment.’
The wile and daughter of General Skrzy
necki are about to leave Bohemia, and reside
in London.
Spain. —Don Carlos has published a pro
clamation, disavowing all agency in the
wholesale murders perpetrated by General
Maroto, declaring bun a traitor, and autho
rising ‘ all chiefs, authorities, and every indi
vidual’ to treat him as such, if he did not irn
mediately surrender himself and submit to
the decision of the laws.
Marota had issued a proclamation three
days previous to that of Don Carlos, staling
his reasons tor shedding the blood of his vic
tims. He alleges that they were conspirators,
traitors and anarchists.
The proclamation of Don Carlos is dated
at ‘the Royal Head Quarters, Bergara, 21st
day of February.’
We are indebted to a slip from the office
of the New York Gazette of March 29, for
the following intelligence from Maine.
From the Boston Daily Advertiser of yesterday.
IMPORTANT FROM MAINE.
By the eastern mail- of last evening, we
have received the following, which we copy
from the Augusta Tri-weekly Journal. It
puts an end for the present to all hostile
measures on the frontier, and sets at rest aSt
questions of controversy, until further instruc
tions shall be received from the British go
vernment. The troops ot Maine will of course
immediately return to their homes. Major
Gen. Scott seems to have acted in this affair
in the capacity of mediator.
Heap Quarters, Eastern Division, U.S.A. )
Augusta, Maine, March 21, 1839. \
The undersigned, a Major General in the
Army of the United States, being specially
charged with maintaining the peace and
safety of their entire Northern and Eastern
frontiers,'having cause to apprehend a collis
ion of arms between the proximate forces of
New Brunswick and the state of Maine
on the disputed territory which is claimed by
bath, has the honor, in the sincere desire of
the United States to preserve the relations of
peace and amity with Great Britain—re'a
tions which might be much endangered by
such untoward collision—to invite from Ins
Excellency Major Sir John Harvey, Lieuten
ant Governor, &e. &c., a general declaration
to this cfilci.
That it is not the intention of the Lieuten
ant Governor of her Britannic Majesty’s pro
vince of Nsw Brunswick, under the expected
renewal of negotiations between the cabinets
ot London and Washington on the subject
fthc Saul disputed territory, without renew
ed instructions to that effect from his govern-
KBt, to seek to lake military possession of
that territory, or to eek by tnilitorv force to
♦xpei the armed civil posse, or the troops of I
Maine. 1
Should the undersigned have the honor to
be tavored with such declaration or assur
ance, to be by him communicated to his Ex
cellency the Governor of the state of Maine
the undersigned docs not in the least doubt
that he would be immediately an 1 fully au-i
thnritod by the Governor of Maine to'com
i*nicate to his Excellency the Lieutenant
Governor of New Brunswick, a correspond
ing pacific declaration to this effect.
That ia the hope of a speedy and satisfac
tory settlement, by negotiation, between the
governments of the U. S. and Great Britain,
of the principal or boundary question between
the state of Maine and the province of New
Brunswick, it is not the int union of the Go
vurfior of Maine, without renewed instruc
tioos from the Legislature of the state, to at- J
tempt to disturb by arms the said province, 1
in the possession of the Madawaska settle
ments, or to attempt to interrupt the usual
communications between that province and
tier Ma jesty’s upper provinces, and that he is
willing m the mean time, to leave the ques
tion of possession and jurisdiction as they at
present stand ; that is. Great Britain, holding,
in fact, possession of a part of said territory,
and the government of Maine denying her
right to such possessions ; and the slate of
Maine holding, in fact possession of another
portion of the same territory, to which her
right is denied by Great Britain.
With this understanding the Governor of j
Maine will, without unnecessary delay, with
draw the military farce of the state from the
said disputed territory—leaving only, under
a Land Agent, a small civil posse, armed and
unarmed, to prelect the timber recently cut,
and to prevent future depredations.
Reciprocal assurances of the foregoing
friendly character having been, through the
undersigned, interchanged, all danger of col
lision between the immediate parties to the
controversy will be at once removed, and
time allowed the United States and Great
Britain to settle amicably the great question
of limits.
The undersigned has much pleasure in re
newing to iiis Excellency Major General Sir
John Harvey, the assurance of his ancient
high consideration and respect.
WINFIELD SCOTT.
To a copy of the foregoing, Sir John Har
vy annexed the following:
The undersigned, Major General Sir John
Harvev, Lieutenant Governor of her Britan
nic Majesty’s province of New Brunswick,
having received a proposition from Major
General Winfield Scott, of the United States
army, of which the foregoing is a copy, here
by, on his part, signifies his concurrence and
acquiescence therein.
Sir John Harvey renews with great pleas
ure to Major General Scott, the assurance of
his warmest personal consideration, regard
and respect. J. HARVEY.
Government House, Frederickton,
New Brunswick, March 23, 1839.
To a paper containing the note of Gen.
Scott and the acceptance of Sir John Har
vey, Governor Fairfield annexed his accept
ance in these words :
Executive Department, )
Augusta, March 25, 1839. 5
The undersigned, Governor of Maine, in
consideration of the foregoing, the exigency
for calling out the troops of Maine having
ceased, has ne hesitation in signifying his
e ntire acquiescence in the proposition ofMaj.
Gen. Scott.
The undersigned has the honor to tender
to Major General Scott, the assurance of his
high respect and esteem.
JOHN FAIRFIELD.,
We learn that Gen. Scott lias interchanged
the acceptances of the Governor and Lieu
tenant Governor, and also that Governor
Fairfield immediately issued orders recalling
the troops ©f Maine and for organising the
civil posse that is to be continued, for the
time, in the disputed territory. The troops
in this towfi will also be immediately dis
charged.
The two branches of the Maine Legisla
ture met at half’ past 5 o’clock on Monday
morning. The House voted that when they
should next adjourn it should be without day,
and in this vote the Senate concurred. The
House notified the Senate that they tion
concurred in the vote, indefinitely postponing
the state tax bill. The Senate voted to ad
here, yeas 10, nays 5.
The Governor was informed that the turn
Houses were ready to adjourn. The Secre
tary came in and notified the two Houses
that, he had approved 180 acts and 126 re
solves, and that he had no further communi
cation to make. Votes of thanks were pass
ed to the President of the Senate and Speak
er of the House, and they made speeches of
acknowledgment, and the two houses then
adjourned.
Important from Washington.—Peace be
tween England and the United States. —We
learn from unquestionable authority in Wash
ington that it is confidently expected—placed
even beyond a doubt—-that the Boundary
Question will certainly be terminated peace
ably between the two countries at a much
earlier day than we have been led to suppose
from the recent events in Maine and Con
gress.
At the time tvhen the secret session was
held by the Maine Legislature, the negoeia
tions between the two governments were
rapidly assuming a definite shape. The
principle of settlement had almost been agreed
upon—it is a principle o( equity—a fair ex
change of territory, making the St. John’s
River the boundary from the mcru'th to its
source. Another important element in the
negociation, may be the understanding be
tween the two powers, that should England
take possesion of Cuba as an indemnity for
the debt due by Spain, the United States will
raise no objection to the act.
We learn also that when the Great Wes
tern took out the news to England, of the
outbreak in Maine, the Protocol between our
Secretary of State and Mr. Fox was also
sent to the British Government, thus showing
the moderate and dignified position which the
General Government had taken, in the face
of the warlike effervescence in Maine and
elsewhere.
It is highly probable therefore that some
important steps may be taken in the negoci
ntion between Mr. Stevenson and the British
Government, founded on these movements,
that will render the effect of the accounts
carried out by the Liverpool—the war speech
es snd votes —almost, if not entirely nugato
ry. It hss been rumored that the substance
of the President’s Message went out in the
Great Western, but this'we do not. credit.
The correspondence with our Secretary of
State, did go out, and that indicated the po
sition of our government, and its friendly tone
as much as the message.
If this be the correct view’ of these high
matters, the present commercial panic will
soon pass away.—JV. F. Herald.
Erom the Savannah Georgian.
THE RICHMOND AUGUSTA BLUES.
This gallant Company of Volunteers, whose
anpearnnee on the banks of the St. Johns , in
Florida, in the early part ol 1839, was hailed
by ail as a beautiful display oi that patriotic
espirit du corps which should ever animate a
volunteer corps has, it seems, been dissolved.
It appears some difficulties existed between
the Elites and the Clinch Riflemen, ot the
nature of which vve are not advised. Those
difficulties were referred to three gentlemen
wf Augusta, and the Blues pledged themselves
to abide bv the decision We are not advised
of the decision, but at. a meeting on the 25th
inst. Cant. Robertson tendered to the Biues,
‘ his resignation as commander of the Com
pany, desiring still to be considered as a
member of the same.’ After which he re
tired, leaving the corps to pursue such course,
as they might think fit to adopt. Lieut.
Martin then took the Chair.
Private John S. Hutchinson then offered
the following resolutions, which were secon
ded by Lieut. Stovall, and unanimously adop
ted :
Resolved, That as a Company and as
individuals, we lender to Capt. Robertson a
service of plate, ns a small token of the re
spect and esteem we entertain lor him as an
ofPer and a gentleman. And further,
Resolved , That a Committee be appointed
; to procure a suitable service of plate, with an
appropriate inscription, and to address him a
; letter tendering the same, together with a
’ copy ot these resolutions.
[ N Lieut. John W. Star, private W. J. Ad
janis and D. W. St. John, were appointed
that Committee.
Sergeant Milling then offered the following j
preamble and resolutions which were secon- j
ded by H. A. Kenriek, and unanimously i
adopted :
1 hat, whereas, our much esteemed and j
highly respected commander has thought!
proper to resign the command of the Rich
mond Blues, therefore
Resolved, 1 hat as officers and members of
the Richmond Blues, we feel it incumbent
upon us as a duly, not only to ourselves,
but to him, to exist no longer as a corps, and
that therefore the Richmond Blues be, and is
hereby dissolved. And further
Resolved, That F. M. Robertson, C. B.
Martin, John S. Hutchinson, D. W. St. John,
and W. A. Robertson, be appointed a com
mittee to settle the affairs of the corps.
On motion,
Resolved , That the proceedings of this
meeting be published.
The meeting then adjourned sine die.
C. B. MARTIN, Chairman,
W. A. Robertson, Act. Sec y.
Arrangement in Maine. — Gen. Scott. —W e
have the pleasure of iaying before our readers
the particulars of temporary arragement
l which has been made between Maine and
New Brunswick. All danger of immediate
hostilities is removed. The troops are to be
withdrawn from the border. Every thing
new rests upon the discretion and wisdom of
the councils of Great Britain.
We cannot-withhold our praise from the
administration, for the mingled prudence and
firmness it has displayed, both towards Great
Britain and towards our sister state of Maine.
We owe the adjustment principally to the
measures it has adopted in this trying exi
gency. Not the least of its judicious ar
rangements, was the appointment of General
Scott to this very important mission. It has
only confirmed the high opinion we have
uniformly expressed for him. We congratu
late him, indeed, on his success. He seems
equally fortunate as a pacificator, as a sol
dier. He knows how to make war—he seems
to know how to assist in ranking peace.—
But we are not s far transported by our en
thusiasm for the gallant Scott, as to re-echo
the fervid declaration f the N. Y. Herald,
that his services will ‘ induce the people to
decide upon selecting General Scott for the
person who is to fill the Presidential chav
next term .’ We cannot second the impulse
which has carried some of the citizens of
Rochester, New York, to nominate him as
the candidate for the Presidency. We can
not agree with the Herald, that with all their
high respect for Winfield Scott, ‘ this will he
quickly followed in Maine, Pennsylvania, Vir
ginia, and other states of tht Union.'—Rich
mond Enquirer.
MEMBERS ELECT OF TEE REDUCTION
CONVENTICM.
Baldwin ; Kenan, Haynes, Clayton.
Lurke ; Berrien, Lawson, Harris, Marsh.
Bibb; Bulloch , Baldwin,3. T. Lamar, R.
Bivins.
Bullock; Denmark. P. Cine.
Butts; Bailey, Stark, Lindsay.
Chatham; Charlton, Berrien, Wayne,
Jackson, Pooler.
Crawford; Crutchfield, Fowler, Hunter.
Clark ; Hull, Mitchell, Moore, Lowe.
Columbia; Ramsey, Crawford, Dawson,
and Harris.
Coweta; Long, B. Sims, sen., Echols,
.Bell.
Carroll; Beal, Chandler, Springer.
DeKalb; Bailenger, Diamond, Murphey,
and Palmer.
Dooly ; Cobb, Graham, Harmon.
Early ; Wilson, Patterson, Speight.
Elbert; Allen , White, Heard, Oliver.
Jefferson ; Gamble, Connelly , Brinson.
Greene; Dawson, Stocks, Daniel, Terrell.
Hancock; Smith, Baxter, Graybill, C. E.
Haynes.
Henrv; Murray, Johnson, Berk, Ward.
Harris; Crawford, Redding, Cato, Jones.
Hall; Law, Rives, Gill, Brown.
Houston ; Lawson, Dennard, Kelley,
Woodson.
Jackson; Varnum, Story, Mitchell, Me-
Cleskey. *
Jasper; Burney, Jordan, Wright, Shrep
shire.
Jones; Day, Gray, Flewellen, JYerthen.
Liberty; Walthour, Hines, Spencer.
Monroe ; Cabiness, Banks, Hannan, Holt,
and Johnson.
Meriwether; Render, Senteil, Fletcher,
Perdue.
Madison; Groves, Strickland. Harris.
Mclntosh; Jas. Troup, LeFiles , Hopkins.
Morgan; Porter, Swift, Floyd, Evans.
Muscogee; Calhoun, Williams, Jones, Mc-
Kenzie, Watson.
Newton; Bass, Perry, Colley, Crawford.
Oglethorpe ; Hardeman, Sims, Taylor, Jr.,
Thomas.
Pulaski; Bostwick, Whitfield, Bracewell.
Paulding; Walthall, Brison, Hubbard.
Pike; Adams, Martin, Neal, Pope.
Putnam; Branham, Hudson, Meriwether,
and Andrews.
Randolph ; Conyers, McLendon, Brook.
Richmond ; King, Shiv, Jenkings,Mealing.
Scriven; Perry, Humphrey, Wade.
Stewart; Boyenton , Gardner, Wood and
Gresham.
Talbot; Riley, Davis, Searcy, Mahone.
Troup; Dougherty, Haralson, Fears, Beas
ley, Phillips.
Tal iaferro; Chaffin, Stephens, Dickinson.
Telfair; McCall, Mooney.
Twiggs; Smith, Durham, Radford.
Wilkes; Wooten, Talbot, Callaway, Wil
lis.
Wilkinson ; S. Beall, C. Beall, Murphey.
Washington; Hast, Hodges, Smith, Long.
Warren ; Butt, Wilson, Roberts , Dennis.
The names in italics are State Rights.
Death of Hezekiah JViles. —We regret to
learn that this event, which his friends have
for some time anticipated, took place at Wil
mington, Delaware, yesterday morning. He
had been, for several years, in declining health,
the result of a life of great labor, as the pub
lisher of the ‘ Register,’ which has rendered
his name immortal. Mr. Niles was a printer
bv profession, of strong anti ardent
feelings, of considerable talent, and of nri in
dustry so untiring that he achieved results
which men of superior intellect, but less ca
pable of labor, would have failed to accom
plish. He was, besides, of a frank, honora
ble, independent and truly republican spirit,
simple in his manners and habits, affectionate
to his family, liberal to those whom he em
| ployed in the prosecution of his business, dis
interested and public spirited. His life was
one of great usefulness, and ‘few men in our
country have done more to connect their
names, in an honorable manner, with the
public enterprises in which the welfare of so
ciety is concerned.— Baltimore Chronicle.
Important from Philadelphia. —The Em
peror of El Dorado, king of kites, grand mod
erator of the life b’ood of the universe, the
Aristotle of pecuniary metaphysics, only true
patentee of the oil of palms and grand medi
tator of stock-market cholics, whose name
will go down to posterity like King John's
as of £ magna charta’ {great paper) ‘mem
ory he who has stretched his hundred
arms, like the cuttle fish, over many waters,
and like it too, ivas gifted with a most dex
trous power of hiding his locality in an ink of
his own :—the great and far named Nicholas
Biddle has abdicated his throne, and is prob
ably about to devote the remainder of his
I days nr the quiet avocation of raising Mortis
1 Mullicaulis. Te come down a little, the
i President of the Bank of the U. Stated has
resigned, and Thomas Dunlap, Esq., late
‘Assistant Cashier, has been unanimously
elected Director and President in his stead.
—Charleston Mercury.
SENTIi\ELf& HERALD.
COLUMBUS, APRIL 11, 1839.
‘ I am a man,-and am therefore interested
in whatever concerns mankind,’ was the no
ble declaration of a Roman patriot. And
who that is not grown up to narrow, con
tracted and bigoted views, or chained down
by the dark and melancholy gloom of igno
rance and superstition, but can feel the force
and majesty of the remark, and under the
influence of the emotions which it tends to
excite, feel his nature ennobled and exalted.
It comprehends in its embrace the vast re
gion of intellectual achievements ; all the
moral attributes of our nature ; all the so
cial, charitable and benevolent duties of life,
as well as all the sublime kindness of patriot
ism and love of country. The man who is
indifferent to the condition of society—who
takes no interest in the vast and daily accu
mulating means brought into requisition for
its amelioration and improvement, is not only
a useless drone and a negative cypher, but
something infinitely worse —he is an incubus,
a blight and a mildew ; a positive burthen
upon the great body politic which is com
pelled to carry him on. That real or affect
ed mdiflerence which some men manifest;
that lethargy of soul, or that useless stoicism
which same, nay, many men exhibit to every
thing around them, save only to their own
particular interest, is highly criminal in alj
rational natures, wherever to be found ; but
in an American citizen it is so in a superla
tive degree. Whatever may be the condi
tion of man in other countries; whatever ex
cuse, from the peculiar character of munici
pal regulations, he may with plausibility plead
for his inactive indifference, in this country’
where every citizen is a pillar of the state’
where the door is thrown wide open to all
who choose to enter; where honor, wealth
and preferment is, or should be, the reward
of virtuous merit; where the cause of liberty,
not only here, but we firmly believe through
out the world, is confided to the great body
of the people ; where artificial distinctions
and unmeaning titles give to one man no
superiority over another; not even a plausi
ble defence can be set up for this cold and
passive indifference. The age in which we
live is eminently a practical age ; action, con
stant, unremitting and powerful action, is its
genius, its soul, and its spirit. The days of
the Anchorite, the dreaming enthusiast, and
the purely speculative philosopher have gone
by. Whatever has ceased to be useful, or
rather never was useful, lias become worth
less ; and the man who labors to adorn his
mind with all the richness and beauty of
intellectual acquirements, but to sit dow.n
and indulge in useless intellectual reveries con
stituting himself the world in which alone he
lives and moves; turning his acquirements
to no practical account; denying to his coun
try and to society the benefit of his intellec
tual achievements, is as worthless to himself
and others as he who, from fortune, chance
or habit, is enveloped in the Egyptian dark
ness of ignorance. But the complaint is al
ready often made, that man, without any ad
ditional motives to excitement, is too much
prone ta party warfare and political diseus
tsion. None are more ready to condemn than
ourselves, that narrow, contracted and bitter
spirit with which parly contests are too often
carried on in this country, and perhaps we
might say especially in this state. None are
more ready to applaud the exertions of a
generous, noble and dignified discussion of
principle. The former is the offspring of
bigotry and ignorance, the latter is the child
of an elevated patriotism. Let it be en
couraged. There is no danger that we
have too much of it. In the collision of such
minds, guided by such principles, though be
ginning and progressing under mistaken or
improper views, the spark of truth is often
struck, and flashes upon the world with a
quickness, a force, a power and a benefit, tre
mendous and overwhelming.
‘ Error is harmless (says our great country
man) whilst reason is left free to combat it.’
The first great duty of an American citizen,
then, is to qualify himself to judge correctly,
so as to arrive at truth. This he cannot do
in his closet alone; he must mingle in the
world, and he both an observer of, and a
participant in, passing events.
To the rising generation, to those upon
whom the hopes of this great and glorious
country rest, the ideas thus brokenly and
imperfectly hinted at, should come home
with great force. They should be early
taught to properly appreciate their position.
They should be admonished that they have
no time to idle and trifle away, as we are
sorry ta see too many do, but that every mo
ment of their lives should be devoted to use
ful and beneficial employments, to qualifying
themselves for the great duties which they
have to perform. Parents, too, should learn
to feel that c their children are the property ©f
| their country.’
RESIGNATION OF MR. BIDDLE.
On the 29th ult. Mr. Nicholas Biddle, for
the last sixteen years President of the Bank
of the United States, tendered his resignation
to the Board of Directors of that institution,
which was accepted, and Mr. Thomas Dun
lap, heretofore at the head of the foreign
Exchange Department of the Bank, was
unanimously elected to fill the vacancy. The
reasons aliedged by Mr. B. for this step are,
first, the execution of a purpose which he
has long entertained, of retiring; and se
condly, increasing ill health, which seems to
render a relaxation from the arduous duties
of his station necessary. Rumor,
with her thousand tongues, not satisfied with
this plain, simple statement, has been busy in
assigning other reasons for this step: one,
and perhaps the most generally accredited
story was. that the Secretaryship of the U.
S. Treasury had been tendered him by Mr.
Van Buren, which he would accept and en
ter immediately upon the discharge of its
duties. To this report we give no credence ;
whatever, for two satisfactory reasons. In 1
the first place tve do not believe that Mr.
Van Buren, however high his opinion may
be of the ability of the Ex-President of the
United States Bank, to say nothing of the
fact that there is no vacancy in the Treasury
Department of the Government, woakl be!
willing so far to surrender his own opinions,
so repeatedly and calmly expressed, to those
ot an individual or partydirectly opposed
to him in sentiment. And in the second
place, we cannot readily believe that Mr. Bid
dle would so tar lose sight of sincerity as to
ailedge, as a reason for his withdrawal from
the Bank, his desire and necessity for repose,
and then immediately, upon the back of such
avowal, enter upon the discharge of duties
equally, nay, more arduous.
Whilst we acknowledge, with much pleas
ure, the great ability and dignified character
of Mr. Biddle, (for who, with an American
heart, bat must feel proud of American talent,
no matter in what ranks to be found) we
should most deeply regret to see conferred
upon him the appointment of Secretary of
the Treasury. We should regret it for many
reasons. In the first place it would certainly
be an abandonment of the great principles
for which Mr. \ an Buren and the Democrat
ic party throughout the Union has been so
long struggling ; and in the second place we
apprehend that by such appointment the
great cause ol Divorce, now we doubt not
daily brightening, would be blighted, if not
totally destroyed, and that this government
would continue to be what it was bv no means
intended to be, a paper and not a hard money
government.
THE PRESIDENCY.
We have said, and we now reiterate it,
that we can support neitfier Mr. Van Buren
or Mr. Clay for the next Presidency, and we
venture the prediction that the attempt to in
duce the State Rights party to take up either
of them, will end in its dismemberment and
final destruction. Many of the members of
that party, particularly the Sub Treasury
portion of it, will support Mr. Van Buren in
preference to Mr. Clay ; and by adding their
strength to the Union party, will carry the
state for Mr. Van Buren, in spite of every
effort which can be made to prevent it. If
a portion, therefore, of the State Rights par
ty were to organise a ticket in support of
Mr. Clay, whilst their defeat would be cer
tain, and even humiliating, they would drive
the Sub Treasury men more irrevocably into
the support of Van Buren, and any hope
which* may be indulged of hereafter concen
trating the party, for any purpose whatever,
would prove fallacious. We think, therefore,
with due deference to the opinion of some of
our friends, that the party should hold itself
aloof from the approaching struggle, unless it
saw proper to nominate some distinguished
citizen, not now before the people, and
against whom the sin of supporting a high
protective tariff, the United States Bank, and
the ‘ Force Bill,’ could not be urged.
We find the above strange and remarka
ble article in the ‘ Columbus Enquirer ’ of last
week. Was there ever such a bold and reck
less design, openly professed, t sacrifice the
dearest rights of the South to the care and
control of Federal aristocracy, with Henry
Clay at its head ? This trick was played off
upon the people of Georgia once before,
when John Quincy Adams was elected to
the Presidency. It was again repeated in
the election of Martin Van Buren, not, how
ever, with so much success, although the vote
of Georgia was thrown away upon Hugh L.
White. The ‘ Enquirer’ is now aware that
every vote which is lost to Mr. Van Buren,
is just so much gained for Mr. Clay and Fed
eralism. In order, therefore, to defeat the
election of Mr. Van Buren, and add as much
as possible to the success of Henry Clay, it
urges upon that portion of its party which is
favorable to the measures es the administra
lion, to withdraw their support from Mr. Van
Buren, and unite in throwing away the vote
of Georgia, at such an important crisis, upon
some other individual, perhaps Mr. Tyler,
of Virginia, a known and fast friend of Hen
ry Clay.
Will any one believe that the ‘ Enquirer’
is at heart opposed to Henry Clay ? Can he
believe so after reierring hack and reviewing
its columns, even for a twelye month past ?
Let him mark the hurras and huzzas which
have been shouted forth from that paper
from time to time, on account of Federal
victories at the North over the Democratic
party, and he will find that the acts of the
‘ Enquirer,’ in the demonstrations of its feel
ings, will tell but poorly with its professions.
We like to see men of pure and lofty princi
ples in politics, and as independent in their
expression; but the ‘ EuquirerV motto, as
expressed by itself, is to act without principle,
and indeed it observes it well.
But the ‘ Enquirer 5 wishes t© keep its party
united ; and for what? Why, forsooth, that
it may hereafter be united for some other
purpose; and what purpose ? Perhaps again
to throw away the vole of Georgia in favor
of some other Federal pretender. We are
indeed curious to know how the ‘Enquirer 5
could expect to keep its party united at such
an important crisis, when principles of such
deep importance, in which the weal or icoe of
the South is involved, have to be acted upon
by the people. It declares that one portion
of its party is in favor of the Independent
Treasury, and that the other portion is dia
metrically opposed to it; and yet urges these
two portions of its parfv, thus opposed in
principle, to unite, that those who are in fa
vor of the Sab Treasury shall sacrifice their
principles, and unit' 1 with those who are op
posed to it, for the purpose of throwing away
the vote of Georgia that Henry Clay may
reap the benefit.
The last sentence in the article, or rather
the closing recommendation, is rather ludic
rous. The w'riter must surely have fallen
into a gentle doze in his arrn chair, and the
ghost of Hugh L. White have fluted before
his dreaming vision. It recommends the no
mination of some distinguished individual, not
now before the people, upon whom the party
may unite for the Presidency, and against
whom the sin of the ‘Force Bill’ cannot be;
urged. Ay, indeed ; then you are not guilty
j of that abominable sin of supporting force bill j
[men? When have you washed yourselves
| of that abomination? in what peol did the
; sacred ablution take place ? and did yeu come
out wholly cleansed, pure and unclefiled ?
| We cannot close this article without urging
| upon the people the necessity of narrowly
; watching the movements and signs of the
times. Every attempt will be made to de
lude and mislead them from the true princi
ples of the South, and place their rights and
liberties under the control and management
of Henry Clay.
We understand that the Rt. Rev. Bishop
England will be in this city the last week of
the present month.
GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT.
Amongst others whose names have been
mentioned for the Presidency, is this gentle
man; anti his military services and high in
tellectual attainments are urged in his behall.
We will not deny to Gen. Scott the posses
sion of high scientific military ability; nor
but that he has rendered important services
to his country in that capacity ; yet we must
be permitted to say, that we do not think that
his recent military operations have added
much to his laurels; aud his historian will be
compelled to look to an early period of his
career for incidents and achievements to
dwell upon with delight. Though Gen. S.
has been long before the public, and, as a
military mau, has filled no inconsiderable
space in the public eye, we do not recoiled
ever before to have heard him suspected of
the possession of those high statesmanlike
and diplomatic qualities now attributed to
him.
AMUSEMENTS.—FINE ARTS.
Our citizens have been amused, and we
doubt not, delighted, by the recent exhibition
of the great moral paintings of Adam and
Eve, copied from Dubuffe. The temptation
is certainly beautiful. The conception is
clear and vivid. Its greatest heautv, in our
humble opinion, is the countenance of Adam,
as he receives the apple in his unclosed hand,
which expresses, most deeply and powerfully,
reverence, doubt and hesitation. Its great
est fault is the countenance of Eve, which
seems wanting in ehastness, delicacy and I
beauty. The Expulsion, however, to our
poor judgment, appears faultless. It is ter
rifically grand beyond conception. The
wrath of the Almighty is most tremendously
displayed. The war of nature is awfully
grand. The despair and devotion of Adam,
and the confiding wretchedness of Eve, is
strikingly manifest. Upon the whole, this
exhibition, to the descerning, must always be
one of high moral and intellectual interest.
The Dioramas are now exhibiting in a
room of the Granite Buildings, opposite the
Oglethorpe house, and so far it has been
well attended by fashionable houses. The
Dioramas are well deserving of patronage,
and those who visit them cannot fail to
be delighted. In this exhibition there is a
happy union of high professional ability and
great mechanical ingenuity displayed.
We copy the following excellent article
from the editorial columns of the Savannah
Georgian, ©f the Ist inst. which we would
recommend to the attentive consideration of
our readers:
PARTIES IN GEORGIA.
The two parties which have heretofore
been opposed to each other in this stale, are
being materially changed in their aspect. —
The course pursued by the Abolitionists of
the free states, has shown the necessity ®f a
combination of interests against the common
enemy, and. hence the party lines have been
removed altogether in some states. South
Carolina, for instance, has nobly deposited all
her prejudices on the altar of her country,
and sacrificed them to the public welfare.—
The first that was kindled on that altar has
spread its sacred flames lar and wide, and
has extinguished, perhaps, forever, the flaxen
bonds that hitherto tied up the hands of the
able and the good of both political parties,
and they are now found working together —
shoulder to shoulder —for the noble purpose
of exalting their state, and supporting that
government which has openly declared its
deadly hostility to the schemes of the Aboli
tionists.
In Georgia, not a few of that body known
as the State Rights party, have patriotically
determined to fling their prejudices to the
winds, and have declared their intention
to support the claims of the present incum
bent of the Presidential chair, in preference to
any other candidate now before the people!
Why have they done this? They who op
posed his election, and threw away the vote of
the state , on Judge White? Simply, be
cause they have tried him, and found that
he is not wanting. They were deceived
in him. They thought he was favorable to
the designs of those who would meddle with
our domestic institutions, and carry fire and
sword into our peaceful land. They have
discovered their error, and, like honest men,
have avowed it. Now, we who supported
his election, with all the devotedness which
a consciousness of right will always bestow,
do not take any credit to ourselves for the
act, We only did our duty as citizens—as
freemen. On the contrary, we freely admit
that many of our opponents were influenced
by the most patriotic motives in their opposi
tion to Mr. Van Buren. They were led to
believe him inimical to the South—and as
Southerns were, therefore, bound to oppose
him. Had vve entertained the same senti
ments, we should also have been found op
posing, instead of supporting his election.
But, now, when ihe battle has long been
over, when the echo of the trumpet that
sounded a retreat, has even died away ; when
the lbrces of both sides are drawn far away
from the field ; and, more especially, when
that contest was honorably decided, where is
! the necessity of keeping up old and invidious
| distinctions—which are only beneficial to the
i demagogue —the political trader—and highly
injurious to eur country?
We know, indeed, that on both sides of
the question, men will be found, who are
anxious to perpetuate the divisions shat have
taken place in our councils, as one people—
who would flourish instead of burying the
hatchet. But we also know, that these men
are few and weak, and must yield to the ma
jority. What might not Georgia be, with
all her great resources, if she was only united?
What slate in the South has advantages that
are superior to hers? None, surely none.
Are her sons, then, matricides—would they
destroy their mother ? No ! they will rally
round and defend her. They will work for
her, and make her contented and happy.—
But she requires the aid of all her children at
the present hour ; she demands all the assis
tance they can afford—and she insists ihat
they shall be united to accomplish it. She
does not want one half of them to be de
stroying, while the other half is planting—
nor one half to burn, while the other is reap-
I ing. No. She wishes them to remember that
! they are all her children—that what is gnd
I for one is good far the rest. Will they say
! her nay? We hope not.
Men of Chatham ! to you we look first, to
slep forward and commence the goad work.
We care not what you call yourselves, for
we only wish you to belong to the party of
Georgia ! Lay down all your prejudices,
and meet each other as brothers. Your own
Savannah requires your aid. She has been
oppressed and trampled on—her just claims
have begp refused; and this lias been done,
it is said, because her own people have been
disunited. You have talent and genius
amongst you —you have patriotism and devo
tion to your common country —but a want of
state pride, with an uncontrolled party spirit,
has blighted your prospects, and if persever
ed in, will utterly prostrate you.
The position of South Carolina is often re
ferred to as an example to Georgia. Let us
not forget that there is but one party in that
state, at this day. Nine hundred and ninety
nine, perhaps, out of a thousand, of the citi
zens-ot that state, are supporters of the ad
ministration of Mr. Van Buren, and will
vote li#r his re-election. This is the true se
cret ot their great unanimity—this is why
they are able to advance the interests of Ca
rolina, in every state of the South and West.
* ll,e patriot cares not for men. He goes
lor measures. Those who formerly opposed
the administration, tchen they thought it wnt
wrong, ‘Are bound now to support it, if they
think it is t ight. YVe love consistency. Ir
is a blight jewel, but we would never wish
to he consistent in error alone. Truth and
justice are the sure guides of consistency, and
a truly honest man can never be an inconsis
tent one.
We hold forth the olive branch @f peace
internal discord has mangled our bekwed
country long enough. Let the good of all
parties carry that branch abroad, and spread
its benign influence through all the land. We
shall continue this subject.
For the Sentinel and Herald.
THE LITERATURE OF THE AGE.
It has often been asserted, with great truth
and force, that the moral and intellectual con
dition of man, at any particular period of the
world, was to be judged of by its literary and
scientific productions. By these means, we of
tiie present, form our judgement of ages
which have gone before us; and were we to
take military achievements, extent f domin
ion, and even the stale of political wisdom
alone for our guide, we should often fall im
measureablv short of the truth. By this
standard we are to be judged by after gene
rations ; and in proportion as our literary
productions are found to be chaste, philoso
phical, dignified and manly, or frothy, pue
rile and imflammatory, will that judgment be
rendered by the discerning, at least, either to
our honor or disgrace. We have no hesita
tion in believing that the future historian of
the literature of'the present age, will find
much to admire, however dark the general
horizon may appear; there will he at least a
few luminous spots, which will continue to
shine forth with a brilliant refulgence, fixing
the attention and admiration of myriads of
intellectual beings, who are yet to enter upon
the stage of existence. Byron, Buiwer,
Scott and Mclntosh, can never die. What
ever may be considered the moral effect of the
writings of the two first named, they have
stamped upon their productions the impreta
of genius, which will continue to shed around
their names a halo of glory as imperishable
as the language in which they wrote. Os the
latter it may be truly said, that they show
themselves not only to he the children of gen
ius, but the firm and steady defenders of pri
vate and public virtue. Our own country
too, young as she is, deeply devoted, both
from choice and necessity, as every class of
our citizens have been, and continue to be, to
the purely practical and business pursuits ;
destitute as we are of a class of men purely
and professionally literary, has not been
wanting in those who, in such pursuits, have
shed lustre upon the American name, and
who thus give an earnest of what we trust
our nation is ultimately destined to achieve.
It were an invidious task to designate anv of
our countrymen particularly, nor indeed is it
necessary, if Americans feel that proper spirit
of pride which they should, and which will
urge them to examine all of American pro
ductions that are worthy of the time and
trouble, in preference to those of any other
country.
But we have thus presented but one side
of the case ; the other is much less pleasing
and cheering. In the first place, the standing
of the public press ir. this country, as well as
in England, is far, in our humble opinion,
from being high toned and dignified ; and we
deeply regret to believe that the freedom of
the press, the boast of our countrymen, and
dear to ihe heart of every patriot, is often
carried into the grossest licentiousness. We
speak merely of the political press. It is ge
nerally wanting in candor and dignity, in an
elevation of sentiment and feeling, in chaste
ness and refinement; it often ministers to the
worst passions of the multitude, and its ten
dency is rather to arouse the worst passions
©four nature, than to strengthen and encour
age our moral and social habits. It often de
scends not only to low slang, but in many
cases to coarse billingsgate abuse. There is
too, another species of writing which bar,
we believe, originated principally with the
letter writers of the day, and which may.per
haps be properly designated as the Downing
school, which in our humble opinion, whilst
it has tended to the promotion of no desirab'e
object, has had a tendency, in no inconsider
able degree, to corrupt and degrade the pub
lic taste. For ourselves, whilst others pro
fessed themselves the passionate admirers of
this school of writers, we never have been
able to detect any merit in them. It cannot
be said that they possess wit, for the highest
claims to which they can aspire is but to hu
mor. If you think it useful I mav pursue
this subject hereafter. aristides.
For Ihe Sentinel and Herald.
PUBLIC MEETING IN TAI.BOTTON.
April, 3, 1833.
A representation having been made to the
citizens of Talbot county, that on the Ist inst.
a high outrage had been committed on (lie
feelings of one of their most worthy and esti
mable citizens, Dr. James Y. Gardner, while
in the just prosecution of his legal rights, by
a lawless mob, in the town of Columbus, a
large number of citizens met in the Court
House, in the town of Talbotton, for the pur
pose of enquiring into the matter, so far as
facts could he obtained, and of expressing
their feelings thereon.
The following facts appeared to the meet
ing :
A year since, Dr. Gardner bound himself,
(by request) as security, upon two proraissoTy
notes, of two hundred and twenty-five dol
lars each, made by one Mrs. Seaman, of Co
lumbus. He was sued thereon to the spring
term, 1839, of Muscogee Superior Court. A
few days since he went to Columbus with a
view of affecting some arrangement w T ith
Mrs. Seaman that might release him from lia
bility to pay the notes. He found her net
ready or willing to come to any terms, and
also learned from her that she would leave
the state in a few days. Thereupon he pray
ed out hi3 bill of ‘ne exeat. 5 Mrs. Seaman,
refusing to accept of proffered security, was
taken to jail, from which she was rescued by
a mob. The mob, at the head of which
were some who claim to he gentlemen, then
proceeded to the hotel of Dr. Gardner, threat
ening him, if he could be found, with vio
lence. The doctor was consequently reduced
to the necessity of leaving the house to avoid
an affray.
The meeting having learned these facts,
on motion, B. B. Pace, Milton Williams, F.
M. Lawrence, H. P. Smead, A. W. Sneed,
and Barnard Hill, w’ere appointed a commit
tee to draft a preamble and resolutions ex
pressive of the sense of the meeting on those
facts. The committee, after a short absence*
reported the following preamble and resolu
; tions:
Whereas, deep insult and disgraceful out
rage have been offered to this county gene
rally, and to this community in particular, in
the person of ©ne f our most worthy and ex
cellent citizens, engaged in his lawful busi
ness, bv a inb in the city of Columbus.
Resolved, That this meeting feels high in
dignation at the outrage attempted, and ab
horrence for the persons engaged therein,
whether their stations be high or low.
Resolved, That as it is proper the people
should know the injury which has been in
flicted on one of them, and the contempt
thrown upon their laws, that the proceedings