Newspaper Page Text
From the Charleston Mercury.
THE feIIITISH OUTRAGE. THE CASES
OF THE COMET, ENCOMIUM AND
ENTERPKIZE.
The right to compensation, in the cases of
the two lormer vessels, is admitted by the
British Government, the dispute being only
as to the amount; while compensation is to
tally refused in the case of the Enterprise, on
t':e ground of the passage of the British K
maneipation Bill previous to the seizure of
the slaves in that vessel.
Lord Palmerston admits * that if a vessel
driven by shipwreck or distress into a British
port, containing irrational animals or inani
mate things, the owner eauid not justly he
deprived of his property under tne operation
of a municipal iaw to winch lie had not sub
jected himself.’ Tne controversy turns then,
as Mr. Stevenson says, on (be principle as
serted by liie British government, that per
sons are not property. If liiis were true,
there would have been no more rigli* to re
dress in the cases ol the Comet and Empo
rium than in the case of the Enterprize, for
the passage of Great Britain’s emancipating
municipal law iri the interval, could not affect
•American property; and if slaves cannot now
be property in the possession oi Americans,
neither could they have been previous to the
Emancipation Bill. But that they are as
much property norv as they ever were and
that they always were rightfully the subject
of .property—we will show, by again quoting,
the authority of British judicial decisions,
which vve gave more fully in this paper in
1835—as these authorities, though alluded to
in a general manner, are not specially refer
red to Mr. Stevenson; and as they are de
cisive on the point against Great Britain.
Sir William Grant, in delivering judgment j
in 1810, in a case where the questions raised
were —first, whether slavery were against the
laws of Nations; and secondly, if so, wheth
er the Slave Trade were not also against
them —said—
‘ IVe cannot legislate for other countries ,’ —
* We cannot compel the subjects of other Na
tions to observe any other than the first, and
generally received principles of universal Law .’
Here we have the decision turning on the
municipal regulations ot the British Empire,
that the Slave trade, and of course Slavery,
is not contrary to the law of nations.
Subsequently, the Diana, a Sweet!ish ves
sel, was condemned at Sierra Leone ; upon
appeal the sentence was reversed. Sir Wil
liam Scott, in reversing it, said, that the Court
was willing to go against the Slave Trade,
as far as the law of Nations, and the princi
ples recognized by English tribunals would
warrant, but he could not proceed on a sweep
ing anathema, ‘ against PROPERTY be
longing to the subjects of foreign independent
States.’ ‘ Our own country,’ he says, * has
secured the abolition of the Slave Trade’ (and
now slavery) ‘as far as British subjects are
concerned; but it claims no tight of enforcing
its prohibition against the subjects of those
States which have not adopted the same
opinion, &c.’
Afterwards, in 1817, in the case of Le
Louis , Sir William Scott said—
‘Personal Slavery arising out of forcible
captivity is coeval-with the earliest history of
mankind’— ‘ is recognized by the codes of the
most polished nations of antiquity—under the
light of Christianity itself, the possession of
persons so acquired has been in every civil
ized country invested with the character of
property , and secured as such by all the pro
tections of law.’ * * * ‘I fear it would
have been an extravagant assumption in any
Court of the Law of Nations to pronounce
lhat this practice, the tolerated, the approved,
the encouraged object of law, was prohibited
by that law.’ ‘ There are nations which ad
here to the practice. What is the doctrine
of our Courts of the Law of Nations, rela
tively to them ? Why, that their practice is
to be respected, that their Slaves, if taken, are
to be restored to them, and if not taken under
innoeent mistake, restored with costsand dama
ges All this surely upon the ground, that
uch conduct on the part of any State, is no
departure from the law of nnlions.’
But it seems lhat the law of nations is now
no longer to protect the rest of the world, be
cause England, in the plenitude of her om
nipotence, has issued her ‘ sic volo, sic jubeo;’
and passed her West India Apprenticeship
Bill! This matter can never be permitted to
rest here.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
MR. CLAY AND ABOLITION.
The speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate of
the United States Congress, against Aboli
tion, was received by many with astonish
ment, who had carefully watched the pro
gress of the principle of emancipation and
the conduct of its advocates. Mr. Clay has
long been an active supporter of the Coloni
zation Society, and is now the President of
the parent Society in Washington City. That
the Colonization Society and the Abolitionists
do not disagree about the object to be at
tained—emancipation of all the slaves in the
United States—but only about the time when
it should be accomplished and the means to
be used in effecting it, will be fully shewn by
the sentiments often expressed and measures
recommended, i'he Society not only look to
its measures as tending directly to produce
ultimately entire emancipation, hut bv its in
fluence to control the action of the State and
Federal Governments on this subject, so as
to cause the public treasure to be applied in
aid of the same end. This may to many
appear a little startling; but if often-repealed
declarations are evidence of intentions, and
ends had in view, it is certainly true. The
African Repository and Colonial Journal will
be alone referred to, because no other paper
happens just now to be at hand: though al
most every speech or resolution prior to the
very great indignation aroused in ihe South
by the interference of others with their do
mestic institutions and property, would shew
the same. In No. 61, for March, IS3O, page
11, there are these words of a speech of Mr.
Clay on Colonization, delivered in Lexington,
Kentucky: ‘They’ (the banks) ‘know well
the wrongs which their ancestors suffered at
the hands of our ancestors, and the wrongs
which they believe they continue to endure,
although they may be unable to avenov
them.’
And again: ‘Their brethren have been
liberated in every part of the Continent of
only the United Slates and
the Brazils. I have just seen an act of the
President of the Reputlic of the United Mex
ican Slates, dated no longer ago than the 15th
ot September last, by which the whole of
them in that Republic have been emancipated.
A great effort is now making in Great Bri
tain, which tends to the same ultimate effect,
in regard to the negro slaves in the British
W est Indies.’ And again, in the same speech,
6a ™ e . °* P. a S e 20, he says: ‘To transport
to Africa fifty thousand persons, would cost
one million of dollars upon the estimate be
fore stated.’ * * * *
And is it that sum, one-tenth part of what
the United States now annually appropriates,
as a sinking fund, without feeling it, and
which will soon not be requisite to the ex
tinction of the national debt, capable of pro
ducing any suffering or creating any impedi
ment in the execution of other social objects
ot American communities? What a vast
moral debt to Africa, to the World and to
our common God, should we not discharge
by the creation of anew sinking fund *of
such a paltry sum ?’
In the 99th No. for April, ISS3, page 1,
speaking of Professor Dew’s able review of
)hs outrageous speeches made in the Virgin
ia Legislature in favor of Abolition in 1831-2.
this African Repository says: ‘ This Review
abounds in sentiments which might have
been tolerated a century ago, but which are
at war with the humane and liberal spirit
which now animates th Christian world.’
And again: ‘ There ts a serious disposition to
look the evil of slavery (nothing less!) in tbe
face, and to cast about li>r some method of
diminishing or extirpating it.’
And again, in the same number, page 2:
i 1 We rejoice that we live to see this subject
i thrown into the vast field in which are to be
I tbund so many of the prime interests of the
. human race —the same Irom which the an
cient tragic poets derived their ground work;
the waifare between liberty and necessity, or,
more accurately, the sublime strife between
the desirable and the actual.
Slave-holder of Virginia, read over and
over again the above extract, a fid then buy,
borrow*or beg the pamphlet and read the
| whole article. In the last mentioned number,
page 30, is the following resolution of some
society in Massachusetts : ‘Resolved, That
the system of African Colonization, as adopt
ed by the American Colonization Society,
merits (lie patronage and support of all who
are opposed to slavery, and of ail who are
desirous of elevating the intellectual and mor
al condition of our free colored population.’
And again, same number, page 54, Mr.
Gurley says, in a letter to the Colonization
Society, ‘ Two things have operated in the
United States against emancipation —lst. Ap
prehensions, on the part of the South, of rash
and dangerous interference from the North ;
and 2d!y. Fears that Abolition could not be
effected without producting evils greater than
slavery itself. Bv the Colonization Society,
both the obstacles have been in a great meas
ure removed. Southern men adopted the plan
of the Society at its origin, not only as be
nevolent in itself, but one which, if success
ful, would in their opinion, be extensively
; adopted by individuals and States with a view
to emancipation.’
Further extracts would occupy too much
space; but they could be multiplied without
number from the above periodical, as well as
from other papers,and from speeches of South
ern men in Northern cities, by going a few
years back.
To these extracts must be added a part of
a letter of Mr. Clay, to the Society in Louis
ville, Kentucky, dated Sd September, 1836,
and to be found on pages 316-17 of the 140th
No. of the Repository for October, 1836. He
says— ‘ In my opinion, the project of coloni
zing the free blacks on the coasts ol Afri
ca, is entirely practicable, and only requires
the necessary aid, to ensure its success —that
aid, the Governments of the Union and of
the States, are fully competent to render.’
And again, in that same letter, he says—• It
is greatly to be regretted, that our Govern
ments have not taken more efficient hold of
the scheme, and given it their countenance,
sanction and patronage. I think they will,
sooner or later, ultimately do iu’
All these declarations of opinions and of
objects had in view, passed almost unnoticed
at the several times of their being put forth ;
but, it is expedient to call the attention to
tilings passed. What would a slaveholder
say or think of a recommendation by Mr.
Clay, when President, to Congress, to appro
priate one million out of the Treasury, to
send his own slaves to Africa ?—and that, too,
after almost the whole profits of the labor of
those slaves had been indirectly abstracted by
the operation of the Tariff, or hv having dis
tributed the proceeds of the sales of public
lands, which should have gone into the Trea
sury, to help to pay the expenses of the Go
vernment, and thereby enable Congress to
reduce the taxes?— And I ask any man . who
is a friend of the Rights of the States ; who
is opposed to Federal Usurpation, and especial
ly to the Abolitionists, to say , how he can sup
port that man as President , that man, who as
soon as he becomes the Chief Magistrate , may
in his very first Message, recommend to Con
gress to take and exercise jurisdiction upon
this most important subject of Slavery ? No
such power ever teas given—No such poio-r
teas ever designed to be given, in any form
whatsoever, over any slaves, icithin the bor
ders of the United States.
LEVI WOODBURY.
The question upon which the Federal par
ly have aimed to ride into power, is that of
the finances, and it is not strange, therefore,
that they have sought to destroy the financial
reputatjon of the Secretary of the Treasury.
It is surprising, however, that they should
have dared to attack his character as a man,
and have had the hardihood to direct their
relentless warfare against his integrity and
uprightness. All thi3 however, they have
done , and done, too, with a degree of viru
lence, and a depth of malice, which can
hardly he paralleled even in the annals of
their own corrupt history. All their efforts,
as our readers know 7, have been directed, for
the last lew years, to accomplish his utter
overthrow, and to eradicate from the heart
of the people that regard lor him which he
had well and honorably earned by a iong
course of faithful public service. That they
have not succeeded in their purpose, is most
certainly no fault of theirs. They have
prosecuted it with untiring zeal and industry,
and have employed for its accomplishment
the whole force of their party management.
Tite efforts of their leading orators, and the
service of their most industrious commit lee
men have been engaged in the shameless
work. They made it the great and engros
sing measure of the last Congress. They
packed a committee, even, for the sole pur
pose of effecting it—a committee at whose
head the murderous Wise endeavored to
show as much skill in destroying character,
as he had before exhibited in destroying life.
They fished among informers, too, and inter
ested witnesses to hook up, if they could, the
evidence suited to their malignant purpose.—
No means have been so vile, no instruments
so contemptible, that they have not been wil
ling to use them against the ohject of their
united hatred. And yet they have failed ;
utterly, wholly, and completely failed.
Give me the committee, said Wise, and I
pledge myself to impeach him. The com
mittee was given him, in his own way, and
composed of a majority of his own chosen
friends. And why lias he not performed his
[promse? Why has he violated the pledge
i which lie gave with such audacious assu
rance and reckless boldness? There is no
(difficulty in answering these questions. It
was because the integrity and ability of Mr.
W oodbury placed him so far above the at
tacks of his opponents, that they felt their
; utter inability to injure him, and chose rather j
to back out from the position which they had
taken, than to advance any further in their
j course of calumny and crime. It was be
jcause they saw and feared the gathering in
idignation of the people, who were looking
| with amazement and disgust upon their reck
i less proceedings, and who could not mistake
j tiie persecution which was going ° n against
I an individual for fair and honorable investiga
tion. The result of that persecution, so far
as its purpose is regarded, is utterly useless.
— Eastern ( J\le. .) Argus.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
From the Bay State Democracy, Extra.
Boston, April 2,1839.
MIDDLESEX DEMOCRACY TRIUMPH!!
I Parmf.nter elected in the fourth district.
The election in the 4th district has result
ed in the election of Mr. Parmenter, by a
vote which must be cheering to the Iriendsof
Democracy, not only in the old Bay State,
! but in every State in the Union. Notwith
| standing the tremendous efforts of the Feder
al party —kept up with untiring vigor, from
. tiie first trial in November to the last—the
! Democracy have gone on increasing their
: numbers, and firm m the faith of their uiti
j mate triumph, until a spendid victory has
j crowned their patriotic labors. Mr. Parmen
ter has received about 500 more votes than
on the third trial, and about NINE HUN
DRED more than he received in 1837. Thus
is the course of the Democracy ONWARD.
The Democrats of the Fourth District
have done well. They have set a good ex
ample ol perseverance and undeviating de
votion to the cause ot right, which, it but
litllowed by the Democracy throughout the
State, will next fall place Massachusetts on
the side of, and shoulder to shoulder, with the
Democracy of the nation.
Massachusetts has now doubled her rep
resentation in Congress, and will give two
votes for a * Constitutional Treasury,’ and in
opposition to an unconstitutional United States
Bank.
The following will probably not vary much
from the official returns.
Parmenier. Brooks. Scattering Abolition.
- 4972 4432 512
Parmenter’s majority over Brooks 540 ;
majority over Abolition candidate 4460; ma
jority over botli 28.
CONNECTICUT ELECTION.
The result. —We lay before our readers
returns from nearly every town in the State,
ft will be seen that the Federal ticket lias
prevailed, by a greatly diminished majority.
We shall, after the smoke has passed off, re
view the battle field. The Democrats have
done their duty manfully, and although not
victorious, vve are not conquered. The Fed
eral party are shouting for joy because they
are not entirely defeated. Judging from their
conduct, one would suppose that they were
astonished that their majority of 6,000 last
year had not entirely vanished. Mr. Ells
worth is re-elecied by a plurality over the
Democratic candidate of about 2.500. Last
year his plurality was over 5,600. So it will
be seen that vve have reduced the Federal
majority more than three thousand in a single
year. Last year vve had but about fbrv
Representatives; this year vve have elected
over eighty. We have gamed five Senators
certainly, and very probably one or two more.
This result, although not equal to our most
sanguine expectations, ought to satisfy us.
We must immediately commence prepara
tions for another contest. Our principles,
founded as they are upon the immutable rock
of troth and justice, must and will prevai’.—
Our cause is onward, and it will continue to
be onward until Connecticut shall be thor
oughly redeemed.— Hartford Times.
THE CONNECTICUT ELECTION.
We have passed through one of the most
bitter contests winch has ever been experi
enced in Connecticut, and have achieved re
sults of a most satisfactory character. It is
true, vve have not obtained a complete victo
ry; but vve have done so much that every
Republican can rest sure that Connecticut
will sustain the Democratic cause. In this
county we have lost one member of Congress
by a small majority ; but we have elected our
sheriff and one of the three Senators; and
out of twenty-four members of the House of
Representatives chosen, vve have secured
twelve. The Federal majority in the county,
which last year was 1,026, has been reduced
to less than 100. In this town, the Federal
majority, which last year was 260, has been
reduced to 152. In this district the Federal
ists have obtained their Senator by only
about 30 majority. Surely vve may sav vve
iiave achieved a glorious triumph. Connec
ticut is safe. Let every Republican, then,
maintain ground. The Whigs regard the
result as a signal defeat to their cause. Their
conduct has] been unusually circumspect, and
they are evidently preparing to set down in a
minority. There has been nothing of those
disgraceful proceedings which have usually
characterized their succes—no insulting peo
ple in the streets —no getting drunk —but, on
the other hand, an evident exhibition of a de
termination to try to behave iike men. Again
we say this is a most joyful result. The prin
ciples of Democracy will triumph. The hum
buggery and proscription of Wh'ggerv will
be done away, and our people will ere long
see tbe Government of the Stale in tbe bands
of men who will administer it fim the good of
the whole community.— Norwich (Conn.)
Aurora.
From the Arkansas Gazette.
THE CREEK INDIANS.
Creek Nation. March 15, 1839.
A meeting between the chiefs of the two
districts (the Upper and Lower towns) of this
nation, took place on the 17lh ultimo, being
the first time they have been assembled to
gether in council for upwards of sixteen
years, during which time they have been con
tinually at variance with, and living under
different laws, chiefs, and regulations, from
each other, and forming in every respect,
with the exception of language and a few
ancient customs, an entirely distinct and se
parate nation, living even at the present time
apart. The lower towns, or Mclntosh party,
residing upon, and in the vicinity of the Ar
kansas river, and acknowledging Roly Mcln
tosh as their principal chief; and the others,
who formed tiie emigration of 1836 and 1837,
having fixed their habitations upon the two
forks of ilie Canadian, and have Opothhvo
holo as their head man and chief counsellor,
though nominally Little Doctor ranks as
their principal chief.
It was an interesting scene. Near 1500
warriors were assembled on the council
ground, about 1000 of whom formed the par
ty from the Upper Towns, who had come
with the intention of making peace and sitting
in council with their brethren of the Lower
Towns.
After performing their pence rites and ce
remonies, (which were highly interesting,
though I conceive ft too tedious to enter into
a description in detail,) the several chiefs de
livered their talks , in which was displayed a
great deal of native eloquence, for the Creeks
pride themselves greatly upon their oratory,
and very justly too. for the manner of their
delivery, and the ease and grace of their ges
tures, are very pleasing; the general ohject
of which was to congratulate each other upon
the prospect now before them of their whole
tribe enjoying the benefits of the union now
effected between them, and which they hoped
for tiie future would bestow peace, and dis
tribute all its attendant blessings upon them.
Having concluded, they called upon the agent
(or his talk, which interpreted to them by
Gen. Chilly Mclntosh. r
After addressing himself to the chiefs and
warriors of the Muscogees, he expressed his
great satisfaction at seeing them meet each
other after so lorjg an absence, and more so
at seeing so many evidences of a good under
standing being effected between them, and
hoped they would now have a speedy and
amicable adjustment of all their difficulties.
He reminded them of the time when their
forefathers lived, how they kindled their fires
and smoked the pipe of peace, how they lay
down and arose in peace, and there was none
to make them afraid. That at length their
hearts became wicked, they warred with
each other, ami stained the ground with the
blood of their own people. He desired them
to remember the great strength of their tribe
at that time, since which, what a great re
duction had taken place by war and sickness !
He desired them also to reflect upon the oc
currences of their travel to their new home,
how almost every hollow tree had become a
grave for some of them, and that their path
was now become white with the bleached j
bones of the Muscogees. That all these mis- j
fortunes were brought on by their own wick-!
edness, and if continued, would only termi
nate with the destruction of their whole trihe.
Thev now, however, had kindled anew fire,
for thev had taken each other by the hand,
and handed the pipe of peace from one to
another. He hoped he now saw them with
their hearts clean and free from malice and
hatred toward eah other, that he had re
ceived instructions from their great father at
Washington to right them if possible, and
that he would be giad when he heard of the
union of his children the Muscogees, and he
concluded by saying that he hoped they were
fully aware of the many advantages that
would necessarily arise from a continuance
of the friendly feelings they had manifested
towards each other at this time, that by per
severing in this way they would soon disperse
loose dissensions which had caused them so
much uneasiness and trouble, and by iheir
now turning- their attention to the cultivation
of their fields, they would soon become pros
perous and contented ; and although they
had the reputation of being the best farmers
of any of the other nations of their neighbors,
they having no difficulties to combat with,
could now soon equal tbe whites in the ap
pearance of their farms, and live quantity of
their produce; and, in bidding farewell, he
imped that the present manifestations of peace
and friendship would long continue with
them.
Great credit is due Col. Logan for the ex
ertions he has taken to effect this reconcilia
tion, for it was not until after repeated meet
ings of the chiefs of the Upper Towns, that
his interference proved of any avail; for af
ter twice appointing a time and place, and
giving him an assurance that they would
amicably settle their differences in council,so
often did they disappoint him; and nothing
hut the most untiring ass.duity at the third
attempt prevailed.
It will be probably recollected that no small
degree of apprehension was felt throughout
Arkansas on account of the reports circulated
last summer of die intended hostilities of the
Creeks; and though they at that time had
not the slightest intention ot committing any
hostile depredations upon the whites, yet they
were torn with intestine commotions; diffi
cult ies of a serious nature were brewing be
tween the two parties, which, had they been
suffered to become ripe, would eventually
have broken out into open war, which in all
probability would have extended to the
whites. Thus by this reconciliation, all ap
prehended difficulties are dissipated, and the
probability is that peace will become, for a
considerable space of time, an inhabitant of
the Creek nation, and the whites have now
an assurance that they have little to fear from
any hostile intentions of the Muscogees.
A RESIDENT OF THE CREEK NATION.
Important Fact —The Yankee Farmer in
forms us, that in 1835 or 6, he purchased a
small lot of cocoons, which were kept through
the summer and following winter. About a
year after, to bis astonishment, for he had
supposed the chrysalis stifled, a miller came
out of a cocoon from that parcel.
He also states slates that during the past
season, (183S) he took of the eggs produced
from the first crop of worms, placed them in
a tin pail, covered with a tin lid, and over
which was laid a cloth saturated with bees
wax and tallow. This bucket he suspended
in a well so as just to touch the water at the
side of the pump. The worms from this
bucket he used during the summer as he need
ed them, when the shelves or hurdles were
emptied, or as he had a supply of foliage to
feed the worms when hatched. Some of
these were hatched and spun in September,
and even so late as the I0:!i November, hv
means of a fire—lie had a fine fresh crop of
eggs.
From the above remarks it strikes us that
a new plan may he successfully adopted of
producing eggs, anti having them fresh and
good at any desirable season of the year.
This is to place the cocoons in a situation
where the temperature will he near the freez
ing point, hut yet in a dry place. The chry
salis will remain stationary, and when the
eggs .are wanted during the ensuing season,
instead of having the eggs hatched in the
otdinary wav, let them be hatched as want
ed, by bringing tliertAo a proper tempera
ture.
From the Philadelphia Courier and Enquirer.
jyjorus Multicaulis. —Letters received by
the last packets from France, state that the
sales of trees and cuttings of the Morus Mul
ticaulis has ceased, in consequence of the
greatly increasing demands from this coun
try. The nurserymen there had not been
prepared for such unusual and unexpected or
ders, and after increasing their prices to 200
or 300 per cent., they finally quit selling their
plants at any price, in order to cut them up,
to propagate an additional supply for next
season.
It has been frequently slated in the papers
that the Moms Multicaulis is too tender to
withstand the severity of the winters in Penn
sylvania, and that the Alpine and Moretti, or
Morns Macrophylla, were better adapted to
the climate. It is believed that this opinion
is erroneous, as there are now growing at the
Bertram Botanic Garden, three miles south
west from Philadelphia, several trees of the
two last varieties, which were received from
France ten years since, (soon after the Morus
Multicaulis had been procured from Manilla.)
The plants were slightly protected from the
cold the first winter, since which they have
never been sheltered, nor suffered the least
injury from the frost. The largest tree of
the Multicaulis is eighteen feet high and ten
inches in circumference. The leaves are
larger than those of the Macrophylla, and of
a smoother and finer texture; they are pre
ferred by tfie silk worms. Both varieties ap
pear to be quite as hardy as the white mul
berry, (Morns Alba.)
We are informed from private sources, that
on last Saturday, a poor man, who was mov
ing westward with his wile and three little
children, ar.d driving a small drove of sheep,
and perhaps a cow or two, which was driven
by his family, on arriving at Florence, and
while passing through, met with a citizen of
that place who rode into his flock and caused
him some trouble to keep it together, when
the mover informed the individual that lie
must not do so again or he would throw a
rock at him, upon which some words ensued
and the individual again disturbed the flock.
When the mover, as near as we can learn,
threw at him; upon this the troublesome
man got off his horse, went into a grocery,
got a gun and came out and deliberately
shot the poor stranger in the presence of his
wife and little children. The wounded man
then made an effort to get into some house,
when his murderous assailant overtook and
stabbed him to the heart with a bowie knife.
This revolting scene, we are informed, oc
curied in the presence of many citizens, who
report says, never even lifted their voices in
defence of the murdered man. The blood of
a stranger rests upon them, and the cries of
a widow and three prior little orphans, among ;
stranger?, who suffered a father’s blood to be
spilt, lor so trivial a cause, must certainly
pierce their very hearts, and send the ven
gen nee of remorse to the guilty soul of such
a diabolical murderer.— Morgan (Ala.) Obs.
Canadian Affairs. —Despatches were
brought here yesterday from Sir John Col-!
borne, by Cos!. Clive of the British army, and
were forwarded to the British government by
Hie packet ship Independence.
It appears that the burnings on both sides
of the Canadian Frontier still continue. Both
the British and American military authorities
endeavor, as much as |*>ssib!e, to check them,j
but the people are so much excited that they I
will not stay unburnt. At Missisquoi Bay, i
the refugees burned some Canadian proper
ty —and, by wav of retaliation, the Canadi
ans came over over to Highgate, Vermont,
and made a fire of a barn there. General!
Mason of St. Albans, has called out 200 men ,
to p-otect the lines.—JV. Y. Herald, April 9. !
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, APRIL 18* TBB9.
REDUCTION CONVENTION. ,
This body will meet on the first Monday
in May next, for the purpose of the reduction
and equalization of the general assembly. It
is conjectured by some, that the act of the
Legislature, convoking this body, will be dis
regarded by them, and that the restrictions
thereby imposed will be rendered inoperative.
We think that the act is obligatory, and
should be so regarded by the Convention, on
the ground that it was no more than a pro
position by the Legislature to the people, to
meet in their respective counties, on the first
Monday in April, and elect as many delegates
as they were entitled to representatives in
both branches of the general assembly, for
the purpose ol meeting at the time proposed,
to reduce and equalise the general assembly,
on the basis of allowing to each county one
representative at least, and to so constitute
the Senate that there should not be less than
forty-six senatorial districts, composed of two
contiguous counties each. Now if the peo
ple have acceded to the first part of the pro
position, by electing delegates according to
the plan proposed, does it not imply that
they have acceded to the same generally?
Can it be considered otherwise ? Then if it
cannot, we think that the labors of that body
may close with its organization, for the re
duction must be alone on the principle of
equality , and that equality to be regulated by
the basis as laid down in the proposition call
ing them together.
Would it be equa l in the House of Repre
sentatives, that Muscogee and Harris coun
ties, with a representative population of
24,000, should have only five representatives
in one branch and one in the other, when the
counties of Liberty and Glynn, with a popu
lation of 5,000, should have the same voice in
the Senate and two representatives, one-fifth
exercising the same influence in one brancli
that five-filths are, and as much as two-fifths
of that five in the other. Is this equal; and
can this inequality he in any manner obvi
ated ? But the great reduction, we under
stand, is to take place in the Senate ; that is,
by curtailing that body of the one half of its j
members. The reduction may be effected to
that extent, hut this will not tend lo equalise
the same ; hut if it should have-anv tendon
cv, it would be to increase the existing ine
quality. And is the reduction of the Senate
the great object for which this important as
semblage is to be convened ? If so, the rea
sons given for the call are not pertinent or
good ones. The argument in behalf of re
duction, by its advocates, heretofore, hasbeen
tiiat the 11. of R. as now constituted, is a
large and unwieldy body, too large tor its
wisdom to be at any time concentrated to
gether, with the additional one of the great
expense by the state, incurred in the payment
of the same. Then it is the expense alone
that can apply to the Senate. The average
pay of 46 members will amount to S3OO a
member, making in the whole the sum of
$13,800. As it is not contended (or a single
moment that the members of that body are
too great for wise legislation, we must be
candid to confess, that our reflection on this
subject has had a great lendency to change
the opinions heretofore by us entertained, and
that although we believe that there will be a
time that it may become necessary to reduce
the Legislature, yet that we think that time
has not fully come. We are disposed to
question the soundness of the reasons given
by a great may of our friends, in favor of re
duction, however plausible and imposing.
We do not think it a good reason to say
any deliberative body is ever too large for
any purpose of wise legislation, so long as
the opinion of each and every member can
be communicated to the whole body at one
and the same time, and each can there ex
press his assent or dissent to the same. And
although we say that 300 individuals might
meet together, confer, advise and determine
on any matter wisely, we would not contend
that 70,000 could do the same, because no
one member could confer with the whole at
any one and the same time. Is the House of
Representatives of the Congress of the United
States, or the house of Commons of Great
Britain too large for the purpose for which
they were constituted ? The one has about
250, and the other 500 members. But it is
gravely said that it will shorten legislation,
lessen expense, and, as a still stronger rea
son, that it will constitute that body ‘ a more
dignified and respectable body,’ when con
sisting of a small number, than as now com
posed. It will shorten legislation, we sup
pose, because the wants and interests of the
people will not be known, and consequently
will not be provided for. It will lessen ex
pense, it is true, so fir as the mere pay of a
legislator is concerned ; but if there is a want
of such good and wholesome legislative rule,
as the representative, from being far removed
from and ignorant of the want of the con
stituent, shall fail to provide, would not the
oss sustained thereby be of more serious im
port? And as to the dignity, that body that
knows, and knowing does the will of the con
stituent, has conferred on it all the honor and
dignity that the character, genius and spirit
of this government ever intended to confer.
But, as an answer t all and every reason
that can be given, in behalf of the object for
I which this body is to meet, are the rights,
the lives, liberty and property of the people,
| more secure in the keeping of 46 than 92
Senators, or in 144, than 206 Representa
tives ? Are 300 Senators and Representa
tives as easily corrupted as 190? If they are
I not, then it is unsafe, unwise and dangerous
to so constitute them.
For the Sentinel and Herald.
HENRY CLAY.
What measure in favor of the south, and
southern interests, Georgia especially, has
Henry Clay ever supported ?
I will go further and ask, is there one which
he has not opposed?
Will any party in Georgia then attempt
to throw away the vote of the state upon
some other ‘ distinguished citizen not now
before the people,’ at the sacrifice of the
dearest rights and interests of the South, and
thereby promote the success o! Henry Clay?
He who would attempt it, cannot be other
than the secret political friend of Henry Clay,
and deserves the frowns of an indignant and
virtuous people, Q.-
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE undersigned makes his appeal to the
tribunal of public opinion, in an affair which
has disturbed the peace, and set at defiance
the first principles of political and social order,
and rendered a citizen insecure in person and
property, and for which aggressions he has
sought “private satisfaction, and been denied.
The interest justly felt by the public in
this matter, renders a history, at some length,
proper.
Sometime early in the year 1837, a Mrs.
Seamen came from Philadelphia to Talbotton,
and was engaged in the latter place, during
that year, as an instructress, having the Fe
male Seminary under her care. I resided at
that time in the city of Columbus, but fre
quently visited Talbotton. Mrs. Seaman
boarded with Dr. Delony, with whom and
family 1 was on terms of intimacy and friend
ship. I, of course, became acquainted with
Mrs. Seaman; and, finding her a lady of
manner, acquirement and literary talent, I
took great pleasure in speaking of her, in
such terms as were calculated to promote her
interest and add to the consideration in which
she was held.
About the end of that year she removed to
; the city of Columbus. On her arrival I called
i upon her; she gave me an account of her
prospects, and, in the course of her conversa
tion, expressed her a;* rehension about her
(ability to procure a suitable house, and fears
: lest her note might not be considered good
{ for the rent. Upon which I proffered her the
| use of my name,if it would be of any service to
I her. Sometime thereafter, a gentleman called
at my office with two notes for rent —each
for two hundred and twentv-five dollars—for
!my signature. One of these notes fell due at
Jsix months, the other at twelve. It is true,
II thought the sum large; but I had no doubt
!of the lady’s ability to realise the means to
| meet the payments, from the profits of her
! proposed school, and I had no doubt a bal
ance was due her from the profits of her
school in Talbotton; and I had, at that lime,
no doubt of her moral honesty and integrity.
I also, about the same time, negociated for
her, at the Insurance Bank, a draught on
Philadelphia for some forty or fifty dollars.
At the Spring term, 1839, of Muscogee
Superior Court, I, together with Mrs. Seaman,
was sued on the notes, she not having paid,
by the appearance of the notes, a sum ex
ceeding fifty dollars.
Having learnt that Mrs. Seaman was about
to leave (Columbus, I went to see her, in or
der to secure either the payment of the notes,
or an ultimate indemnification. She did not
make any satisfactory arrangement. Where
upon I. prayed out a bill of tic exeat, which
Operates like a hail process, returnable to the
Fall term of the Court aforesaid.
My reasons for praying out the bill were to
! detain her person and property within the ju
; risdieiion of the Court, in order to be liable
ito execution for the debt—her own debt. I
i hau reason to believe she had made more
j than enough to meet the current expenses of
! the past year, if she had honestly applied her
j income thereto. I had knowledge of her re-
I milting sums to the North; and I bad proof
lof her dishonestly evading ihe payment of
; honest dehls in Talho!, when within her
i power to pay them. With what object sums
| were remitted by her to the North. I cannot
say. Ii to lay up a sum for future use, leav
ing her honest debts unpaid, it would, in a
man, he accounted rascality ; if lor the sup
port of distant members of her family, I could
not perceive the propriety or justice of so
large a sum as four hundred dollars being
drawn from me, against mv consent, for such
a purpose. Besides, her indisposition to pay,
settle, secure, or make anv satisfactory ar
rangement, was palpable; whilst her ahiiilv
to have clone so seemed, to my mind, unde
niable.
With ail these reasons operating, I freely
acknowledge I was myself much mortified to
be driven to the course I took to endeavor to
secure the payment of Mrs. Seaman’s debt.
She was a woman, and had borne the char
acter of a lady—however much her evading
the payment of her honest debts, with means
at her command, might have diminished the
deference and respect due the sex. But vvha t
could I do? I had not four hundred dollars
to bestow in charity; if I had, I would not
have thought her a proper object upon whom
to bestow so liberal a bounty. Was it just to
lake that sum from my family and give it to
her ? And the pressure of the times rendered
it very inconvenient to meet such a demand,
in addition to my own proper debts. I was
therefore literally compelled to let ihe law
take its course, at the same time authorising
the sheriff to remit fifty dollars, if she would
secure the balance. Permit me to ask every
sensible reflecting man, if on failure to see j
that debt paid or secured, I was not myself
liable, under the law of the land, to be cast
into prison ?
The ne exeat was served on Monday the
Ist inst. by Mr. Deputy Sheriff Evans, on the
person of Mrs. Seaman, who utterly refused
to make any arrangement, though, as I am
informed, security was proffered, and went
of choice to jail. “Shortly thereafter she was
taken from jail illegally, as I am told. A
boul nine o'clock at night, a mob proceeded
from the Oglethorpe House to the Columbus
Hotel at which I had taken lodgings, in order
to compel me to acquit Mrs. Seaman from
the payment of her own debt, and to ma'treat
my person. For hours the house was beset.
The number of the mob was variously esti
mated at from forty or frfly to two hundred.
It did not disperse fill one or two o’clock next
morning. Repeated attempts were made to
force the hotel. I was compelled, with as
good grace as possible on my part, to release
Mrs. Seaman totally from all liabilty to pay
her own debt to a third party, the plaintiff in
the suit for rent. Even this step was not
satisfactory to the mob, and I was compelled
to escape privately from the house to avoid
personal violence. Cool men, not nervous or j
timid, who looked on, but took no part in the |
mob, believed my life would have been sacri
ficed had I fallen into the hands of the brutal, j
drunken, ferocious and armed inoh, which
that night disgraced themselves, and, in some
degree, the city to which they belong.
Now, I admit, it is hard to imprison any
person for debt ;■ but am not I, and every one
else in debt, liable to be imprisoned therefor?
If the law authorising imprisonment for debt
be wrong, let the Legislature, the competent
authority, alter it. Judges are appointed to
determine on legal proceedings: the grave
matters of jurisprudence can searcely he
wisely and discreetly settled by a lawless dis
orderly gang, with weapons in hand, wine in
the head and malignity at the heart.
I like the idea of securing the person of the
honest debtor, male or female, from imprison
ment fordebt; and such are the guards thrown,
bv the humanity of the law, around an honest
debtor, that it is scarcely possible to put him
in prison, unless he choose ,T go from mere
obstinacy. I respect the poor man—there is
a dignity in honest poverty, to which I would
rather show deference than to worthless
wealth.
But, shall we be so narrow-minded, while
we contemplate one subject, as to he totally
blind to all others ? The iiherty and security
in person and property of the citizen, is a
pearl above all [trice. A mob is averse to alt
social order. It sets the supremacy ol the
laws at defiance. Physical force arid violence
trample reason and right under foot.
Is this community prepared to admit that a
free white citizen, resident in the State of
Georgia from 1820, against whom neither
malice nor envv can allege a crime, than
whom none is more ready to discharge every
duty that patriotism or society require, is at
all subject to have his person abused or his
feelings insulted, by any ruffian crew iwhich
may choose such barbarous amusement,
whilst he is engaged in a lawful pursuit.' 1 i
But I come to a more scandalous feature es
tins outrage. Persons, professing to be, an#
passing lor, gentlemen, were compromiltcd in
the shameful proceedings of that disgraceful
night. Can it be possible that any, pretend
ing to the grade ot gentlemen, could have an
agency in so foul and vulgar an affair? Would
it not have occurred to real gentlemen, {that it
would have been more honorable to pay the
debt themselves than to raise a Hot, or to
join one to compel me to pay it ? If every
scoundrel engaged in the mob-had each con
tributed five dollars, it would have more than
paid the debt. I myself offered fifty dollars
towards it, before l was threatened with com
pulsory violence.
On Tuesday T returned home to Talbot.
On Wednesday to a meeting of my fellow
ciiizens I gave a-n outline of the matter. The
meeting —of its own accord, and not by my
instigation—gave ample testimony to my
character;, and was unsparing in denuncia
tion against the mob and those engaged in it.
On Thursday some twenty of my friends—
such young gentlemen as constitute the ftiwer
and chivalry of any community—accompa
nied me to Columbus.
Though I trust l am not destHu of cor
rect feelings and a due sense of hom f must
confess it especially becomes me speak
modestly of my intellect and comm sense
The fact of becoming the ofd lady’s •rarity
brings my discretion into rather a edics
ment; and how great a fool I am, ay j*
readily divined when I say, 1 expecte ! k. ren
; der him who had most character a unst
agency in the outrage committed up - me
personally responsible to me theres r.
any man could be found who would join
large mob against one individual, with lerv:
sufficient to stand up a ! one against k - ~:
adversary. It does not stand to i< asnn i:r
should. In the nature of things it is not (>
be expected.
On the evening of our arrival, 1 Sent, by
Dr. Smead, to Capt. Philip T. Sc dev, <he
following note :
‘Columbus Hotel, 4th April, HSO*.
Maj. P. T. Schley — Sir : You Ive
represented to. me as having acted par* >■
the mob which assailed the Columl •? Hotel
on Monthly night last.
Please avow or deny your agenc its th,-
matter referred to.
Respect full v yonrs, &e.
JAMES Y. CARD ER.’
In answer to which I received, thr jgl ihe
same channel:
‘ Columbus, 4ih April 1539.
Dr. James Y. Gardner — Sir : I. reply
to your note of this evening, I can say that 1
had no agency in getting up the collection of
citizens on Monday evening last to which
refer, nor did 1 act with the same.
Yours respectfully,
PHILIP T. SCHIi *
My note to Capt. Philip T. Schley receiver*
a civil answer. 1 have, therefore, nothing
more lo do with him.
On Friday I sent by M. Williams, Esq. the
following note to John Schley, Esq.:
‘ Columbus Hotel, sth April, 1839.
John Schley, Esq.— Sir : You are repre
sented to me to have come with, and to have
been present with ihe mob which assailed tin*
Columbus Hotel on Monday night last.
Is II so ?
Did you, or did you not, in any manne-r,,
aid, assist, abet or encourage others in the
design to commit injury or insult on my per
son, al the time referred to?
Respectfully,
JAMES Y. GARDNER.’
In answer to which 1 received :
* Columbus, April sth, 1839.
Dr. James Y. Gardner — Sir: In reply to
your note of this morning I have to say, that
whilst silting in my office on Monday even
ing last, I heard that you had imprisoned
Mrs. Seymans in the common gaol for debt,
with several felons. At this news I, in com
mon with a number of gentlemen then in my
office, felt highly indignant. I immediately
went in pursuit of the sheriff to ascertain the
lacts\ and if possible release her. Thomas
C. Evans, deputy sheriff, informed me that
what I had learned was true, and that she
was there at vour instance—you having;
placed in his hands ten dollars to pay the gaol
fees. I then went with the sheriff, as you
know, to get you to release her. I used every
argument, and advised you for your own re
putation to release her; and said to yen at
the lime that you had disgraced yourself, and
committed an act which was a disgrace to
humanity. After returning to my office, some
seven or eight gentlemen and I proposed to
the sheriff to secure him if he would release
her. To which he replied, that he would
first go and endeavor to get you to release
her. Whilst the sheriff was gone, we under
stood that a number of citizens had gone to
theColumbus Hotel, to compel you to release
Mrs. S. or give you a Coat ofTar and Fea
thers. I, with those in my office, believed
you deserved such Ireatment, for the gross
indignity you had offered a respectable, help
less and unprotected widow—and we walked
down- to the Hotel, where we found some fifty
or sixty of the citizens collected to see what
would be done.
What was done I suspect you well remem
ber.
This, sir, is the only answer I have to
make to your note.
JNO. SCHLEY.’
Which drew from me:
‘ Columbus Hotel, April 5,1839.
‘ John Schley, Esq.-, Sir —The contents
of your note of to-day, I regret to perceive,
leaves me no alternative, but to demand ol’
you that honorable reparation which insuk
requires between gentlemen.
‘ My friend, M. Williams, Esq., will make
the necessary arrangements.
‘ Respectfully,
‘JAMES Y. GARDNER.’
In answer to which, he returned :
‘ Columbus, April 5,183 ft.
‘ Dr. James Y. Gakpner, Sir —The ex
pression of my opinion, in my note of this
morning, of your conduct, and the punish
ment due you for the same, precludes me
from recognising you as a gentleman.
‘ JNO. SCHLEY.’
My two notes to John Schley were couch
ed in such terms as a gentleman may use
without degradation to the writer. John
Schley’s notes to me are insulting, vulgar and
abusive ; such as a blackguard, not a gentle
man, might be expected to write—such as a
fellow might be expected to write, whose de
termination was made up to shelter himself
behind a eoward-ly irresponsibility.
In his first note to me, he reduced 1 my opin
ion of his veracity to a low standard. His
excuse for not accounting to me when called
on, demonstrates to the world, that his is a
liar’s tongue and a coward’s heart.
We resume the narrative. When John
Schley returned his last note, refusing to fight
me, my friend Mr. Williams challenged him.
It was about mid-day, and Schley asked til]
5 o’clock P. M. to make answer. About the
middle of the afternoon, and before an answer
was returned to Mr. Williams’s challenge, I,
Mr. Williams and John Schley, were arrested
by order of his Honor Judge Wellborne, and
brought up before that functionary, when, on
the examination of vvinesses, Dr. Schley,
neither principal nor second in either affair,
hut a near relative of John Schley, drew forth
from his poeket the whole correspondence be
tween me and John Schley, and Mr. Wil
liams’s challenge, and read” them before his
Honor the Judge! Whereupon Messrs,
Williams and Schley were directed to give
bond to keep the peace towards each other.
The affair between them, thereafter, was pro
gressing in the state of Alabama, without the
jurisdiction of this state, when some gentle
men of Columbus, high in public estimation,
i and of-great private worth, offered to intei>