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. it matter much if the men who coik-etj amt disburse, happen lo fw Whigs oi Dcim*j crats? I have pretty much the same con -j deuce in both: the one set have been already ; there to steal and plunder; the ototr ->avc yet, f i come. ... it t -i ! From this project, to deal in go and and stl ! vcr, i have never been able to c'onjTtnro how bv anv possibility loss or detriment can at,- 1 r.rue to anv bo ly. I< it true the mass of toe ; community is r> corrupt, that it is Willing to j deal in nothing but bad paper, or do the, politicians persuade them they will have a bank, the extinguisher of all offer banks,; whose paper will be equal lo gold and silver? ! Instead of loss or deirimenl, I have seen no in convenience to result to any body, except, j indeed, in the first instance, to the merchant, j to him it will he a novel operation for a tune, hut fir a short time; if it costs him more trou ble and expense to be always ready to meet 1 tie Custom House demand, he knows how to charge that expense to his customer, and mv word upon it, the consumer of his mer chandise will be the last to complain, if he sees nothing in an insignificant charge, hut a redemption from evil suffering anl a re.-.luxa tion to the comforts and enjoyments ofl/fe, to which, in every country, the pocket and trav elling money in gold and Silver coinage so eminently contribute. The very fraction of ; a per cent, charged by the merchant, for Ins; trouble and expense of keeping goid and silver j to answer occasional demands, will he motel than repaid by the direct tendency ol ihej operation to keep that gold and silver at home, | which might otherwise go abroad—it will b•; by so much the more valuable at home, and therefore cannot leave the country. But enough —every body tires of this and y and hitherto unproductive subject. The Presi dent should long since have compelled his party to carry out the measure. Very sincerely and tmlv. C. M. I ROUP. “HARRISONISM ” From the National Intelligencer. Washington, June 12, 1840. Messrs. Gai.es and Seaton : There ap peared in the Globe of Tuesday evening a brace of extracts from two Administration newspapers in Boston, relative to myself pri rnarily, but. in connection with a topic of greai public interest. The editor of the Globe su peradded some comments of his own, in bis peculiar vein. Immediately upon seeing this’ article in the Globe, I addressed a note to the editor, solely lor the purpose of correcting the misstatements of his Boston coadjutors, This note he has seen fit not to publish. 1 have therefore to ask of you the favor to admit it into your columns. The Idler of General Harrison, refeired to in my note, was a short one, and consisted exclusively of a response to this inquiry : 4 L it true that Gen. Hart Lon, whilst Governor ol Indiana, did make an effort to introduce slavery into that Territory?’ This inquiry he responds to in the same terms which lie used in replying to the same question eigh teen years ago, in the 4 Address to the Public/ also referred to in my note. The Globe makes quite a flourish about ‘ private pledges,’ declarations for the 4 private eye,’ &.c. Il there be any such on the part ol Gen. Har rison, upon the subject of slavery, or upon any other subject, they are totally unknown lo me. I know his opinions upon this, as upon all offer topics, in common with the whole community, and in no other way. To understand ibis matter fully, it will be neces sary to republish the two articles copied in the Globe from the two Boston papers: From the Bay State (Mass ) Democrat. ‘ Abolition Convention. —Being in the vicinity of the Melodeon this forenoon, we dropped into the Abolition Convention, which is now sitting at that place lor Ihe purpose ol nominating Presidential electors, etc. for thisl Stale. Among the speakers was a Mr. Brown ! of Northampton, who stated that, with refer- ; cnce to Gen. Harrison’s sentiments on the subject of slavery, he could inform the ; gen- | tlemen of the Convention, that Mr. Calhoun, i member of the present Congress from this 1 State, had written home to his constituents, j that Gen. Harrison was an Abolitionist of the first water, and no mistake; that lie (Mr. Caihoun) had his information from a source to be relied vpon. And, said Mr. Brown, ! (who seemed to be ashamed of the pitiful j policy of Mr. Calhoun) he says to his consti- j tuents, you may make such use of Iks inform | at ion as you please, but be sure it does not get into the papers.’ From the Boston Post. 4 In the Abolition Convention, held yester day in this city, one of ihe members of the Convention, from Northampton, stated pub licly, that Mr. Calhoun, [the British Whig member of Congress in that District, No. 8. had written home letters to satisfy the anti slavery men that Harrison was a whole-souled Abolitionist I Mr. Brown said that these letters had conic from Mr. Calhoun, in conse quence of the anti-slavery Convention at Northampton having passed a resolve rather against Harrison. Mr. Calhoun wrote to convince them they were wrong. He (Mr. Brown) had seen one of his letters, which was handed round by the VVliigs. Mr. Calhoun told the Abolitionists in the letter, that H arri son was with us (the Abolitionists,) and would go all lengths; and that he (Mr. Calhoun) had this from authority , which Mr B. under stood to mean GENERAL HARRISON HIMSELF. But at the end of Mr. Calhoun’s letter there was this caution: 4 Make such use of litis as you think best IN PRIVATE, but do not ht it get into the papers. Mr. B said that numerous copies of letters of this kind were circulating among the Abolition ists in Mr. Calhoun’s district.’ I pronounce the statements contained in the above extracts, of any of Gen. Harrison’s opinions, or of any facts in regard to him, upon the authority of anv letter of mine, to be totally and unequivocally false. w! B. CALHOUN. The following is the note in reply to the Globe: Messrs. Blair and Rives: Will you allow me, as on act of justice, to say a wotd in j your next paper, in reply to an editorial par a graph in the Globe of last evening, concern- j ing certain supposed secret missives of miner The only Ictt r which I ever wrote upon ’ the subject of General Harrison’s opinions! concerning slavery bears date February 4. IS 10. And the only matter communicated in that letter was the simple fact, which Gen. Harrison had himself made known nearly twenty years before, in an 4 Ad iress lo the; Public, whi'st be was a candidate for re elec- j tion to Congress, after the celebrated 4 NJis i souri restriction session.’ That fact was Itis having belonged, n: the age of eighteen, to! an association in Virginia, whose object was j 10 meliorate the condition of slaves, and pro- j cure their freedom by every legal means ; and lus having been, in consequence, the means of liberating many. This stet, though it 1;n i 1 been spread before the public by General Harris-n so long ago ns 1522, was t Rally unkn uvn to me, as were : :tt the time all b.s opinions concerning slavery, until I saw it stated in a letter which was placed in my hands on the morning of I'ebrn nrv 4, by a friend who sits near me in the 11 vise of Representatives, to whom it was! addressed. On the same day l wrote the letter in question to a neighbor at home. I'his one letter, confined lo this mie p"int, is what the Boston Morning Post lias meta morphosed, bv the extract which you publish,; into ‘ writing home letters to satisfy the ami-; slavery men that Harris in was a whole- 1 souled Abolitionist;’ and that ‘Harrison was with us. (die Aboiitior.istsA an l would go all I ‘tigdis,’ &.C. It may be proper to add,' that uiv letter was addressed to an A 1 didnnist. i There h one part of the version or frans'.a- j t on ol mv letter, as it appmrs in the M<i 1 Post, which, if explained, would exhibit tu. (and vras uinlout tally inlenoed to exhibit me) | as acting in a manner somewhat sit istci; and but for tins, l should not hav troubled the ; ttblie vth a syllable upon the a.ihjecL ‘ At the end of Mr Calhoun’s letter,’ says the Pest, 4 there was this caution: 4 Make such use of this as .you think best in private, but do not let i; get into the pap-rs.” The exact language of mv Utter was: l I write you this lor such use as you may think proper, except putting it in the papets ’ I believe every fair mind will readily detect a difference of phra j ste logy. But that is not material. A single fact will relieve this matter from auv sinister I aspect. The letter, the of which I wts communicating, contained a distinct in -1 junction by the wiite-r not to allow it to be : published in the newspapers. I felt myself, i therefore, bound, in ail fairness and honor, noi to he faithless to that injunction, and I accordingly repeated it. I did not retain a copy of my letter, and had long since forgotten its very existence. Fortunately the fyntlertinn to whom it was addressed Ins it still in his possession; and, on seeing tin article in the Boston Post, promptly transmitted to me a copy. It shall j he placed for examination in the hands of any ; gentleman, of any party, who has doubts as | to the correctness of mv statement, or even ! anv curiosity upon the subject. WM. B. CALHOUN. House of Representatives, Jane 10, 1840. Remarks.— On receiving Mr Calhoun’s explanation, we addressed to him a note, requesting that a copy of his letter of the 4ih Febuary might he put in our possession, to ptevent anv mistakes in our comments; but this be declined doing, on the ground that he was not authorized to give its contents publicity through the newspapers. This eorespendence alone prevented the immediate insertion of his letter, which we considered an important piece of political testimony. The delay was fortunate, however, because it lias brought out au additional fact of no little consrc u nice. It was not the Boston Morning Post that made the charges against Mr. Calhoun, but Mr. Brown, one of his constituents, whose remarks in the Abolition convention, the Post and Bay state Democrat merely reported.— And the reader will not fail to perceive that Mr. Brown’s charges are substantially ad mitted bv Mr. Calhoun. The subject was General Harrison’s Aboli tionism. Mr. Brown slated that Calhoun had written home letters on that subject; Mr. Calhoun admits that lie wrote a letter. Mr. Brown states, that copies had been multiplied ; Mr. Calhoun does not deny it. Mr. Brown states that ihe copies were shown to the Ab litioi.i-ts, and to him among the rest, lo convince them that General Harrison was a whole souled Abolitionist;’ Mr. Calhoun does not deny it. Mr. Brown said, there was a caution like the following at the foot of the letter—‘make such use of this as you think best in private ; but do not let it get into the papers.’ Mr. Calhoun says his exact language was: I write you this for such use as you may think proper, except putting it in the papers: On the whole, Mr. Brmvn's statement, as re ported in the Post and Democrat, is sustained in its main points by Mr. Calhoun's own ad mist-ions. But, let us take the case precisely as Mr. Calhoun represents it. lie says: 4 The fact of General Harrison’s belonging to an Abeli Sion Society though it had been spread before the public by Cert. Harrison as long ago as 182-2, was totally unknown tome, as were, at the lime, all his opinions concerning slavery, until I saw it stated in a letter which was placed in my hands on the morning of Feb uarv 4rh, 1840, by a friend who sits near me n the House of Representatives, to whom it was addressed. Or, tlie same day I wok the letter in question to a neighbor at home. 5 In his note to the Editors of Ine Inteliig ncer, Mr. Calhoun says: 4 The letter of General Harri- on, n frred to in my note, was a short one,’ See.; whence it appears that the ietter, the sight of which induced him to write his letter of Febuary the 4th, was General Harri son himself. In his note to us, Mr. Calhoun says: ‘the letter, (of General Harrison,) the substance of which I was communicating, con tained a distinct injunction, by the writer, not to allow it to he published in the newspapers.’ And Mr. Calhoun proceeded to communicnte the same information to his friend, with the injunction not to ‘put it in the newspapers.’ Now, what was Mr. Calhoun’s motive in writing lo his friend? Not to give informa tion to that friend merely, for lie expressly stir: 4 I write (his fir such use as you may think proper,’&c. What‘use?’ What‘use’ did Mr. Calhoun suppose his friend would make of u? There can be hut one answer — to show to 1 lie Abolitionists, to convince them, that General Harrison was an Abolitionist— to secure to him 11 eir support for President. If any other ‘use’ of the letter was in Mr. Calhoun’s contemplation when he wrote it, we would gladly know what it was. Go whose authority were these representa tions made to the Abolitionists? On the. se cretand confidential authority of General Har r son himself.’ The movement to satisfy the Ab tlitionists came directly from the recesses of the mansion at the North Bend. General Harrison writes to a friend in Congress, to satisfy him and other Abolitionists in that tody,* that he it one of them, but charges him not ‘to allow it t be publish ‘d in the newspa pers.’ No, no; that would show him to the South in itis true colors, or at least show him in the act of courting the Abolitionists! That letter is shown to ihe Abol'ionists and their allies in Congress, ecchof whom writes home giving the secret intelligence, charging their correspondents to use it as they think proper. except putting ii in the papers'.’ It is used wherever Abolitionists are to be found, and the dark squadrons are lints rallied for the Itcto of North Bend. And now that accident has brought this secret management to the light of day, the intrigue is still so sacredly rot'.fi lent in 1, that a member of Congress is not at liberty t j publish Ids own letter'.! A great point is gained, however. The candidate who was to make no more decla rations of principles ‘lor Ihe public eve’— questions o: friends or foes,’ on the subject of Abolition, ami who now in public points to old documents as the exponents of Lis opin ions. is caught in the very act of answering a question for the private eye, and putting on ; foot a piece of secret management to secure the support of the Abolitionists! Y\ ith what i face can Southern Federalism, irnpu .cnt as I it is, recommended this man to the support of ; die Soutli after this devel ‘peinent? 1 From rhn Cincinnati {<>.) Advertiser and Journal. TIIK OAT OUT OF THE BAG, OR GEN. Li A RAISON AN ABOLJUONIST. Below we give the deposition of one of our j respectable citizens, in whose hearing Gener a’ Harrison declared lumselt to be an Abo litionist; and his motives lor being so, to ob tain the electoral vole of New Y< rk State. The deponent in this case, is a respectable druggist, in this city, and son to one of our judges of the court of common pleas, and his veracity indisputable, if his testimony had not been strongly corroborated by so many cir-. cnmslances in the conduct of the available 1 candidate. We hope ottr Southern friends with whom wc exchange papers, will give currency to the affidavit below. The State of Ohio, ? , Hamilton county. )” ‘ * Before me, the subscriber, n justice of the peace, in and for said county, personally ap panred Israel Brown, j r - and being duty sworn, . says that about three months ag , be was on •the Ber F>ar.kfin el*.miboat, in company r j with Getn W . ii. Harrison end heard him ,a- -i,, an! kat he w..> certain<•. geteng ux Jru.ielN Yoik, I became ttn-v kv.,-w h r- >u ne a.. Abolitionist. ISRAEL BROW N, Jr. S torn to and subset died before me, on tins first day of” June, A. D. 1840. J. H. GETZENDANKEU. Justice of the Peace. Harrison and Abolition. —Three Aboli tion papers in the State of Ohio, the Elyria Atlas, the New Lisbon Aurora, and the Xenia Fne Press, have hoisted the name of Han i son as their candidate for the Presidency, and rejected Tyler for the Vice Presidency. A fourth, the Philanthropist, has three columns filled with eulogy of the old General, and rea sons why the Abolitionists should support him; stating that hev'asan Abolitionist many years ago, and BELONGED TO A SOCIETY at the EIGHTEENTH YEAR OF HIS AGE. This is unlair in the Abolitionists, while the Southern Whigs have enthusiasti cally adopted their candidate.— Muskingum valley. SENTINEL & HERALD. COLUMBUS, JUNE 27, IS4O. “ This Institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing against the principles and form of our Consti tution. The nation is, at this time, so strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot he shaken at this mo ment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, dhfilcient to bring into doubt the competency of a Republican Government to meet a crisis of great dun gtr. or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the public functionaries ; an institution like this penetrating by its branches every part of the union, acting by com mand and in phalanx, may iit a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe, which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any other authority than that of the nation, or its reg ular functionaries. What an obstruction could, not this Bank of the United States, with all iit branch bunks, be in time of war ? It might dictate to us the peace vie should accept, or withdraw its aid. Ought uie then to give further growth lo an institution so powerful, so hostile ?— Thomas Jefferson. DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN FORSYTH. TO OUR PATRONS. No person is authorised to receive dues to the office of the Sentinel and Herald since the Ist day of Janu ary last, unless they are specially authorized by us, as we have not as yet delegated sc eh authority to any person whatever. The Sentinel and Herald, addressed to Dr. R. E. Martin, Greensboro, lias been returned us with the endorsement of the P. M. ‘refused.’ We haye Dr. Martin footed up $7 for the same, fiotn Ist September, 1638 till now, which will noi be 4 refused,’ and which he should not refuse to remit us. Under our rules no paper will be discontinued, ex cept at the option of ihe Editor, until all arrearages at e paid. Forihe future we intend to adopt this coutse to all such subscribers, and request all editois to adopt a similar course. LIFE OF GEN. HARRISON. A Brief Sketch of the life of Gen. William H. Harrison, to he read at the regular meet ings oi the Tippecanoe Clubs, and always to precede the drinking and singing. W illiara Henry Harrison was born in Vir-1 ginia, on the 9th of February, 1773. His father, Benjamin Harrison, was one of the signers of the Declarati nos Independence. William Henry was educated at Hampden and Sydney College. He received t‘ e com mission of ensign at th? age of eighteen yea's, which was extraordinary that so important an office should have been conferred on so young a man. It was at this period of his life, prompted by the feelings of humanity alone, he became a member of an Abolition Society established at Richmond. The ob ject of the society was to 4 ameliorate the condition of the slaves, and to procure theii freedom by every legal means. The obliga tions that he then came under he ever after faithfully performed, and in the discharge Os the duties of member, he was the means of .iberating many slaves, but never placed one in bondage.’ Such was the importance of iiis military services, that, in the space ol five years, he was advanced from the petty office of Ensign to the high and responsible station of Lieutenant, and eventually was appointed Captain in the militia. Shortly afterwards, there being no longer an opportunity to serve his country iti the field, lie resigned his com mission to commence his career of civil ser vices. About this period, the people of the United Stales were divided into two parties, Federalist and Republ can, the former headed by John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, the latter by Thomas Jefferson and James Madi son. General Harrison hoisted the black cockade, the badge of the Federal parly, and was by the elder Adams immediately ap pointed secretary and cx officio lieutenant I governor of the Northwestern territory;! which then embraced the whole extent of our j country lying northwest of the Ohio river* j While in this station, he was elected almost unanimously (the vote being eleven for him and ten against him) the first territorial dele gate in Congress, and took his seat in the same in December, 1799, at which time lie met John Randolph, who was his antipodes in politics. Gen. Harrison had no vote, bu ( gave the then Federal administration his warm support. For Mr. Adams lie then and has ever since entertained the greatest respect. He believed him a patriot and an honest man, and his Fedeial conduct during that session (of 1799 and 1800) proved him such; so thought those orthodox Federalists, John Marshall and James A. Bayard. As Gen. Harrison had no vote, the only manner lie could give earnest of his faith was by asp eU) lie made against the Resolutions offered by that Republican Mr. Nicholas, to repeal the standing army act, which will be found in the files of the Aurora, a newspaper of that day, and in wearing a black cockade: so testifies old Mr. Mills of Indiana. For the im; ortant services rendered this Federal administration General Harrison was appointed by Mr‘ Adams, just on the eve of its dissolution, Go vernor of the then Indiana territory, wh’ch office he held for many years. As Governor lie was invested with almost unlimited power; so great was the same, that by bis \c!o he could prevent the passage of any law what ever, and it was during this time that he, as j i Governor, gave Itis assent to an act aulhoti : zing the saie of free white persons as slaves, for debts due on executions, for fines and costs, who should, from their poverty, be unable to pay the same. The great excel lence of this law arose from the fact of its inequality, as it only operated on the poor, the i rich always being able to pay, thereby authorizing tho rich to insult and beat the poor, and if fined to pay for it; and if, after ‘i-u-uii Ug the purir mar;, the poor man should beat him fur if, and was fined, why the rich j uihu would bnv nim and make him Ids slave; aiul il he MkmJ.u happen to leave his rich ! utasie-i’s service, as a * humane punishment, j the rich mat: was to have the poor one ; whipped with thirty nine lashes. It was during the latter part oi Ins Ad_ ministration, as Governor, that he command ed the tiroopp, who were surprised by the Indians on the Wabash, at or near the mouth j of Tippecanoe. In this battle no man was j in more personal danger than Governor Har-1 rison, owing to the fact of the Indians having made the attack in the night, and his danger J was so imminent that he received 4 a sho 1 i through the rim of his hat.’ This was one of the most spirited & best fought actions re- j corded in the annals of our Indian wars ; 1 and every man encountered his sjiare ol’dan ger, for it was 4 root little pig or die.’ In 1812, he was appointed in place of General Winchester commander- in-chief of the North western army; and in May, in 1813, was surrounded in Fort Meigs, which place he defended for five days, the fortress being a st ottg one, when he was relieved by a rein forcement of Kentucky militia and regulars. Shortly after this, Fort Stephenson, an im portant military post, then occupied by Ma jor Ctoghan with a small fo.ee, was about lo be attacked by the British, Gen. Proctor and their Indian allies, Gen. Harrison, 4 with his accustomed discretion,’ ordered the place to be evacuated, notwithstanding its necessary importance to the success of the campaign; and that in the event that Itis order was dis obeyed, that 4 their blood be on their own heads.’ Major Crogban disobeyed and gave bis assailants so warm a reception that they were forced to retreat with great loss. Gen. Harrison commanded in the rear, wl en Col. Richard M. Johnson and his brother, togeth er with Gov. Shelby, commanded in the ad vance, and with the gallant Kentucky vohm teers, defeated General Proctor and his In dian allies, at the battle of the Thames, Gen. Harrison having rendered, as lie believed a due portion of public service, and the war waxing hotter and hotter, he resigned in die spring of 1814, which led to the appointment of Gen. Andrew Jackson, and to the glorious, termination of the war, by the victory at. New O; leans in 1815. It) 1816 he was elec ted a member of the House of Representa lives in Congress from Ohio, in which siation he served until March,‘lßl9. It was during this term of service that lie voted for a reso lution declaring that Congress, under the Constitution, Lad the power 4 to construct Roads and Canals necessary for commerce between the States, provided that private property be not taken for pub ic use,’ there by seeking to establish that great Federal principle of the right to carry out a general system of internal improvemens by the Fed- j era! Government. It was during the session ; of 1813 and 1819, General Harrison, from ; Ids construction of the Constitution under j the obligations of bis oath, was compelled,! contrary to bis inclinations, to vote against i Mr. Tallmadge’s resolution restricting the j then Territory of Missouri f ora entertaining j slavery upon admission into the union. And ; 4 had he continued m be a member’ until ‘the ; question was decided;’ his constituents who | i were restriclionists and opposed to slavery; and as they would have had time to have j instructed him ; and as his principles were in accordance with his constituents. But in opposition to his construction of the Consti-j tution ‘he would have rejoiced in any op-j por'unity of sacrificing bis seat’ rather than ! to give a vote at war with his 4 principles; j the vote that lie gave, however 4 was not a j conclusive one.’ And as he had been op-1 i posed to slavery from the age of IS, he 4 was j the first person to introduce into Congress | the proposition that all the country above Missouri should never have slavery admitted into it.’ After the expiration of his term of service j in the summer of 1819, he was elected to the j Senate of Ohio; and in 1821, in thaSenateof Ohio, he voted against striking out the part of, a section of a Bill then progessing before that; body, which proposed for the Sheriff to sell free j white persons as servants, who should be inr j prisoned either upon executions or otherwise, for the non-payment of a fine or costs, £tc. thereby seeking to introduce a similar law to that Ite had approved and sanctioned whilst Governor of Indiana. In 1820, he was run lor Governor in opposition to Ethan A. Brown and Jeremiah Morrow. The vole for Brown was 3,4833, for Morrow 9,426, and for Har rison 4,348, thereby losing his election by a small majority of 30.488 in favor of Brown. Being defeated in 1522, he again became a candidate for Congress in his district, and was beaten by a Mr. Gazely, who opposed him on the ground of Gen. Harrisonis opposition to Gen. Jackson. During this canvass the General was slandered, many ‘Calumnies were put in circulation concerning him. One of the slanders ‘accused him of being friendly t> slavery;’ this however was so gross and outrageous a falsehood that although 4 called suddenly home to attend a sick family’ lie would not leave immediately, but promptly met it, by taking a moment from ihe bed side of the sick invalid, to answer it in a public ad dress. In this address he referred them to the course of his whole life—his membership of an abolition society which lie joined at 13 years ofagt; he then proved by his ‘venerable friend Judge Caleb of Clermont County’ who was also a member, that he was, and he assured them that be had never violated any of the obligations that he came under as an aboli tiun’st. In the conclusion of that address which was thus so hastily drawn, be says: ‘Upon-lhe whole, Fellow Citizens, our path; (the path of those who were opposed to slave-; ry) is a plain one; it is marked out as well by j humanity as duty. We (the abolitionists) can- j not cmanc'pate the slaves of the other States>; without their consent, but by producing a j convulsion which would undo us all. For this 1 much to be desired event,’ (the abolition i of slavery,) 4 we, (the abolitionists) must wait the slow but certain progress of those : good’ [abolition] 4 principles which are every where gaining ground, and which assuredly j will ultimately prevail. Being beaten for Congress, Gen. Harrison retired to his farm at the North Bend, where he remained busi-! ly engaged in his agricultural pursuits until j 1821, when being chosen an elector for ffres- j ident, cast his vote for that consistent Feder alist, John Q Adams, in opposition to Gen. Jackson aj'.a Wm. H. CrawforjJ, wlo were ChliOiJa tes. The Federal party the same year having a majority in (he OmLegislature, he was elect ed to lae Senate of the United States, and , took his seat in 1825, when he again met with John Randolph; and in the year 1526. in that I body they agreed to politically disagree, as they did when they first met in 1799,as become 1 Virginia Gentlemen and notwithstanding Mr. Randolph was the violent opponent ot J'llit* Q. Adams’ administration, and Gen. Harrison, a warm supp .rter, they agreed to ] hury the hatcliel at a Ir endiy dinner, in com -1 pany with Mr. Calhoun and other Republi c ins. For his devotion to, and warm support | of the Federal Adiri listration of John (£■ Ad ams, in IS‘2B lie appointed him Envoy Ex traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of Columbia, and was iccalled in 1529 hy Gen. Jackson, at the instance of the Foreign Government to which he had been j sent, on the ground of his improper interfer ferenee in their private affairs, ami wholly unconnected with the objects of his mission, i Alter his return he lived in retirement at his | farm and did not again seek office until 1831; lor the long space of two years, when he, : with four others, became a candidate to rep resent Hamilton county, (ihe one in which he lives) in the Representative Branch of the State Legislature, and after an animated con test, he was only beaten by the lowest of his four competitors,who was a cake baker, about 1 SOO votes. j During this canvass he delivered an ad- i i dress before the Agricultural Society ol Ham- ; illon county, in which he said, ‘ L may be asked whether, under any cir- ; cumstances, I would he willing to abandon 1 the Uriff; I answer without hesitation, in the affirmative; whenever the streets of Norfolk and Charleston shall be covered with gras--, and our southern friends find no market for their produce, and this state of things can be directly traced to the tariff, I would then in siamly give my vole for its modification or entire repeal.’ Thus satisfying his friends that he was still in favor of the Tariff he voted for in 1828. Alter this defeat the General did not appear before the public until the 4ih of July, 1533, when he delivered a speech at CheVoit, in Onio, and in which he reprimands the Aboli t.ouislr, hy pointing out the impolicy of their course and satisfactorily shewing ihat the only manner in which their object could he accomplished, in which he said : ‘ Should 1 he asked if there is no way hy which the General Government can aid die cause of emancipa tion, 1 answer that it has long been an object near my heart to see the whole of its surplus revenue appropriated to that object.’ Thus clearly showing that the sure and easiest mode ol emancipating the slaves, was by first taxing their owners by high Tariffs, and applying the money thus rais'd, which would become a surplus, to the purchase of their own slaves. About this period, as General Jackson had been twice elected to the Presi dency, it was believed that it was only to dub a man 1 Genera!,’ and the public would lose sight of every other consideration and elect him nolens volens. He was therefore beaten for that office in 1336 hy Martin Van Buren, the present incumbent. Not satisfied, and believing that he had before made a too full and open decla ration of his principles, he is again before the American people. Bel evingin the old adage that ‘there is no telling what a steer may do,’ he has been placed in the kind care and keep ing of a confidential committee, consisting of David Gvvynne, J. C. Wright and O. M. Spencer, who have restricted him from hold ing any intercruse with the American people on any of the many interesting topics of the day, and that he should ‘make no further declaration ofiliis principles for the public eye, j whilst occupying his present position.’ As the Harrisburg Convention who nominated lum over General Scott and Henry Clay, b mg composed of Federalists, Abolitionists, | anti-Masons and men professing political principles of every order and kind save Dem jocratic Republican, least in answering lie I might run afoul ol some of this medley of po liticians, they deemed it politic ‘ that no new issue lie made to the public,’ as they, the con vent ion, could not agree upon ary one single measure. The committee have in this gener ously offered to reiirve Ihe G> nrral of all the od urn such a course might draw down on him. and to share it themselves; assuring the public that the Gentral, being in their custo dy, was irresponsible, and ‘to attribute the error’ to them, his keepeis, and ‘ immediate advisers.’ Although the General is now 67 years ot age, his health remains ordinarily good, and has been much improved from the regimen now prescribed of sleeping in a ‘ log cabin,’ and freely using ‘hard cider,’since the adoption of which he has only suffered from a slight attack of ‘ A'euralgia ,’ which prevented him from the 14th April to the Ist June, from replying (by tlie kind permission of his keepers) to the letter of a relation and friend Irom his native Slate, which was ‘ the earliest moment’ he was able to do so, even with the kind assistance of this ‘ conscience keeping committee The General’s friends are of the opinion that he will most certainly he elected, from the reason ihat they have made opinions for him to suit every section ol the Union, if they are not ‘ published .’ and can be used otherwise ‘ except putting them in the newspapers.’ ADDRESS OF ‘THE SIX.’ We acknowledge the receipt of the address of our six Whig dele gates in Congress, intended as a j reply to Judge Colquitt’s Circular, I which we have read, and the read-1 ing of which has produced, with us, feelings of regret and surprise.—! : Although we have differed with j these gentlemen many years in re-j lation to men, and frequently in re-; lation to measures, we never be-1 lie veil that we would find either or any of them, or any other six indi viduals enjoying so much of the confidence of the people of Georgia as to entitle them to a seat in the Congress of the United States, at tempt, in the face of open day, to ;engraft and foist on the people of the State a candidate for the first office in their gift, entertaining and being the representative of every principle antipodes to them. Ihe | people of Georgia have always, ; heretofore, in the main, been sound as to their Republican faith; and |although the two great parties that ! heretofore divided the State, Union land State Rights, differed as to the | manner of judging the wrong and the mode of redress, yet on the main | question as to the powers of the j |Federal Government, both parties were strict constructionists, and ad hered to the doctrines of the Repub lican party of 1798 and 1799, as laid down and set forth in the Vir ginia and Kentucky Resolutions, So they each in their convention, in 1833, declared, each party denying and condemning the Federal or lati tiuiinarian doctripes. That sonic of ihe six may nol be lieve that General Harrison is, or ever was, a Federalist , may he true, because Col. Dawson may have told them so, hut that Gol. Dawson and Mr. Neabit so believe, no rational man for a moment can think ; br icatise they have proof upon proof upon the shoulders of demoostra ;tiou, before them, and thenTore cannot be mistaken. Why, their own address contains evidence to every rational man that is conclu sive ; and as a proof of it, that part joftl.eir report of General Harrison’s {Cheviot speech, at page 13 of their; address, which reads as follows : { i ‘ Should I be a sited if there is no way hy i which the General Government can aid the .cause of emancipation, I answer, that it has long been an object near mv heart to see the | whole of its surplus revenue appropriated to 1 that object. With the sanction of the States | holding tiie slaves, there appeals to me to tie ;no constitutional objection to its being thus {applied ; embracing not only the colonization ! of those that may be otherwise freed, but the j I purchase of freedom of others. By a zealous j prosecution of a plan formed upon that basis ; j we might look forward to a day, not very! | distant, when a North American sun would ! not look down upon a slave.’ | Now this is not till of their report lof that speech, and they may say ‘it is 4 garbled ,’ but there is no where that the principles here laid down by their Chief is by him qualified or denied ; and is there any man who claims to be a Republican, one ofi the Jeffersonian school, that would i say there is 4 no constitutional objec tion ’ to appropriate the revenue of the Government to such a purpose; as the emancipation of our slaves f It we understand the Republican creed, it is. that there is a ‘ constitu tional objection’ to every thing that | the constitution does not authorise, and will these gentlemen or any of the six, or any kind friend for them, { ! point out the authorities for such a {disposition of the national funds. {Such a power is neither expressed |nor can it he rationally implied. If, {then, to say that such could he the | action of Congress, is not this Fede | raiistn of the most ultra kind ? If! {not, why, all that has been either; i spoken or written hy Jefferson and his compatriots, moans nothing.— ; Again, at page 16, they say that j General Harrison, in a reply to! Sherrod YVil'ianis, in 1830, wherein he was asked, if elected, whether he would sign a bill incorporating a hank, sat s : ‘I would if it wore dearly ascertained that | the public interest, in relation to the olloc- j tiou and dUbmscmt nt of the revenue would j i materially sufler without one, and there were j | unequivocal manifestations of public opinion , I in its favor.’ Now these gentlemen all (except one, Mr. Habersham,) have said there was no grant for such a pow j or in the Constitution, and they, at • the same page of their address re- ! ; present General Harrison as having said : ‘"I l I ‘ I believe that the charter given to ihe Bank of the Lured .States was nncmisl.lu tional; it being not one of measures necessary to cairv any of the expressly grant ed powers into effect.’ General Harrison, therefore, is willing, if it suits his views of expo-j j diem y, to give his assent to a moas |urc for which he admits there is no ‘authority fer under the Constitution, j and that it is in violation of the j same. No Federalist has ever! went beyond this, and no Repuhli-i can ever dared to go so far. We ‘ wish to he here understood. if General Harrison is right, that ‘ tlie Bank of the Foiled States was un constitutioral,’ and Mr. Madison, who approved of that charter, had so thought, he never would have sanctioned it, hut with great doubts. Believing the Bank as necessary to an expressly granted power, he! gave it. his assent. But can any man doubt General Harrison’s Fed eralism on this subject, with the opinions by him cnteitaincd as to. the constitutionality of the measure. | We have always been taught that 1 this was the Federalists text hook ;j that the Constitution roust yield to the will of the powers that he, and so they construe it. We think, therefore, the charge of Federalism j is conclusively proved. j REPUBLICAN MEETING IN UPSON i At a meeting of the Republicans lof Upson county, held at Thomns- I ton, for the purpose of expressing jtlieir views in relation to the two | candidates now before the people for the Executive Chair, at the ap proaching election, Dempsey R. Glanton, Esq. was called to the ] Chair, and P. S. Dawson appoint ed Secretary. The object of the meeting being stated briefly by the Chair, on mo tion of Win. Gibson, Esq. the Chair I appointed a committee of three to draft resolutions for the action of [the meeting. The following gentle men formed said committee, to-wit: Thomas Mabray, Arthur Matthews, land Win. Gibson, Esq. The committee then retired and reported the following preamble and resolutions, which were adopted : Whereas, the time is fast ap-j proaching when we once more, as American citizens, slmil enjoy thei sacred right of choosing a fit and proper person to fill the Executive Chair of these United States; ami whereas, there are two candidates offered to us, to-wit : William H Harrison and Martin \an Burcn ; and whereas, we will oppose the election of General Harrison, be cause he is not a Republican of the Jefferson and Madison school, .% I.ic b will be easy proven by the following extracts from his Cheviot speech ; 4 This division of power between the Go vernment of the Union and of t e Listen, has j created a belief, that they must of necessity become antagonist principles. Not thatlhev ja;e equally dangerous, ibr whilst the General | Government is considered the very partial! iwbeii is eventually to destroy the whole sys i leni, the Stale Rights interest is represented iin the amiable light f exerting herself only to preserve the balance of power intended |by the Constitution, ‘i hat some of the ablest and best men are of tins opinion, l most sin cerely believe. But I as firmly believe that this dread spectre of consolidation has been sometimes raised and exposed to the indigna- J lion of the people as a means of effecting pur- Iposes which aic not always promotive ofth<- | public good, if the evidences of encroach mei fs and usurpation on the part of the Gen eral Government, are asked for, all, or at least those which are most relied upon, wii! he found to have been sanctioned by the first Congress held after the adoption of the Con stitution, in which were many of the first rank in talents and patriotism, who had served in the Convention. Did these men really mistake the meaning of an instrument jin the construction of which they largely con ; tnbuted, when they sustained the power of ; the General Government to protect our man uka-lories by duties on foreign goods, and {passed laws containing the same provisions wi h the much abused law of the last session j lor enforcing the collection of the iever.ee. * ° * ‘Constituted as is the Government of the Union, it appears to me j that there is not the least danger of its en croaching upon the rights of the States.’ * * * 4 Can any one look to . the prosperity which the Tariff lias produced |to the grain growing!! the grazing and mati ! ufacturing States, and say that the people j whom it en, iclies could be tired of its opera ton? But there are those who have dared to impute the concession to our fears. Fears ! |of what? of the physical force of two thirds ■ of South Carolina.’ * * * * ‘ By a course as quiet, as peaceable as the operations of tho-e laws which the Creator lias assigned for the government of the mate rial wot Id, the Judiciary department restrains the other powers of the General Government trom ihe exercise of unconstitutional powers, ’ and the Slates from those aberrations to which i a tendency has been so often manifested.’ Hero you see he relies upon the Federal Judiciary as the only expo sitor of the Constitution. Is this Mr. Jefferson’s doctrine ? No. But in Jefferson’s correspondence, vo!. 4, p. 37, we extract the following : ‘The Judiciary of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners, ennstant |ly working under the ground to undermine ; the. foundations of our cot.federated fabiic.’ * * * They will lay all things 1 at their feel, &c.’ But hear him [U unison] again : 4 1 have liras, fellow-citizens, endeavored to explain to you the principles u| o t which the Government of our Union is formed. I rrc ‘inniend to yru, however, the Proclama tion of the I'resi ent of the Un ted ! tat s, issued on the 10th day of December, and the ! speech of Mr. Webster, in answer to the ar gument of Mr. Calhoun, as containing the j most eloquent and satisfactory exposition of I those principles that have recently been pub- II shed.’ Mr. Webster’s speech, to which In; refers, maintains the following docl l ine : j ‘Thai the Cos stitut.iun of the United States |is not a league confederacy or compact be ; tween the people of the several States in their j sovereign capacities.’ * * ! ‘ Thai ihe right of S ate interposition : -t iites at the very foundation of the legida ! live powets ol Congress.’ And whereas, wo will oppose the ; election of General Harrison be jcause he is in favor ol Internal Im provement by the General Govern ment. In 1 825 Mr. Van Buren .submitted ihe following resolution to Congress : j 1 R-solved, TI at Congress does not pos sess ti e power to make roads and canals | within the respective States.’ j On the loth day of March 1818, {General Harrison voted for the fol { lowing resolutions : j Ist. That Congress has the power under the Constitution to appropriate money for ihe construction of post loads, military toads, aid other roads, and of canals, and for the im provement of water courses. 21. That Congress has power under the Constitution to construct post roads and mili tary roails, provided that private property be not taken ibr public use without just compen { sat ion. 3d. That Congress has the power under die Constitution to construct roads and canals • necessary for commerce’ between the States, providi and Sec. 4th. That Congress has power under the Constitution to construct canals for military i purposes, provided, &.c. And whereas wo will oppose the ! election of Gen. Harrison, because lie believes shivery to be a moral evil, and on the application ol the slave states, it would he constilu | tional for Congress Jo make appro priations lor the purpose of emanci pation, lie it thorefore Resolved, That we cannot sup ; port Gen. Harrison, because he does 1 not hold one principle we would have him do. Resolved, Thai his advanced ago renders him altogether unfit to rule the destinies of this wide spread na t ion. Resolved, That the integrity and steadiness of purpose with which Mr. Van Buren has sustained the measures which no deemed neces sary to maintain the credit of our country, its peace and happiness, tire [iroofs sufficient that lilts public good will he best promoted by bis re-elect ion. Resolved, That we pledge our selves to use ail honorable means to secure his election, as well ns the defeat of the federalist and aboli tionist, whig, ring streaked and (speckled, hard cider and log cabin j candidate. Resolved, That the Chair ap point twelve persons to represent the Republicans of this county at Miiiedgeville, on the 4th of July next ; arid the twelve delegates ap pointed in conformity with this re solution, are hereby empowered to I co-operate with the democrats in .M iiiedgeville in the adopt i u of such measures, and in t lie s< irct ion of such candidates for oHirr, s may