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110 f) l 4 fl Oi HIM rt( Hie ‘.'(llliCUl l!IC .’l lt! 11
sueuet year* afterwards, 1 had the honor J
oi being again associated with many of those j
who were iny companions in arms then.—j
Nineteen years afterwards, I found myself!
Commander-in-chief of the North Western 1
Army ; but i found no diminution in the :
bravery of tie American soldier. 1 found
the same spirit of valor in all, not in the regain r
soldier only, but in the unrolled militia and
volunteer silst .
What glorious reminiscences does the view
oi all these scenes around me recall to my
mind ? \Y hen i consented to visit this mem >-
rabiespo’, f expected that a thousand pleas
ant associations (would to God there were
no paiulul associations mingled with them,)
won id be recalled ; that l should meet thou
sands ol my fellow-citizens here, and among
them many of my old companions, met here
to rear anew altar to liberty in place of the
one which bad men had prostrated.
[Mere the General looked around as if for
some water, w ren the cty was raised, ‘ give
• General some hard cider.’ This was
done, much to the satisfaction of the multi- i
ifcd.j
And, fellow cit.zens, (continued the Gener
al.) I will not attempt to conceal from you, j
that, in coming here, I expected that I sirouid
receive from you, those evidences ol regard
. ‘hicli a generous people are ever willing to
- :ow upon those whom they believe are |
honest in their endeavors to serve their conn- j
try. I receive these evidences of regard and
esteem as the only reward at ail adequate to j
compensate tor the anxieties and anguish j
inch, in the pjst, I experienced upon this 1
o t. Is there any man of sensibility, or
{ ■..ssessing a f cling of self-respect, who asks !
what those feelings were ? Do you suppose j
tiiat the Commander-in Chief finds his reward 1
in the glitter and splendor of the camp? or
in the forced obedience of the masses around
him? These are not pleasures under all
circumstances —these are not the rewards
which a soldier seeks. I ask any man to
place himself in my situation, and then say
whether the extreme pain and anguish which
I endured, and which every person similarly
situated must have endured, can meet with
any adequate compensation, except by such \
expressions of the confidence and gratitude ol
the people, as that with which you, felloiv
citiZens, have this day honored me? These
feelings are common to all commanders of
sense and sensibility. The commanders of
Europe possess them, although placed at the
head of armies reared to war. How much
more naturally would those feelings attach to
a commander situated as I was? For of what
materials was the the army composed which
was placed under my command? The sol
diers who fought and bled and triumphed
here, were lawyers, who had thrown up their
briefs—physicians, who had laid aside their
instruments—mechanics, who had put up
their tools—and, in far the largest proportion,
agriculturists, who had left their ploughs in
the furrow, although their families depended
for their bread upon their exertions, and who
hastened to the battle-field to give their life
the country if it were necessary, to main
tain her rights. 1 could point from where I
now stand, to places where I felt this anxiety
pressing heavily upon me, as I thought of the
fearful consequences of a mistake on my part,
or the want of judgment on the part of others,
f knew there were wives who had given their
husbands to the field—mothers wfio had
clothed their sons lor battle; and I knew that
<hese expecling wives and mothers were
looking for the safe return of their husbands
ad sons. When to this was added the re
collection, that the peace of the entire West
would be broken up, and the glory of my
country tarnished if I failed, you may possi
b!y conceive the anguish which my situation
was calculated to produce. Feeling my re
sponsibility. I personally supervised and
directed the arrangement of the army under
my command. I trusted to no colonel or
other officer. No person had any hand in ;
any disposition of the army. Every step ofj
warfare, whether for good or ill, was taken j
undei my own direction, and by none other, j
as many who now hear me know. Whether j
i v -v movement would or would not, pass
-• criticism of Bonaparte or Wellington, l j
Know not; but whether they would induce
applause or censure, upon myself it must fall.
But, (eHow-citizens, still another motive
induced me to accept the invitation winch
had beet, so kindly extended to tne. I knew
that here I should meet with many who had
f! ught and hied under niv command —that f
should have the pleasure of taking them by
Inc hand, and recurring, with them, to the
scenes of'i.e past. I expected, too, to meet
with a few of the great and good men yet
-urviving, by whose elforts our freedom was
ehieved. This pleasure alone would have
pi) ufficient to have io luced my visit to
■ i;is interesting spot upon this equally inier
. hng occasion. I see my old companions
lx re, and i see not a few of the revolutionary
eterans around me. Would to God that it
had ever been in mv power to have made
them comfortable and happy—that their sun
might go down in peace! But, fellow
citizens, they remain unprovided for—tr.onu
ments of the ingratitude of my country. It
was with the greatest difficulty that the
existing pension act was passed through
Congress. But whv was it restricted ? Why
were the brave solders who fought under
Wayne excluded ? Soldiers who suffered
far more than those who fought in the revo
lution proper. The revolution, in fact, did
not terminate until 1794 —unit! the battle was
fought upon the battle ground upon which
my eye now rests (Miami.) There never
was a treaty of peace with the Indians. War
continued with them from the commencement
of the revolution until the victory of Wayne,
to which I have just alluded. The great
Highway to the “West was the scene ot
unceasing slaughter. Then why this unjust
disorimination ? Why are the soldiers who
terminated the war ol the revolution, in fact,
excluded, while those by whom it was begun,
or a portion of them, are rewarded.” __ 1 will
■ ell you ivby. Tiie poor remnant ot \Y ayne s
•jimy had but few advocates, while those who
nod served in the revolution proper, had
p'enty'of friends. Scattered, as they were,
ver all parts of the Union, and in large num
s, they could exert an influence at the
‘Take oare, for I have waited long
tui'.igh for what has been promised. The
former plea of poverty can no longer be
ole. Take care, your seat is in danger.
*Oh! yes, every thing that has beem pro j
rnised shall be attended to if you will give |
ne your votes.’ In this way, fellow citizens, j
•. rj v. but not partial, justice was done to the i
i.ers of the revolution. They made
biends by their influence at the ballot box. j
Bu it as different with Gen. Wayne’s sol-j
oiers. They were but a few in number, and I
they had but one or two humble allvocates to ‘
speak tor them in Congress. The result has j
been justice lias been withheld.
I have Baid that the soldiers under W ayne!
experienced greater hardships even than the j
soldiers of the revolution. This is so. Every!
one can appreciate the difference between an ‘
Indian and a regular war. When wounded j
in battle, the soldier must have warmth and i
shelter before he can recover. This could j
always he secured bv the soldier of the revo
lution. In those days, the latch string of no
door was pulled in. ‘ When noun led, lie was,
sun* to find shelter and very many of those
comforts so essential to the sick, out which
the soldier in an Indian war cannot procure.
Instead of shelter and warmth, he is exposed
to the thousand ills incident to Indian war 1 a re.
Ye’ no relief was extended to those who had
thus suffered.
After the war closed under Wayne, ! retired
and when I saw a man poorer than all others,
wunderin” ab'ffi ihe land, deciepid ami dc-
i-tvru t.y mu.taperar.ee, h wu- imni-ti-mry
jto inquire whether he had ever belonged to
|YV ay lie’s army, His condition was a guar
jantee of that— was a sufficient assurance that
lie had wasted his energies among the un
wholesome swamps oi tne West, in the de
|letice of the rights of Ins fellow citizens, and
for the maintenance ol the honor and glory of
i his country.
We, fellow citizens, I can only say, that if
{ it should ever be in my power to pay the debt
which is due these brave but neglected men,
’ dial debt shall fiist of all be paid. And lam
| very well satisfied that the government can
’ a fiord it, provided (lie latch string of the treas
ury shall ever be more carefully pulled in.
Perhaps you will ask me for some proof of
my friendship for old soldiers. If so, I can
“lie it you from the records of Congress.
When the fifteen hundred dollar law was re
ported, I opposed it, as I opposed changing
j the pay of members of Congress from six to
; eight dollars, until ive had done justice to, and
provided for these soldiers. You will find my
votes upon this question, among the records
i of Congress, and my speech upon it, in thede
| bates of the time.
I will now, fellow citizens, give you my
reasons for itaving refused to give pledges and
| opinions more freely that) l have done since
jmy nomination to the Presidency. Many of
the statements published upon this subject are
by no means correct; but it is true that it is
my opinion that no pledge should be made by
an individual when in nomination for any of
fice in the gift of tie people. And why?
Once adopt it. and the battle will no longer be
to the strone—to t! ie virtuous—or to the sin
cere lover of his country; but to him who is
prepared to tell the greatest number of lies,
hd"i to proffer the largest number of pledges,
1 Which he never intends to carry out. I sup
| puse that the best guarantee which an Amer
ican citizen could ha e of the correctness of
i the conduct of an individual in the future,
would be his conduct in the past, when he had
no temptation before him to practice deceit.
Now, fellow citizens, I have not altogether
(grown grey under the helmet oi my country,
1 although I have worn it for some time. A
; large portion of my life has been passed in
I the civil departments of my government.
Examine my conduct there, and the most te
nacious democrat—l use the word in its pro
per sense; I mean no: to confine it to parties,
lor there are good men in both—may, doubt
less, discover faults, but he will find no single
act calculated to derogate from the rights of
the people.
However, to prove the reverse of this, I
have beeti called a Federalist. [Here was a
loud cry of ‘the charge is a lie—a base lie.
You are no federalist.] Well, what is a
federalist? I recollect what the word formerly
signified, and there are many others present
who recollect its former signification also.
They know that the federal party were accu
sed of a design to strengthen the hands of the
general government at the expense of the
separate Stales. That accusation could not,
nor cannot apply to mv. i was brought up
alter the strictest manner of Virginian anti
federalism. St. Paul himself was not a great
er devotee to the doctrines of the Pharisees,
than was I, by inclnation and a father’s pre
cepts and example, to anti-federalism. I
was taught to believe that, sooner or later,
tlia t Fatal catastrophe to human liberty would
take place—that the general government
would swallow up all the state governments,
and that one department of the government
would swallow up all the other departments.
I do not know whether my friend Mr. Van
Buren (and he is, and I hope ever will be, my
personal friend'! has a throat that can swallow
every thing; but I do know, that if his meas
ures are all carried out, he will lay a founda
tion for others to do so, if lie does not.
\Y 7 hat reflecting man, fellow citizens, can
not see this? The Representatives of the
People were once the source of power. Is it
so now.? Nay. It is to the Executive man
sion now that every eye is turned—that every
wish is directed. The men of office and par
ity, who are governed by the seven principles
of John Randolph, to wit: the five loaves and
i two fishes, seem to have their ears constantly
j directed to the great hell at head quarters, to
i indicate how the little ones shall ring.
But to return, l have but to remark that my
anti-federalism has been tempered by my
long service in die employ of my country —
and my fiequent oaths to support her general
government; hut I am as ready to resist the
encroachments on State Rights, as I am to
support the legitimate authority of the Exec
utive, or the general government.
Now, fellow-citizens, I have very little
more to say, except to exhort you lo go on,
peacefully if you can—and you can—to effect
that reform upon which your hearts are fixed.
| W hat calamitous consequences will ensue lo
| the world if you fail! If you should fail, how
j the tyrants of Europe will rejoice. If you
! fail, how will the friends of freedom, scattered
like the few planets of heaven, over the world,
mourn, when they see the beacon light of
liberty extinguished—the light whose rays
they had hoped would yet penetrate the whole
benighted world.
If you triumph it will only be done by vigi- ■
lance and attention. Our personal friends,
but political enemies, remind each oilier that
‘Eternal vigilance is die price of Liberty.’l
While journeying hitherward, I observed
this motto waving at the head of a proces
sion composed of die Iriends of the present
administration. From this I inferred, that
discs iminalion was necessary in order to
know who to watch. Under Jefferson, Mad
ison and Monroe, the eye of the People was
turned to the right source —to the admin
istration. The administration, however
now say to the People, ‘you must not watch
us, but you must watch the Whigs! On
ly do that, and all is safe!’ But that, my
fiieuds, is not the way. The old fashioned
republican rule is to watch the government.
See that the government does not acquire ’
I too much power. Keep a check upon your
■ rulers. Do this, and liberty is sale. And it
- your efforts should result successfully, and I
jshonld be placed in the Presidential chair, I
j shall invite a recurrence to the old republican
i rule, to watch the administration, and to con
| demn all its acts which are not in accordance
j with the strictest code of republicanism.
Our rulers, fellow-citizens, must be watched.
| Power is insinuating. Few men are satisfied
j with less power than they are able to procure, j
!If the ladies whom I see around me, were
I near enough to hear me, and of sufficient age
I to give an experimental answer, they would
! tell von that no lover is ever satisfied with the
first smile ofiiis mistress.
It is necessary, therefore, to watch, not the
political opponents of an administration, but
I the administration itself, and to see that it
| keeps within tho bounds of the Constitution
| and the laws of the land. The Executive of
this Union has immense power to do mischief,
if he sees fit to exercise that power. He may
orostrate the country. Indeed, this country
lias Jieen already prostrated. It has already
| Fallen from pure republicanism, to a mon
jarehy in spirit, if not in name. A celebrated
I author defines monarchy to be that form of
i government in which the Executive has at
j once the command of the army, the execution
ot the laws and the control of the purse.—
Now, how is it, with our present Executive?
The Constitution gives to him the control of
die army, and the execution of the laws. He
! now only awaits Ihe possession of the purse to
: make him a Monarch. Not a Monarch sim
ply, with the power of the King of England,
but a Monarch with the powers of the Auto
crat ot Russia. For Gibbon says that an in
dividual possessed of these powers‘wiil, unless
j closely watched, make himself a despot.’
I The passage of the Sub-Treasury bill will
{give to the President an accumulation of
; power—the single additional power that the
Tortsuuuion v. triim nun, and thej
j possession of which will make him a Mon-;
larch. This catastrophe to freedom should!
! be, and can be, prevented, by vigilance, union
jand perseverance.
[•We will do it,’ resounded from twenty!
i thousand voices, ‘ive will do it!']
In c inclusion, then, fellow citizens, I would
impress it upon ail—Democrats and Whig*
TO GIVE UP THE IDEA OF WATCHING EACH
OTHER, AND DIRECT YOUR EYE TO THE GOVERN
MENT. Do that and your children's children
to the latest posterity, will be as happy and
as I'ree as you and your fathers have been.
[At the close of this speech, the vast multi
jtude gave ‘three times three,’with an una
j nimity and heartiness which spoke eloquently
j the unanimity of their sentiments as to the
I force, trutli and beauty ot the speech, and the
i worth, merit and virtue of the speaker.]
TO THE CITIZENS OF GEORGIA WITH
OUT RESPECT TO PARTIES.
Fellow-Citizens: I feel somewhat reluc
tant to address you upon a political subject.
Bui a false delicacy shall never prevent me
from expressing my opinion upon subjects of
a political character involving our dearest
rights. And if you should think me more
presuming than delicate, I hope you will not
consider me too assuming; as it is the ac
knowledged right of all the citizens of this yet
free and happy government, without reserve
to give their views on all questions and sub
jects, whether political, civil or religious. I
assure you that I should not now trouble you
with my opinion on the Presidential question,
if I did not honestly believe that more de
pends upon (be final” result of that question
than many are aware of. When long cher
ished prejudices have become so far matured
as to impel partisans madly on without ira
• partially investigating the merits of questions
of the grea.est importance to the partizans
themselves; tlie final result will be ruin or
disgrace. For at such a time the political
heat is so high as to cause correct principles
to wither at its touch; and such a heat is
sure to be produced by a combination of ele
ments of a conflicting character. And what
is the character ot the elements now in the
political furnace ? Federalism, Bankism, Ab
olitionism, and the tinder and spark of Nulli
fication. And while the demon of discord is
endeavoring to burn down the pillars of free
dom, let us invite the genius of liberty to
pour the cooling streams of calmer reflection
upon ali parties to atlay the heat and quench
the fire of strife.
In the great struggle for popular rights,
when Mr. Jefferson was elected President,
who suppoited him? All will acknowledge
that it was the democratic or republican party;
and that his opponents were the federal par
ty. Now lam old enough to have a knowl
edge of the great leading principles of these
parties in those days, and iivrng in a Slate
(North Carolina,) where there were many
federalists, and although young and inexpe
rienced I had frequent altercations with them.
I then viewed them as I now do, a monopo
lizing party whose principles are dangerous
to liberty. When a youth I spent a night
with ’Squire Ashby, ol Lincoln county, N. C.
He was a friendly man and amiable in his
manners, but most rigidly opposed to Mr.
Jefferson, and an undisguised federalist. I
was then, and ever have been, the warm
friend of Mr. Jefferson, and an admirer of
the correctness and simplicity of his political
principles, and advocated them as well as
I could; and in the course of our conversa
tion, Mr. A. asked rue to explain the differ
ence between federal and republican princi
ples, (thinking no doubt, to embarrass me,)
which I readily did in the following simple
way:—
‘The federalists, sir, wish to establish a
hereditary government; they wish all offices
to descend from fathers to their sons, thereby
depriving the people of the right of choosing
their own officers. And the republicans, sir,
maintain that the people have equal rights
and should choose their officers.’ The old
gentleman replied, ‘a very good explanation,’
and the subject was dropped. I merely men
tion ibis as a sample of the principles of the
two parties in the days of Jefferson., and in
the days of my youth. And as there was but
two political parties then, so it is now. I re
collect that there were some who labored to
get up a third party, called ‘federal republi
cans,’ but they were federalists and never
failed to act with the federal party until they |
became extinct, being swallowed up in their
old party. At this time there are but two
great political parties. And when we hear
of old parties breaking up and forming new
ones, it is altogether a mistake, for they will
certainly soon become identified with one or
the other of the old parties, republican or
federal; for a third party cannot long exist.
Noiv, republicans of Georgia, are you will
ing to become identified with old northern
iederalists, who have always opposed your
long cherished principles of equal rights and
j free suffrage ? It surely cannot be. There
i are but two candidates for the presidency,
| and one of them is the candidate of the I'ed
i eralisls, and the other the Republican’s can-
I didate. That Mr. Harrison is the federalist’s
! candidate, there can be no doubt; and that
J Mr. Y r an Buren is the candidate of the re
publican party is equally certain. I say to
you, fellow citizens, that the man who would
involve for one hour the liberties of a poor
man that is not able to pay court fees—should
never be trusted with the liberties of a free
people. Should we not fear that when all
the ‘surplus funds are exhausted’ to set our
own negroes free, that he would in turn sell i
us lo replenish the treasury? The man that j
would sell a poor debtor would sell a nation.
I make no pretensions to prescience, but I
venture to predict that if General YViliiam H.
Harrison is elected President of the United
States, this Union will be dissolves if he pos
sesses the abolition principes as acknowledged |
iby himself. For it is the settled principle!
| and the determined purpose of the people of
i Georgia and of the south generally, not to j
| suffer their domestic privileges and State
; rights to be improperly or unconstitutionally !
meddled with by the general government.!
And is it not morally certain that if this old
dotard is elected President, lie will be so far
under the influence of his abolition friends, as
to aid them by his official authority to carry
out their destructive principles.—
And now, my beloved fellow countrymen,
! will you reflect upon the awful consequences]
that must follow as a matter of course. Do
you desire to seethe South and YVest en-■
gaged in bloody conflict with the North and
East? ‘Then let us be faithful to ourselves;
and to our children, and prevent the doleful;
desolating scene while we may; by bestow
ing our suffrage on the man that is politically j
honest and unmasked: or else we can have
no guarantee that our liberties are safe. It’
Mr. Van Buren is elected, we have the most
positive assurance that so far as his official
authority can prevent, that our domestic
tranquility shall not be disturbed by the abo
lition fiend. If any of you think that Mr.
Harrison is not an abolitionist, look at the
mass of evidence against him in Mr. Colquitt’s
address, and in the speech of Mr. Duncan of
Ohio, the Democratic YY'atchtower, published
in Alabama, Sue. Sec. Read his own acknowl
edgments; he declares that he has been a
member of an abolition society ever since he
was ‘eighteen years old.’Mr. Colquitt is a
State rights man, and although lately denoun-i
ced by his party, he has shed a lustre upon it, i
and proved himself worthy of the name ofj
State rights man. My State rights friends, I
know many ofyou well, and have proved you
to be good’ and true to the cause of liberty. {
And it is matter of consolation to me to know
that you will not aid in the cause of abolition |
by supporting Harrison, an avowe i abo
’ li'ionist. Neither will vou support a man.
I tffiu would give me ;asi aupius uo>ar in hue
; treasury to I'ree yo’ r slaves without your coii
sent. Dangerous man; too obnoxious to the
South for republican Georgians to think of
(elevating to the chief magistracy of this great
i and growing republic. I hope that you will
■ believe tne when I say, that I have no ends to
answer but what is common to us ali; and if I
did not believe that an evil genius (aboliton)
was surely preying upon the very vitals of this
republic, I would hold my peace. It is my
; settled opinion that there are persons, both in
die North and tiie South, who descry the
| heights of ambition at no great distance, and
are secretly aiding the cause of abolition as
the surest means of overturning this govern
mem, that they may set up a northeren and
i southern government to their own liking,
i where they can rule with their hands in banks,
j and make merchandise of poor white men.
Who should not tremble for the safety of
; this union when such strange combinations
■ are forming? Is this, the fairest political
(fabric that ever the sun shone upon—the
| brightest gem that ever decked this globe, to
become a prey to party rage and mad ambi
tion ? Shall our children be compelled to sit
by the river of Babylon, and weep when they
remember the liberties that their fathers en
joyed? Oil, Heaven! kind Heaven forbid it.
For if the broad shield of virtuous power
that overspeads this Asylum ol Liberty, ‘ the
! home of the brave and the land of the free,’
; should be swept away by the conflicting ele
i ments of party strife, farewell freedom ; our
j ail will then be gone, forever gone. Foreign
I despots may then fatten upon our spoils, and
j die mitred head again nod defiance at the
j world and bid our sons bow and ‘ kiss his
I great toe.’ I have impartially read pamph
lets, essays and speeches, written and pub
lished with a view to break down tiie present
administration, and they all exhibit the unen
viable attitude of violent partizans, who have
racked and tortured their wits to invent ways
and means to accomplish their ends, but have
finally lost their equanimity, and have be
come so entangled in the net that they
spread for their opponents, that they remind
one of a fly dangling in a spider’s web.
Fellow citizens, our duty is before us; let
us attend to it while we have opportunity.
It is to save this Union from the deathlike
grasp of the leli monster Abolition. This
can be done by rejecting Harrison and elect
ing Y 7 an Buren President. How many of the
State Rights party in Georgia will follow the
noble, the praiseworthy example set by Col
quitt, Cooper and Black, and say to the
world, by their acts, that they prefer the an
swer of a good conscience to the smiles of
partisans. Many, no doubt, will follow’ in
their wake, and rally at the helm of the ship
of State, and save the ark of our political sal
vation from being wrecked upon tire coast of
Africa. Let Union men and Slate Rights
men be true to their principles, and all will be
safe. Many of you know that lam uncom
promising in State Rights principles, for the
rights of the States must be preserved sacred
and inviolable, as well as the union of the
States, without which, the government will
prove a curse instead of a blessing. In by
gone days I had prejudices, and my partisan
heat was rather too warm ; but it is not so
now, for I have been out of the political fur
nace long enough to get cool; and I say to
vou, that it will not do for us to support JVIr.
Ha rrison for President, for reasons too strong
to be resisted by a calm, reflecting mind;
reasons that should preponderate over the
prejudices of all southern men. Why has he
so long been laid aside in the rubbish or
among the refuse of federal lumber? Because
they knew that he did not possess the high
qualifications necessary to enable him to dis
charge the duties of so high a station as that
to which he now aspires. He is not Ihe man
to be trusted with the destiny of this great
republic. If elected he will not, in my hum
ble opinion, administer equal justice to every
section of this Union, and that either his
ignorance, partiality or cupidity, will endan
ger i;s existence. Let stump orators laud
h rn, let smoking joints of slaughtered victims
groan upon tables for him, and welt filled
goblets of wine invite the unwary, but never
let it be said that luncheons of meat or gob
lets of wine could buy a Ireeman’s vote. 1
beseech you, let there be no Esans in our
ranks, who would sell their birthright for a
mess of pottage.
We may look out for breakers. No doubt
but what court and muster grounds will be
! saluted with thundering anathemas against
Mr. Y r an Buren, on account of his prodigality,
while hallelujahs will ring to the praise of the
economical Hn rrison. Wake up, Georgians !
for the plaintive tones of syren songs are
only dangerous when half asleep. You will
no doubt be told from the sofa of the great
and from tiie mole bill of the demagogue, and
from the stump of the field orator, that Van
Bvren has been more extravagant and waste
ful of the public money than any other Pre
sident since the commencement of this gov
ernment, and that if he is re-elected, four
years more will completely bankrupt the
government, and then we shali be compelled
to groan under the insufferable burden of tax
ation. Has Mr. \ r an Buren wasted the pub
lic money ? or has he appropriated a single
dollar that his oatli of office did not compel
him to do? If so, prove him guilty, and I will
no longer support him; for the doctrine that
‘he that is unfaithful in little is also unfaithful
in much,’ is true, and we should not support
him. YVho, then, should ive support ? Har
rison ? No, never, for we will not support a
man whose political character is defiled with
the filth of abolitionism, and one who is under
j the watchful eye ol'keepers, lest he should
disclose the great secret, and thereby defeat
the worse than gunpowder plot. And if the
present administration has been so extravas
gantly wasteful of the people’s money, who is
to blame? Not the President but the people
themselves, who by their representatives in
Congress, have placed such large amounts at
his disposal, and bid him as their public ser
vant to apply it to the fftirposes by them
directed. And what would now be the lan
guage of the federalists and their new allies,
if he had refused to apply the money set
apart for specific uses as directed by the
laws of Congress? Why ‘vile forsworn
wretch, 5 he has refused to execute the laws of
the United States which he was sworn faith
fully to do. ‘Down with him, away with him,
away with such a fellow from the earth for he
is not fit to live.’ ‘But he has appropriated
money not specially directed by any particu
lar act of Congress.’ You meanoutof the
contingent fund. Well, is not the contingent
j fund set apart by iaw for genera! purposes?
■ And has Mr. Y~an Buren exhausted that and
thrust his hand into the treasury and wasted
the people’s money in bargaining for power?
NO? you know he has not. Then let us say
S bv re-electing him, well done good and faithful
servant. LUKE ROBINSON.
Union Grove, Newton county, Ga. £
June 11,1840. >
DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST ALL
NATURALIZED CITIZENS.
The British whig party of New
Oil eans, have declared war against |
all naturalized citizens, by adopting
the two following articles:
Alt. 2. ‘ We bind ourselves to
co-operate by all lawful means, with
our fellow-citizens in the United
States, to procure a repeal of the
naturalization laws.’
Art. 3. ‘We will use all proper
and reasonable exertions to exclude
foreigners from enjoying the emolu
ments or honor of office, whether
■ under the GeficYal or State Admin
istrations.’
Alter this, can any foreigner who
has triable this his. adopted oomiti'y,
consent to cast his vote for any
British whig ? They are live same
party here that they are in New
Orleans, notwithstanding they tux*
approaching you with a mash on
their face and courting yf|ur favor.
Have nothing to do with them, for
they are as full of hfjtocrisy ami
deceit as the serpent that entered
the garden of Eden.
SENTINEL & HERALD!
COLUMBUS, JULY 4, 1810.
This Institution is one of the most dea'liy hostility
existing against the principles and form of out Consti
tution . The nation is, at this time, so strong and united
in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this mo
ment. But suppose a series of untoward events should
occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a
Republican Government to meet a crisis of great dan
ger , or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the
public functionaries; an institution like this. penetrating 1
by its branches every part of the union, acting by com- ,
viand and in phalanx, may in a critical moment, upset
the government. I dean no government safe, which is
under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, ‘
or any other authority than that of the nation, or its reg
ular functionaries. IVhat an obstruction could not tJiis
Bank of the United States, with all its branch b<mks,
be in time of war ? It might dictate to us the peace we
should accept, or withdraw its aid. Ought we then to
give further growth to an institution so powerful, so
hostile ? — Thomas Jefferson.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET. j
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN FORSYTH.
REASONS
WHY OEKi W. H. HARRISON SHOULD
NOT EE ELECTED PRESIDENT, j
Gen. Harrison's Opinions on the subject of Abolition
“ TO THE PUBLIC.
“ Fellow Citizens. —Being called sud- 1
denly home to attend my sick family, I have
but a moment to answer a few calumnies
which are in circulation concerning me.
From my earliest youth to the present mo
ment I have been the ardent friend of human
liberty. At the age of eighteen I BECAME
A MEMBER OF AN ABOLITION SO
CIETY, established at Richmond ; the object
of which was to ameliorate the condition of
slaves, and procure their freedom by every
legal means. My venerable friend Judge
Gatch, of Claremont county, wasaiso a mem
ber of this Abolition Society, and lias lately
given me a certificate that I was one. The
obligation which I then came under I have
faithfully performed. * * *
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.”
Gen. Harrison the Nominee of the Abolitionists.
From Garrison’s Liberator.
“ Nomination of Gen. Harrison. —The
National Whig Convention, assembled at
Harr.sburg on the sth December, nominated
William H. Harrison for the office of Presi
dent of the United States. On the first and
second ballots the vote stood, for Henry Clay
108, for Harrison 94, for Winfield Scott 57.
On the third ballot the vote was, for Harrison
148, for Clay 90, for Scott 16. Jill the slave
States voted for Clay. We regard ibis as
another important sign of the times—as a
signal defeat of the slaveholding power in thin
country. —Had it not been for Abolitionism,
Henry Clay would undoubtedly have been
nominated. We have faith to believe that no
slaveholder will ever again be pesmitted to Jill
the Presidential office of this republic.”
From die Emancipator, the organ cf the Abolitionists
in New York.
The Harrisburg Convention. —Well, the
agony is over, anti Henry Clay is—laid upon
the shelf. And no man of ordinary intelli
gence can doubt or deny that it is the anti-;
slavery feeling of the North which has done
if, in connection with his own ostentatious and
insolent pro-slavery demonstrations in Con
gress. Praise to God for a great anti-slavery
victory! A man of high talents, of great
distinction, of long political services, of bound
less personal popularity, has been openly
rejected (or the Presidency of this great Re
public, on account of his devotion to slavery.
Set up a moument of progress there. Let
the wind tell the tale—let the slaveholders
hear the news —let foreign nations hear it—
let O’Connell hear it--let the slaves hear it:
A slaveholder is incapacitated for the Presi
dency of the United States. The reign of
slavocracy is hastening to a close. The.
rejection of Henry Clay and the nomination
of William Henry Harrison by the Whig
Convention , taken in consideration with all
!he circumstances, is one of the heaviest blows
that the monster slavery has received in this
country.
Proof that General l[arriso>i is the Nominee of the
Federalists.
“ He (General Harrison) has now been selected by
the general voice of those whose political principles agree
with his own, to go the head of the column, and to bear
up and advance the flag under which it is hoped those
principles may be maintained and defended l.”
Danikl WeßstHr.
Proof that he is u Federalist. *
“ Gen. Harrison declared that in issuing*
the Proclamation General Jnciiion }|p<
accomplished more good for the country than he achiev'd
by his splendid victory at the battle of Ntw Orleans.
Georgia Journal.
**# , #
“Gen. Harrison is a FEDERALIST, and
his election to the Presidential Chair would
give to the Federal Party sue!) an ascendancy
in the administration of the Government, as it
has not possessed since the formation of our
Government.” Ibid.
* # # #
Gen. Harrison is an avoived opponent of
our doctrines , and would, no doubt, should he
think it expedient, put into to practical ope
ration the principles of the proclamation and
force bill. ’ Ibid.
* * * *
“Gen. Harrison promises nothing that will
advance the principles that we contend for.
On the contrary, he is a i’oe to their advance
ment, and to be consistent, should occasion
present itself, he must aid to put tl em down.”
Ibid.
John Randolph, in the Senate, in the year
1926, said:
“He was an open, zealous, and frank sup
porter of the sedition-law and black-cockade
administration ; and I was as zealous, frank,
and open opponent of the black-cockade and
sedition-law administration. We differ fun
damentally and totally; we never can agree
about measures or about men. I do not
mean to dictate to the gentleman; let us agree
to differ as gentlemen ought to do, especially
natives of the same State, who are antipodes
to each other in politics.”
Gen. Harrison in reply, by way of admis
sion of the truth of the charge, says :
‘ The gentleman had no means of knowing
my political principles, unless he obtained them
from private conversations. As I was on
terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it is
very probable that he might have heard me
express sentiments favorable to the then ad
ministration. I certainly felt them —so far,
at least, as to the course pursued by it in re
la* ion !> ’he Gi vernment ofFrajjee. For Mr,
I Adams, 1 entertained at that time, and have
ever since entertained, the greatest respect,
j 1 believe him to be an honest man ami a pure
i patriot; and his conduct during that session
proved him to be suat]. This opinion, 1 know
Was entertained by those two able and up
! right statesmen Joint .Marshall and James dl.
| bayard. 1
i Gen. Harrison in favor of the Tariff.
j ‘ln aii address delivered before the Agri
jcffimral Society of Hamilton county, in 1831,
|he said, may be asked whether, under any
eircmpstanci.‘4j, I wouul be willing to abandon
the tariff? I answer without hesitation, in the
j affirmative; whenever lire streets of Abrfulk
and C hath Aon shall be cowed with grass,
and our southern friams find jio marketJ'or
their produce, and this stme of thious caw he
I directly traced to the tarilT, I would then in
stantly give my vote for its modification or
entire repeal.”
Gen. Harrison in favor of selling free white persons for
FINHS and COSTS.
Extract from the journal of the stute o f Ohio.
Tuesday Jan, SO, 1821.
Senate met pursuant to adjournment.
Th Senate then, according to the order of
the day, resolved itself into a committee of
I the whole upon ‘the bill from the House enti
tled an act lor the punishment of certain of
fences therein named,’ and after sometime
therein spent, the Speaker (Allen Trimble) re-,
sumed tire ehaU.
Mr. Fithian then moved to strike out the
19th section of said bill as follows:
Be it finther enacted, That when any per
son shall be imprisoned, either upon execu- 1
tion or otherwise, for the non-payment of a
tine or cost, it shall he lawful for the sheriff of;
I tiie coumy to sell out such person as a servant
j to any person within this state who will pay |
tke *hole amount due, for the shortest period j
of service; of which sale public notice shall
be given at least ten days; and upon such
sale being etlected the sheriff shall give to the
purchaser a certificate thereof, and deliver
over the prisoner to him, from which time the
relation between such purchaser and the pri
soner, shall be that of master and servant, until
the time of service expires; and for injuries
done for either, remedy shall be had in the
same manner, as is or may be provided by
law in case of master and apprentices. But
nothing herein contained shalfbe construed to
prevent persons being discharged from impri
sonment according to the provisions of the 37
section of thejeict to which this is supplementa
ry, if it shall be considered expedient to grant
such discharge. Provided that the court in
pronouncingupon any person convicted under
this act, or the act to which this is supple
mentary, may direct such person or persons to
lie detained in prison until the fine be paid or
the person or persons otherwise disposed o.
agreeably to the provisions of this act.’
Upon this motion of Mr. Fithian to strike
out the above section, the vote recorded as 1
follows:
‘Yeas—Messrs Beasly, Brown, Fithian, ■
Gass, Keaton, Jennings, Lucas, Mathews, j
McLaughlin, McMilton, Newcomb, Robb. I
Russell, Scofield, Shelby, Spencer, Swie,!
Thompson, and YVomeleof—2o.
Nays—Messrs Baldwin, Cole, Foos, Fos- !
ter, WILLIAM H. HARRISON, McLean,
Oswalt, Pollock, Ruggles, Roberts, Wheeler,
and Speaker.—l 2.
Thus you see that this section lias not been
permitted to disgrace the statue books of Ohio.
And for the information of sceptical of the
piebald party, we will append the following
certificate, from the Secretary of State which
is endorsed upon its back—to wit:
Secretary of State’s Office, )
Columbus, O. Sept. 10. 1886. $
I certify that the foregoing is a true and ac
curate copy from the journals of the Senate of
the State ol Ohio, beintr the first session of
the nineteenth General Assembly, held at Cos
lumbus, Dec. 1820.
See page 803, 304, 805.
CARTER B. HARLAN.
Secretary of Slate.
EXCHANGES.
The great disparity in the value
of our paper currency as compared
with spesie, is such that from its
effect upon the commercs of tire
country in the procuration of north
ern funds, and for the purpose of
making remittances, that the public
feeling is becoming every day stron
ger anti stronger In favor of an early
resumption of specie payments. A
public meeting has been held in Ma
con on this subject, and resolutions
censuring the present course of the
banks in tlie strongest terms were
unanimously adopted ; and from
what we have heard from our fel
low-citizens, a similar feeling pre
vails here.
We are aware that two of our
city hanks, the Columbus and Plant
ers and Mechanics’, are as solvent
as any other hanking institutions in
our State. (As to the Chattahoochee
Rail Road Rank it has just gone
into operation, and we are not so
well prepared to speak of it, hut
have no cause to say that it is not
equally solvent.) And that the cause
tof suspension Ly them was not pro
duced by any act of theirs and that
they will be as prompt to resume as
any hanks whatever. (And we
presume the Chattahoochee Rail
Road Rank will, also.) Yet, it is a
great wrong upon the whole com
munity, that even their hills (and
we repeat that they are intrinsically
worth as much as the hills of any
hank,) will not produce, in gold or
silver* over 90 cents on the dollar,
or 87 1-2 cents in New York funds,
and we believe it should he reme
died. The evil commenced in Phila
delphia, whenthere was no necessity;
it w'as necessarily followed up in its
westward course, until it reached us,
and from the action of the eastern
hanks, those amongst us have been
compelled to adopt the course they
have, so far as a suspension of specie
payments. But whilst we are dispo
sed to justify our city hanks as to the
necessity of a suspension, the course
of some of the banks of Georgia
relative to the northern exchanges,
can in no wise he justified or ex
cused. For the great forbearance of
the people towards the banks, they
certainly owe them some corres
ponding obligation, and if they can
not redeem their notes in gold and
silver, and cannot afford to furnish
the exchanges at 2 per cent, premi
um, under the laws, they should at
least have abstained from entering I
the market as purchasers of north
ern funds, and from their large cap-;
ital amj other facilities purchased a I
greater part me and naw have their i
agents in Now York to. purchase dj)
their own funds at a depreciated
.value. The Merchant vvantir. u.ui
at the north may goto the hunk,
and make a deposite with thorn oi
-their own liiiis, and take their cot
jtificattt of the same, and then p ro .
i coed to New York and sell (o thei:
| own agent their certificate at a dis
count of 13 per cent. Is this deal
ling in good faith on the part of the
bank ? The balance of trade can
scarcely be said to ho against tlie
South, and yet by this system, our
-citizens are paying to our ou n hanks
by a discount of the debts of the
bank, more than a tithe of all their
[annual products. -
This great evil must ne remedied,
and the only legitimate one that the
people can apply, is by the action of
the Legislature—force a resumption
or institute proceedings in the courts
for the purpose of setting aside their
charters.
HARRISON’S SPEECH AT FORT
MEIGS.
A copy of this production will be
found in today’s Sentinel and iler-
Ittld. Were no other evidence of
j the General’s imbecility of mind and
| heresy of principle before the pub
lic. this speech alone would be con
clusive as to his utter unfitness to
(discharge even with mediocrity the
duties of the office to w hic h he is
| now an aspirant. 11 is seeing a man
‘ decrcpid and decayed by intemper
ance, ’ wandering about the land and
poorer than all others, he asserts,
was to him a guarantee of that
man’s having belonged to the army
of Wayne—thus directly charging
the wandering mendicant’s lame
ness and shattered health to intem
perance or the whiskey bottle. But,
in the very next breath, this impair
ment of the constitution and imped
iment to locomotion, caused by ar
dent spirits, were, to him, a suffi
cient assurance, that the sickly dc
crepid wanderer had wasted h/s ener
gies in the defence of the rights of
his fcllonc-citizens and for the main
tenance of the honor and glory of
| his •country !—leaving the inference
I inevitable that the rights of Ameri
jean citizens are to be defended and
(the honor and glory of the United
[States are to he maintained by in
dulging in ardent potations to the
extent of producing lameness and
physical prostration. That General
Harrison did not, at the time of
speaking, understand the import of
bis assertions may be readily be
lieved ; but such admission goes only
to prove the fact that he has prema
turely reached that stage of declin
ing intellect, that delights in bab
bling nonsense.
Amidst this chaos cf thought may
however he discovered vivid glimps
es of disiugenuousness. Notwith
standing his confession in reply to
John Randolph on the floor of the
Rep esentative Hall of the United
States Congress, he now bitterly
denies the imputation of Federalism,
alleging that his father’s precepts
and his own inclination had early
led him to adopt the democratic
creed ; yet us oil seeks the surface,
so do his Federal propensities pre
dominate over his cautiousness and
dissimulation. Thus in adverting
to former Administrations of the
General Government, this untar
nished democrat says, the eye of the
people was turned, in watchfulness,
to the right source, to those of Jef
ferson, Madison, and Monroe, but
makes no allusion even remotely to
the propriety of ‘ the eye of the ]>co
;y/e’ having scanned iliose of the
elder and younger Adams, thus
obliquely intimating that suspicion
deservedly attached to the demo
cratic Administrations, while those
of John Adams and his son were,
like Cesar’s wife, above it, or, in
other words, the stern friends of
equal rights were not to be trusted,
but that the advocates of consolida
tion and privileged orders deserved
implicit confidence.
in the same spirit is his refusal
to give pledges and opinions, lie
deems it imperative in the Ameri
can people to watch closely the ad
ministration of Mr. Van Buren ; yet
is he anxious to place himself on
their shoulders, uncommitted, with
no other security than his past con
duct, the very stratagem by which
Cromwell destroyed the republican
ism of England and Napoleon Bo
naparte crushed the liberties of
France. In politics as in morals,
the general rule constitutes the only
sure test of the expediency or im
propriety of an action or principle.
Admit the General’s wish, and ap
ply it generally, and what must ho
the consequence ? Legislators and
ministerial officers, unpledged, be
come the masters and not the ser
vants of the people —freedom may
exist in name, hut despotism must
he felt in substance —a state of af
fairs deplorable and humiliating in
itself, hut quite compatible with the
nature of mankind, if General Har
rison’s opinion of the human race he
correct ; for, in this very speech, at
Fort Meigs, he depicts ‘ the friends
of freedom, scattered, like the few
planets of heaven, over the world.’
If the friends of freedom over the
world he like the * few’ planets of
heaven, explanations and pledges
[are useless ; and the American pec
! pie would do well to remodel their
Government after the form of those
| existing in Central Africa. Taking
hhis for granted, still the General