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ccmiemen, that the effccl of deposing tho public mooev in bat k. was to lend it to those hst utions, generally Without interest, to be „ se j aa a part of their capital, and that they lent it out upon interest to their customers, thereby largely increasing the profits oi the stockholders. ‘ Thus the few were enabled to enricii themselves by using the money which ] belonged ty the many, and the public funds’ were in fact drawn from the Treasury, with- j out an appropriation in Congress, in clear violation of the spirit of a constitutional pro hibition. The manner in which this abuse crept into the goverement and fastened itself upon the , country with the acquiescence ot the whole j people, is teaching an impressive lesson, the necessity of perpetual vigilance and energy in selecting and resisting the first encroachments,, however seemingly trilling, upon the principles , of our government. F ruin the deposit eof the | public money in banks, it did not necessarily j lbliow that the banks should use it. Its use , was never until lately, and then only to a limit ed extent, directly authorized by an act of the government. But 33 the banks were m ie Habit of using deposites; they silently treated those of the Government hke those of private cilizens, and the government as silently ac quiesced in the practice. As lor many years the revenuesofthe government were moderate, and the surplus was wanted to pay the princi pal and interest of the public debt, the amount loaned out by the banks was comparatively small, and the profits of the stockholders less considerable. But in the progress of the Gov ernment its revenues increased, and the amount unexpended became greater, until it amounted to five, ten, and after the extinguishment of the public debt, to nearly thirty millions. The disastrous effects now became apparent. An extensive interest had sprung up deriving wealth from the useofthe people’s money, and having powerful inducements so to act upon the government as to increase the source of their income. Their influence was first direct ly felt in interferences to prevent the payment of the public debt; then in efforts, through the use of the public press, and in attempts tose cure the influence ofleadiug politicians and of men in authority, to procure a prolongation of their chartered privileges; and finally in panic and pressure inflicted upon the country with the hope of controlling the action of the govern ment tliroug the alarms and the sufferings of the people. By shifting the deposites from one great institutions many smaller ones, the unity ot this interest was destroyed, hut not its power. Though enfeebled, it still existed in a force which the boldest might fear, and lias made itself felt in the contest of the last few years. But the intelligence and virtue of our people have triumphed over art, panic and pressure, and the act ofdeliverance is this day consummated. i It is hoped that the business of the country will no longer be disturbed by the struggles of the banking interest to get possession of the money of the people, that they may make a profit out of its use, but that they will settle down contented with the use of that which legitimately belongs to them, leaving the funds of the government to be kept and ex pended according to the letter and spirit of the constitution. But should it be otherwise, the intelligence and firmness of our people are equal to any emergency. They now under stand the whole subject. They see no reason why they should be taxed to raise money for such a purpose. They see that its effect is to build on a rich privileged order at their expense to control the government and des troy all equality among the people. Seeing all this, and that the plan for which that inter est has so long struggled to the derangement of the business of the country, is in palpable violation of the spirit of tha constitution, their firmness will be equal to every effort necessa ry to prevent its re-establishment. In the progress of our Government the most gratifying evidences have been furnished that our people are, in intelligence, integrity and determined resolution, equal to the “task of self-government. In that administration which has been appropriately named ‘ the reign of terror,’ so appropriately thatmen of all parties now repudiate its acts, and are prompt to redress, as far as they can, the wrongs it inflicted, the force of statute law and the arm ol Judiciary were called in to aid the influence of the Executive and the advo oa'esof a strong Government, in putting down .he rising spirit o! the people, and controlling the current of public opinion ; hut all these combined powers were exerted in vain. The Sampson of Democracy burst the chords which were already hound around its limbs, and in the election of Mr. Jefferson vindicates its principles, its firmness, and ils power. A web more artfully contrived, composed of a high protective tariff, a system of internal improvements, and a National Bank, was then twined around the sleeping giant in the vain hope oi subjecting him forever to the dominion and will of the ambitious and grasp ing few; and you have seen how he has scattered the whole to the winds when roused by the warning voice of the honest and intre pid Jackson. Again, in the triumph of li e Independent Treasury, we witness the tri umph of the popular intelligence and firmness over the arts, arguments, appliances and alarms of the interested few who desire to enrich themselves by the use of the public money—another and most gratifying evidence ihat the people, when aroused, are competent to maintain any just principle, and correct any abuse however sanctioned by preceden! or sustained in wealth. On these evidences of popular intelligence and firmness, the Republican patriot tests with well grounded faith, that all means which may be used to mislead or intimidate the people, now or hereafter, into a surrender of their Constitution and their liberties, will, as they ever have done, meet with a signal and withering rebuke. I am, gentlemen, with thanks for the friend I.v spirit in which you have individually per formed the duty assigned to you, very res pectfully your friend and obedient servant. M. VAN nr REN. To Messrs. John M M‘Calla,T. M. Hickey, B. Taylor and G. \Y. Johnson, Ecqs. Committee. A FACT OR TWO. * Farts are chiels that winna ding And douna be disputed ’ — Bumf. The following statistics will meet the Whig sophistry ‘ anent’ low prices, by Which that wily crew are endeavoring to pocket the votes of our sturdy and hard toiled farmers. ‘ The average price of flour per barrel, in Philadelphia, during the present Administra tion, has exceeded 87 00; during Genera! Jackson’s last term, it was 86 16 ; during his first term, $5 63; during Mr. Adams’s term, it was 8a 14 ; and during Mr. Monroe’s last term, it was $5 95.’ ‘1 lie following is worth preserving as a monument of the manner in which the banks have been in the habit of sporting with (lie welfare ol the country. Truly it was high time that, either the Independent Treasury or pome other Independent thing should nnplv a corrective to such a wanton and atrocious exercise of outrageous power. ‘ln ISi 6, t tie amount of currency was 811 per heat) of the whole population : 07 in IS 19, §5 in 1339, 66 in 1834, 67 in 1535, 63 in 1839, and $lO in January, 1837. ‘ In 1819, the amount of paper an 1 specie in circulation, was over seventy millions o r dollars; in 1820, less than forty-eight millions. In 1833, the bank circulation was sixty-five millions; in 183-1, ninety-four millions, and in January, 1537, no less than one hundred and forty-nine millions!’ In 1 534 a carpenter’s wages was $1 50 per .diem, an I flour $5 75 per barrc’; in 1337,, his, wages 81 75, and flour §9 75 per barrel. Thus in js-'i. he co.tl'J earn more than a : barrel and a half of flour every week, and in 1337, very little more than a barrel, though’ receiving a higher nominal amount of wages; and yet when the Whigs go fishing for votes, one of the most alluring baits i3 the present low rates of wages; but their delusive and destructive tackle will be pretty well known j before the right fishing time arrives.— JVU ’ liamsburg Democrat. SENTINEL & HERALD. COLUMBUS, AUGUSTS, IS4O. I “ Thin Institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing against the principles and form of our Consti i tution. The nation it, at this time , so strong and united ;in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this rno ; merit. Bui suppose a scries of untoward events should I occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a j Republican Government to meet a crisis of great dan \ger. or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the \ public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating i by its branches every part of the union, acting by com i mand and in phalanx, may in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe, which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any other authority than that of the nation, or its reg ular functionaries. IVhat an obstruction could nut this Bank of the United Stales, wkh all ils branch batiks, be in lime of war ? It might dictate to us the peace we should accept, or withdraw its aid. Ought we then to give further growth to an institution so powerful , so hostile ? — Thomas Jefferson. DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN FORSYTH. FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT. WILLIAM B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. JOHN BATES, of Murray. MILNER ECHOLS, of Walton. SAMUEL BEALL, of Wilkinson. WILLIAM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper. SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes. •SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee. EDWARD HARDEN, of Clark. JAMES ANDERSON, of Bmke. FOR CONGRESS. ROBERT W. TOOLER, D. C. CAMPBELL, A. IVERSON, JUNIUS HILLYER, JOSrAH S. PATTERSON, JOHN H. LUMPKIN, E. J. BLACK, WALTER T. COLQUITT, M. A. COOPER. We are authorised to announce Colonel ALEXANDER MDOU GALD a candidate for the Senate, and THOMAS WATSON Esq. and THOMAS LIVINGSTON Esq. candidates for the House of Representatives of the Georgia Legislature at the election in Octo ber next in Muscogee county. To the above names it would af ford us pleasure to see added that of Colonel JOHN L. LEWIS.— Private considerations ought to yield to public duty at a moment ot danger. The solicitations of his numerous friends should be no long er resisted. MR. VAN BUREN’S LETTER To the Democratic Committee at While Sulphur Spring ■, Kentucky. For this document, which will be found in today’s Sentinel & Herald, wo bespeak the attentive perusal of the reader. It breathes the spirit of a patriot, alive alike to the indepen dence of* his country, and tho civil liberty of the citizen. His idea of freedom is not to confer privileges for life on the few, and to bind the tongue and tiie pen of the many, rendering the right of discussion mi a\ai!abie, and the ballot-box a motivcty, hut to leave private right unshackled in every respect except \Uiat is imperiously demanded to he abridged by the existence of social order and the security of property. I he Constitution he takes for his gtiiue, not constructively hut literal ly, and has labored, not unsuccess fuliy, to reduce the government to tiie limits set to it by the granting power. In addition to all this, we hate hrs solemn pledge that he will veto any act that Congress may a nopt interfering with slave-property in any of the States or Territories. He is moreover a man of resplen dent talents, suasive and polished manners, moral habits and irre proachable character. In short, qualified in every respect to dis charge the duties ofthe high station that he now fills with credit to him self and benefit to his country. \\ hat a contrast L presented by his competitor. In early life the supporter of tho alien and sedition | laws, and actually wearing that j odious badge of aristocracy, the 1 black cockade, we find William ) Henry Harrison, opposed to equal ; rights, the freedom of the press and ! right of discussion—though opposed to the slavery ofthe blacks, and de sirous of appropriating the whole surplus revenue to their emancipa tion, vet he, without remorse or re luctance, sanctions a law consigning the unfortunate while, to slavery, i if unable to pay the costs of the pros ecution—as if the black were a ho ling naturally superior to the white, and entitled to special respect and immunities—at one and the same time courting the suffrage of the ah olitinnists and of the slaveholders of ; the South, he sacrifices candor to ambition, and stoops dishonorably, to dissimulation. In addition to his | advocacy of a protective tariff, in ternal improvement, and national j bank, he has repeatedly declared! j that, if elected, he will veto no hill’ passed by a majority of both branch-! j es ol congress, thus evincing a total; | disregard of the solemnities of an joa*h, and leav’rg the mineii v in every ca*e a” ‘he mercy of ihe ma-| jerity—notwi !i landing* he number ; .ol his years, tvlrn the weary pil-j [grim of life is solemnly occupied! [ vi it ri pondering on eternity an 1 that j droid Prose: ee hefme which it is! j he lot of all mankind sooner or la iter to appear, lie is identified with! the hoary street-brawler impreca ting, in the name of the Almighty, his personal enemies and such per sons as incur his displeasure. His advanced age, his dotage, may to some extent, he urged in exculpa tion,hut such an apology operates as a pow erful reason for excluding him from tho highest trust that can he delegated by a free people. But, say his partisans, his high military talents and splendid victories have some claim on the gratitude of the nation. That the battle of the Thames was splendid in execution and important in consequence, no one will deny; but it was fought on ly by a port ion of his army not under his supervision but that of the two Johnsons, so that the amount of censure or praise that he deserves for that affair serves very little in establishing his military reputation. The defence ofFort Meigs, to be the most charitable, is equally undeci sive of the commander’s ability— and the battle of Tippecanoe, in which much personal bravery was exhibited by the white troops, was certainly not a victory hut repulse. The Indians were not pursued nor prisoners taken from them—their towns were not destroyed nor were they intimidated so much as to sue for peace. So far from its being a successful demonstration, his army without loss of time retraced its steps, leaving the object of the expe dition unaccomplished. Indeed tiie memory of his battles had been so nearly forgotten by tho public, that his name was seldom seen in print or heard in conversation, until he was brought out by the abolitionists and federal whigs a candidate for the presidency. Yet were his mili tary career as brilliant as the whigs fictitiously describe it, surely it would afford no evidence of his ca pacity to discharge the functions of Chief Magistrate ofthe Union. In deed, many of his notions savor too strongly of the camp. Ilis beii g averse to the reduction of the large standing army under the elder Ad ams, the large proportion of the mi litia which he endeavored to have annually in camp for the purpose of discipline of whom the officers were to receive pay hut the privates none, and the immense taxation that would be requisite to put into oper ation his scheme of having a milita ry instructor in each primary school in the country in addition to the military academies embraced in the project, prove him to he as misera ble a financier as he is a republican, as shattered in mind as he is in bo dy, and as visionary as he is decep tions. Though the following volunteer toast, designed for the Democratic Dinner given last week in Columbus, has no name to indicate its author, vve think proper to publish it, not only on account of its intrinsic worth, hut its allusion to a circumstance that transpired some three or four weeks ago at Salem, Alabama: “Martin Van Buren, the cctbbage-boy of Kinderkook, the Senator of New York, the Secretary of State, the recalled Minister to England, the Vice President of the United States, and now the Chief Magistrate of the Union—may he continue to enjoy the confi dence of the American people.” About the time above mentioned, a political discussion took place at Salem, in which partisans of some intellectual repute of both parties engaged. One of the canvassers,, a certain ex-judge, rather more dis tinguished by his plastic disposition in pursuit of office, than fidelity to creed, extent of knowledge, or pro fundity of thought, obtained the stump, and made his set to against the administration. He candidly believed, he said, Mr. Van Buren to he no abolitionist; because it was not more than six weeks since lie shook hands with him, and that lie is a good-looking fat old Dutchman; but as Martin Van Buren’s father was so poor as to be forced to grow cabbages and sell them to raise money to defray the expenses of his son’s education, he could not vote for the cabbage hoy, and conse quently Martin Van Buren is an abolitionist—or, in other words, Martin Van Buren being a good looking fat old Dutchman, and hav ing siot more than six weeks before shaken hands with his honor, can not possibly he an abolitionist; hat Martin Van Buren being a cabbage boy, or at least educated from the proceeds of a cabbage garden, and his honor being determined to vote for no man of an origin so ignoble, must he an abolitionist. By what process of ratiocination his honor arrived at conclusions so jopposite, we are unable to deter- I mine; hut suppose it must have been ! chiefly through the medium of one lor botli ofthe extra senses with ! which he boasts to he endowed: for | his honor has repeatedly and exult jingly confessed that he was taken ! from the labors of the cotton-field Ito which he had been trained, by ! his uncle, expressly on account of ‘his possessing “seven senses” being i two mote than fall to the lot of oth ei human beings. We will not dilate on the impu dence of a man trained to hoe cot |ton upbraiding another for having I dug round cabbage-plants; nor will !we apply tnoxa to the cringing ! treachery that, under guise of re spect and friendship, smuggles it ’ self into t!ie house and hospitality Jof a man for the sole purpose of defaming and injuring him. But vve cannot, without contempt, min gled with indignation, hear a man, sprung from the stubbie and stalk, adducing obscure ancestry and ag ricultural pursuits (the most ancient and honorable of all, being the first allotted by the Almighty for oui primitive parents,) as working im mutable degradation, and legiti mately excluding from morality, honor, talent and trust, especially when the allegations are hazarded before a large body of farmers. Such assumptions are, on the part of the speaker, an acknowledgment of his own infamy and his ancestors’ disgrace, while they furnish evidence of his being an impostor in attempt ing to occupy a station in society for which, by his confession, pedigree and pursuit have disqualified him— a confession that he considers his parentage and early avocations as preparing him to he the pliant, soul less and ignominious serf of a ty rant, and, by parity of reason, that he deems his auditors incapacitated for refined feelings, general knowl edge, private trust or public honor, or rather that, created for menial ends, their backs have been made for the whip and their limbs for chains. It moreover denies the civil equality of members of the white or Caucassian race, and ar raigns the wisdom of God in plac ing in Eden the first man to “ dress it and keep it.” To the spirit that could concoct such sentiments every ray of science must he offensive and the fruit of liberty bitter and loath some. Yet such are the apostles of federal whiggery, and it is by such agents that the government is to be redeemed, freedom conserved, the price of cotton to he enhanced, and our citizens rendered wealthy and happy. FEDERAL WHIG TACTICS. The different changes that the federal whig presses have from one end of the Union to the other rung on the subjects of the subtreasury law, Mr. Poinsett’s report for or ganizing the militia, the expendi tures on the President’s house, the law for taking the census, etc., etc., notwithstanding the full and explicit exposures of the falsehood, prove incontestibly that truth is not the weapon of their choice, nor the honor and prosperity of the country the object of their desire. False hood, no matter how absurd and ridiculous soever, is their sole de pendence; and it must he confessed that they have reduced its propaga tion to a science. Detect any one of their misrepresentations, and append tho evidence, —ah! they ex claim, the writer of the certificate or affidavit is obscure or disreputa ble, and therefore not worthy of credence—or if respectable, dear me, the paper in which the docu ment appears is so given to fibbing, that every gesitccl man is bound to consider it a forgery—or if the statement is so preposterous as to carry with it conclusive proof of its spuriousness, bless my life, is the response, you would not judge in tellectual phenomena by the same rules you would test inert manner. The exposure is disregarded, the falsehood is reiterated and circula ted until in some instances the fab ricator thoroughly believes his own falsehood. Knowing however that the hahit of telling fibs has a ten dency to lessen the narrator in the estimation of society, by the most dishonorable arts they occa sionally get admission for some of their misrepresentations into the columns of the democratic prints, with the design of charging their opponents with a disregard of truth and thus dividing the odium with them. The following two articles, tho first from the Savannah Re publican, and the second from the Savannah Daily Telegraph, illus trate the point: Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Columbus, to his friend in this city, dated. 2Q th inst. “The supporters of Harrison and Tyler in this city, whtxjwere formerly connected with the Union Party, to the number of one hundred, have determined to pub lish a “counter call,” with a view of inducing their friends throughout the Slate, to meet at Macon during the great August Convention—not separately, or dis tinctly, but to participate in common with their feliow citizens in the arrangements for the campaign. It has been considered proper to pursue this course here, in order to counteract the influence ofthe late Convention in MJledgeville. The disaffected State Right’s men here, do not number fifty. In the adjoining Counties, the changes are at leastybw to one in favor of Harri son. 1 was yesterday at a large meeting in Harris, and wis assured by the prominent men, that it was impossible for Van to get n ore than three hundred out of thirteen hundred votes of the County. Advices from Heard, Upson, Talbot, Stewart, Marion, Sumter, Crawford, Lee and Early, of a gain of from 20 to 150 in each. In Stewart, seveniy Union men have de clared themselves in iavor of Reform; and as an evi dence-of their zeal, have nearly ail subscribed for the Enquirer. In Upson, there are 20'. changes. In Troup, the loss is not as great as was anticipated: she will not fall far short of her majority. A letter from New Echota today received, states that the changes in Cherokee are in favor of Harribon. The truth is, if we are not greatly deceived, the State is safe.” Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Columbus , to his friend in this City, dated 20th inst. “Tiie supporters of Harrison and Tyler in this city are completely used up. The members of the State Rights party at Mifledgeville drove the last naiiin their coffin; since that time, at least, one hundred of that party who, before the meeting were opposed to Van Buren, have come out heart and soul for him. Some few, reckless and disappointed spints who are seeking for office, talk about getting up a ‘ Counter Call,” of those formerly of the Union party, but now for Harri son, but it will be no go, for there are not ten of them in the whole city. In Stewart, Marion and Harris counties, ail adjoining, it is thought the changes are at least jour to one foi Van Buren. I was last week at one of the largest meetings ever in held Harris county;it was heid in consequence of a call extended to all parties, and a Harrison man was as rare an article as a white crows Some of the most influential men in the county assured me that without a doubt, Van Buren would get one thousand out of the thirteen hundred votes ofthe county. I have nearly travelled through Heard, Up son. Talbot, Stewart, Marion, Sumter, Lee and Early, and from all 1 could iearn, Van Buren lias gained from fifty to twm hundred in each. In Stewart county, one hundred State Rights men have declared themselves for Van Buren. The Columbus Herald is daily re ceiving a large accession of subscribers from the State j Rights party, and the Enquirer, the Harrison paper, is j losing them m the same ratio* In Upson, there are two J hundred changes. We will, beyond a doubt, carry ; Troup, whrdti, at the last eleitioa gave a State RMus • ajwity of out thousand. A letter received from iTabershain county today, states, that changes are daily taking plae for Van Buren in Cherokee county, which without doubt, will give him a majority of 3 a oOCO; if so, and I do not uoubt it, w© will give X an, in this State, the small ma-> jority often thousand. On comparison of style and mat ter, it will be perceived that tire two extracts, though contradictory in import, are evidently from one pen, and were no doubt written in Co lumbus. The extract from the Republican contains so many gross falsehoods that the writer seems to have anticipated danger in reaction, unless he succeeded through the agency of a third person, in coupling a Van Buren paper in Savannah with untruths almost as glaring.— lie has not failed in his project ; and we should not at all he sur prised to find him or some co-vvork er preferring charges against the Van Buren party for having been the dupe of his deception, or in other words for having given cur rency to his misrepresentations.— His concealment may haply he yet penetrated, and his merits obtain unenviable celebrity. Ts the editor of the Telegraph probe the matter, and succeed in procuring the origin al from which the published extract has been taken, and transmit it to us in Columbus, we believe that with hut little trouble we shall he able to identify the hand writing, and, if we know ourselves, shall en tertain no hesitation in giving pub licity to the name of the author, without regard to rank or station. The brimstone whiggics, howev er, evince occasionally considerable discrimination in the distribution of their precious ware. For the in spection of the public they have one set of falsehoods, and for the ex tremely ignorant another. Os the latter description, the following from the Savannah Daily Tele graph of the 30th ult., will serve as a sample : THE LAST FEDERAL LIE. We were yesterday astounded by hearing a story which is busily circulated by the Harrisonitcs It. is neither more nor less than this— " That a Court-Mar tial was held some time since in Florida. That the members of the Court were seven negroes —th it the prisoner was a WHITE MAN; that the Court of Ne groes found him guilty of whipping a black man; and sentenced the white man to death! That the white man applied to the President, to save him from the ne groes, and that Pres dent Martin Van Buren, re fused to do so, and approved the sentence ! In con sequence of all this. the pool- white man, was taken to New Orleans, and there he was hung!'. l .’ The individual to whom this story was told, lives in Yamacraw, and being not at all conversant with such matters, at first actually believed the odious and vil lanous tale; but he now knows the truth, and con temns its authors. What chanco is there of fair play with a party who use such means to acoomplish their ends? None. On their own heads, however, the bolts they forge will fall. Truth is powerful and wi.l prevai l’ Such exposures, one would think, must work reformation, or at least cause the hard ciderites to be more circumspect in exhibiting their mer chandize. But it is otherwise. From their stieet orators harangu ing a crowd around a lamp-post, to their dedaimers on the floor of Con gress falsehood is the only weapon they wield in assault and defence. To deprive them of it, would be to render them as harmless as a claw less crab or tailless scorpion. It is consequently not surprising that they cling to it as desperately as a man drowning in the middle of the Atlantic grasps a floating oar. Let the old hoy have his own. —On the3oth ult. Mr. Thomas C. Connol ly culled atthccompting room of the Sentinel and Herald, and inquired whether the editor were in the office. The individual having charge of the mechanical department informed him that the editor was not in town; at which Mr. Connolly expressed regret, observing that he (Mr. C.) had an article which he had pro cured to he written by a gentlman in Columbus, and which he wished to he inserted editorially in the Sen tinel and Herald, that he might ap pear authorised to respond, over his own proper signature, to the in terrogatories it contained. The reason he assigned for the step was his not having been well treated, by some members of his own political party, in relation to the establish ment of the Alabama State Register. The individual whom he was ad dressing replied, that, although it was a delicate point to commit an j editor for that which he had not seen, yet if Mr. Connolly had been ‘treated in the manner he stated, and was, as he professed, desirous that the public should pass sentence on the affair, he, the individual having charge of the mechanical depait ment, would assume the responsi bility of inserting the article in the mode lie wished. Connolly depart ed, expressing his thanks for the favor. His article, in the shape so licited, appeared in the sheet of next morning. In the evening of that day, Mr. Connolly came to the office of the Sentinel and Herald with what he denominated W\scurd, which he observed was intended for publicity in the Argus of the sth in stant, and which he wished to read to the person having charge of the mechanical department of the Sen tinel and Herald. Having read it, he laughingly remarked that it was very ambiguous, yet would he under stood by those alluded to in it—that he had been badly treated, had in vested several hundred dollars, ‘which ho could not get refunded, though he was anxious to return to Maryland, and that the appearence of his card, he hoped, would make them so angry that they would pay him ti}). Wednesday morning came, hut in t he Argus nothing from Mr. Counelly appeared. ‘■'Not so with regard to the Register. That sheet contained a notice over his signature, disclaiming all partici pation in the editorial department, hut rather approbatory of it. The same paper too was garnished by an editorial of the true pole-cat spe cies, anathematizing the Sentinel and Herald for the very article writ ten at the dictation of Mr. Connolly and published in the Sentinel and Herald at his solicitation. It is true that not being an admirer of the skunk family, we set very little val ue ou the caresses of the nominal editor of that paper, and are per fectly willing that he should gambol about and squirt his filth at a respec table distance. But as Mr. Con nolly could not hear the thought of having the fetid rhapsodies and vul gar denunciations ofthe skunk of the Alabama State Register impu ted to him, we are disinclined to re main the dupe of a fox and have his hair dangling about us. Let the animals fully understand one anoth er, and in their own way settle the difference. Since the above was in type, we have received through the hands of a third person, the following note from Mr. Connolly. Though so delphic ns to he almost unintelligi ble, enough remains to convey the idea that the article which he pre sented to this office and which was published in the mode he desired impugns the honor of those of his party with whom he has had a pecuniary or personal misunder standing, and that it would in him be injustice and ingratitude were lie to let it pass uncontradicted. That the public may estimate the worth of Mr. Connolly in regard to injus tice and ingratitude towards his compatiiots, it is right that they should he apprized that the article which appeared in the Sentinel and Herald, trumpeting his merits and insinuating his wrongs, is in matter and language his own production, and not written hut only transcribed by the gentleman whom he repre sented as the author; and conse quently to Mr. Connolly alone be long all its beauties and defects. As he has figured on the stage, he will fully understand the apothegm that we are pleased with good com edy, hut despise low farce. To the Editors of the Columbus Sentinel and Herald. Gentlemen —At the conclusion of the ar ticle published in your paper of last week, in which you were so kind as to express your, self in terms of approbation ofrr.y past course, there are some allusions which it is my duty to reply to —I therefore beg leave to state that my separation from the Alabama State Register was entirely my own act, and that such persons as ever extended towards me the smallest aid in establishing that Journal, did so, as I believe, from the best and most honorable motives. Although fixed and de termined in the political preferences I have 1 heretofore publicly expressed, I regret to ad- ■ mil that a misunderstanding has occurred be- . tween myself and individuals of my party whom I once thought 1 could not 100 highly r.specl (and which a sense of what is due to ‘ myself will preclude my making any effort to correct); but to permit the honor of such in dividuals to he impugned when it is in my power to prevent it, would be an exhibition of injustice and ingratitude of which 1 trust lam incapable. As the present will probabiv prove the last time my name shall appear bclore the public, connected with this or any kindred subject, permit me to thank you tor the compliments you have been pleased to bestow upon me, and to assure you that 1 should feel far less reluctance in departing from the field of po litics if with others I could believe it necessa ry to bury all feelings of private regard to ward those we are on this subject obliged to contend with. Yours truly and respectfully, THOMAS C. CONNOLLY. Columbus, August 7th, 1840. FEDERAL WHIG VERACITY. The Columbus Enquirer, true to falsehood, accuses Martin Van Bu ren as opposing the war contempla ted against England in 1811, while a member of the House of Repre sentatives of the State of New York. Rut the truth is that Van Buren has never been a member of the Repre sentative branch of that State. He became a senator for the first time in 1812. lu that year he did pub lish an address-to the people of that [State in relation to the war. It is [dated Mrach 1), 1812, and is deci sive as to the part he acted, lie be gins: _ I “Fellow-citizens, your country is at war, and Great Britain is her enemy. Jndu'ge us in a brief examination of tbe causes which have led to it; and brief as from the nccessa ry limits of an address it must be, —we yet hope it will be found sufficient to convince every hones’ man, of the high justice and in dispensible necessity of the attitude which our government has taken, of the sacred duty of every real American to support it in that at titude and of the parricidal views of those who refuse to do so. 55 Such was the federalism of Mr. Van Buren and such hi? opposition to tbe war against England. An address more ardently democratic did not, during tbe whole contest, is sue from the American press. What faith or confidence can be re posed in editors, even though one be a preacher and the other a long faced stalking ghost of a layman, who, in the very teeth of such evi dence, would propagate so foul a slander? Never did a coolly in the! streets of Madras fib with less com punction or more independence of blushes. All that can, in extenua tion he said, is that with them false hood is constitutional. DESERTION.—In a letter, da ted Luarens, loth July, 1840, in re ply to an invitation to attend a pub lic dinner at SandorsviUe, the ven erable George M* Troup says, that he finds kimselj deserted by the party to which he projessed to belong. The mere desertion from a leader, unless accompanied by abandonment of principle, is a matter of small mo ment; because leaders ought to be made for parties, and not parties for leaders. In the present instance, however, the majority of his party have, by association with ultra-fed eralists and abolitionists, abandoned principle, and justified the old man’s lamentation. \\ hat confidence can he placed in a party that vibrate be tween extremes like the pendulum of a clock, and doff their creed with as little regret as a man pulls off a dirty garment? Notwithstanding the express de claration ot the Attorncj General °} ! he States, of the district Sohutoi at the scat ot Government, and ot Lieutenant llooc himself, the Coinmbus Enquirer still declares that Lieutenant Ilooe was convict ed on negro evidence. ’Flic roles of evidence have no influence on that print, nor the precepts of mor ality. It evinces a thorough inde pendence of truth and subservien cy to the spirit of evil. Cherokee Circuit. —The Western Georgian cf the 29th ult. says that Harrison will receive a support in the Cherokee Ciruuit. hut it will be tle slimmest that was ever given it candidate for any office since the Circuit was allowed to poll a vote. Yet our brimstone whiggics strut, flap their wings and crow that Har rison is the master-rooster in our mountain region. Alabama. —Concerning the resis t of the elections in A abama, ac counts are so contradictory, that uc can say hut little. In Russell, as was expected, the whole federal ticket succeeded, Mangh m heat ing Johnson, for the lower house, 143. In 1838, Abercrombie heat Crowell for the same office 160, which as to the relative strength of the two parties, shows a decrease in two years 0f37 votes in the whig gies. From the other counties we await authentic information. Louisiana. —At the resuit ot ihe elect ions in this Stale the federal whigs have shouted victory and sung paeans. And what is the real state ofthe case ? Os die representatives to Congress, who have, for a number of years past, been all whig*, we have gained one, General Dawson, obtained a majority in the Senate ofthe State, and reduced the whig ma jority in joint ballot, which was seventeen, to two. This is what the federal whigs mean as victory. The Tm]. —The Calhoun Jockey Club at >St. Joseph, Florida, desig nate the second Tuesday in Febru ary next for the commencement if tlse races on the Calhoun Course. They guarantee the following purs es: First day, one mile heats, —second duV, two mile hems, $4(6) —third da), three mile heats, BGGO —fouithday, four mi e heats,s> t —fifth day, one mile heats, three best in five, proprietor’s purse f Fil). Os the club John D. Gr y is presi dent, 11. F. Simmons, first \ ice pres ident, Ilez. 11. Wood, second vice president, Peter \V. Gautier jun. secretary, and Crawford Sprewl, proprietor. DE MOOR A TIG M E ETi NG. The following are the volunteer toasts giv en at the Democratic dinner in Columbus, on the 23*h ult. blit which were, for want of space, left out of our lasi sheet. The letters from distinguished individuals, invited to attend the dinner hut prevented by various consideratii ns, follow the toasts. By John D. Howell. Our Northern Van Buren friends, dyed in wool, whose unbend ing integrity resists the influence of a United States’ Bank, and the unmeaning appeals of Hard Cider and Log Cabins. By E. C. Bandy. Messrs. Colquitt, Coop er and Black, native plants sprung from the soil of Georgia. As public servants they have faithfully and fearlessly discharged their duties; we will use ali honorable means to re-elect them. By P. H. Nolen. The Republican Demo crats of New York that have welcomed the honorable Waller T. Colquitt, our fellow cit izen, with open arms and floated to the breeze over old Tammany, the Democratic flag of Georgia. May they always concede with us in Southern rights and principles, and tell to woild that American citizens, free and en lightened, can never choose William Henry Harrison, a man that wou’d sell a free white I person for debt, to te President of one of the j giealest and most republican countries now lon the face of the earth. No, for the eagle ! eye of Democracy points to the beacon of freedom— The land of ihe free, And the home of the brave. Bv Reuben J. Crews. Privileged orders, the growth of foreign soil. The tree can not live in the land of the free and the home of the brave, hut like Jonah’s gourd shall he withered and die under the meridian suri of tqua! rights. B. J. T. Nelson. General William Henry Harrison, the political cameleon of North A merica. Witii one hand for the Abolitionists, and another for the South, and heart for him self, but his brain for noorie, he, though per haps entitled to pity in private, is, in public, only a fit object of derision. By James M. Hughes. The Eagle, the emblem of American liberty. May her wings never he tarnished by the foul atmos phere of a blue light Federal Administration. By B. V. Iverson. Martin Van Buren. We admire him as a gentleman, a statesman and patriot, and the principles of his admin istration demand the vote of every true Re publican. By Wilev E. Jones. The Hon. Walter T. Colquitt, Mark A. Cooper and Edward J. Black, Republicans of the first order. The people of Georgia nwe them gratitude for their able and intrepid advocacy of the true principles of the Constitution of the United States during the past session of Congress. Georgia patriots will not withhold from them their votes on the first Monday in October next. By Dr. Smith Geld Martin, of Coweta. The [ Independent Treasury ami the Constitution, [like the Siamese twins, they ire one; when ever disconnected a disso’mi- wiil follow'. Colquitt, Black and Cooper up. 1 • - hill end da! ( : Old Tip and his partv are ofi mr. :i <_• > ’ — Van Buren and Democracy cm - - • i!i ?avr, And lay young Whis* and'i ri ’ •in thagrav’