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COLUMBUS SENTINEL AND HERALD. VOL. X.] PUB1.I8HEI) F.VERV SATURDAY MORNING BY JOSEPH STURGIS. ON BROAD STREET, OVER ALLEN AND YOUHO’s, M’INTMH RO’.V. TERMS--Subscription, three dollars per an num payable in advance, or foua dollars, (in all case i exaaied) whcic payment is not made before the expiration of the year. No subscription received for less than twelve months, without payment inadvance, and no paper discontinued, except at the option ol the Editors, until all arrearages are paid. ADVERTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at one dollar per one hundred words, or less, for the first insertion, and fifty cents for every subse quent continuance. Those sent without a specifica tion of tho number of insertions, will be published until ordered out, and charged accordingly. 2d. Yearly advertisements. —For over 24, and not exceeding 36 lines, fifty dollars per annum ; for ovr 12, an<i not exceeding 24 lines, thirty-five dollars per annum-, for less than 12 lines, twenty dollars per annum. 3d. All rule and figure work double the above piiccs. Legal Advertisements published at the usual rates, and with strict attention to the requisitions ol the law. All Sales regulated by law, must be made before the Court House door, between the hours of 10 iri the morning and 4 in the evening—those of Land in the county where ills situate; those of Personal Property, where the letters testamentary, of admin istration or of guardianship were obtained—and are required to be previously advertised in some public Gazette, as follows: Sheriffs’ Sales under regular executions for thir ty days, under mortgage ti fas sixty days, before the day of sale. Sales of Land and Nf.grofs, by Executors, Ad ministrators or Guardians, for sixty days before the day of sale. Sales of Personal Property (except Negroes) forty days. Citations by Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary, upon application for LETTERS of administration, must he published for thirty days. Citations upon application for dismission, bv Executors, Administrators or Guardians, monthly for six months. Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied with a copy ol the bond or agreement) to make titi.es to land, must be published three months. Notices by Executors, Administrators or Guardians, of application to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell the Land or Negroes of an Estate, four months. Notices bv Executors or Administrators, to the Debt ors and Creditors ol an Estate, for six wff.ks. Sheriffs, Clerks of Court, .Sic., will be allowed the usual deduction. Letters on business, must be post paid, to entitle them to attention. AM* HUGHES, Attorney at Law, Cutlibert a Georgia. Jan. 23, 184!). 31 ts MANSION HOUSE. .1 ACO \i 13 Altlt OW , RESPECTFULLY informs the public that lie has opened a HOU.SE in the business part of Broad Street for the accommodation of Travellers, and has built new stables on his o.ui lot by the solici tation of his customers. March 21. 5 ts OGLETHORPE HOUSE, ) September 7,1839. j WM. P. McKEEN & G. W. E. BEDELI have associated themselves together for tlit purpose ot’ managing and conducting this establish ment, which has been fitted out in a neat and genleei style. This establishment is a large three story bricl building, on the corner of Oglethorpe and liandolpt streets, where the Post Office lias been lately remo ved, and convenient for stage passengers, going to anr from, when opening and delivering the mail, and liav< ample time to get their meals and refreshments, whicl avill always he orepared for their accommodation. Wc have associated ourselves, not only with the disposi t iuii, hut with the ability to give general satisfaction tc .-ill of our friends who may favor us with a call. Wt deem it unnecessary to say much on this subject to tiio.se who are acquainted with us, and those mute ipi.bnted with us, are respectltdly invited to try our cheer arid satisfy themselves. Ii is sufficient to sav. that this establishment shall at all times he well fur nished, well arranged, well attended to personally bv lhe, proprietors, amt kept free from riots, drunkenness and its consequences, and, in short, such attention will fie bestowed as will deserve, public patronage. S. pt. 19 S3 ts McKEEN & BEDELI.. COLUMBUS HOTEL, 1810. rKNHc subscriber respectfully informs bis friends and 31 Ibe public generally, that be still continues to occupy the above establishment, where bo promises refreshment and comfort to the traveller and border, ills own personal attention will be given to his busi ness, in which lie hopes to give general satisfaction, and share a liberal patronage amongst his brother chips. JESS 15 B. REEVES. Columbus, Ga., Jan. 21,1540. 51 if CA R DX.VTKP Oil SODA WATER. m HIE subscribers are now prepared to furni b their JS. customers and the public with JCarbonated oi Soda Water. Their apparatus is constructed in such a manner, and of such materials as to prevent the possibility of any metalic or dclorious impregnations. TAYLOR & WALKER, Sign of the Golden Mortar, Broad st. Columbus. April ill. lOtf WARE HOUSE ANO COMMISSION BUSINESS. undersigned would inform his friends and jSL the public generally, that he will continue the above business at his Old Stand in Front street, oppo site the new brick building of James 11. Shorter, Esq. and that his personal attention will be exclusively devo ted to the same. By strict attention thereto,he hopes to have a continuance of the liberal patronage hereto fore bestowed upon him. lls will as usual attend to the sale of Cotton, from wagons or A store ; and from a ffeneral acquaintance with the purchasers and true s.tuulion of the market he believes he can generally id , rt - than save the commission in the sale of cotton. WM. P. YONGE, Columbus, Sept. 19, 1839.83 y He has in store for sale, Liverpool and Blown Salt in sacks, Chewing Tobacco a.id Segars, Champaigne Wine, in baskets and boxes, Bagging and Bale Rope GWRMAXj INDIAN AND THOM SON IAN OR, PRIMITIVE, PRACTICAL, BOTANICO 171 K DIG AX. SCHOOL. 7. h aled seven miles East of Morion, near Hamburg IN uniting these several Medical Systems or modes ot practice, Dr. B. R. THOMAS, the Principal of the School, begs leave to state, for the information of the atiltcted and public generally, that he has been mativ vears engaged in the practice of Medicine, and lias devoted much of his time., labor and practice, with many of the most intelligent and successful Gorman and Indian Doctors, both in the United States and Canada, to the treatment of acute and chronic dis en-es of every name, stage and type, and of the most mali'Miant character ; and has, by practicing with them, acquired a thorough knowledge of all their valuable secret Recipes and inannei of treatment, which is far superior to any lhmg known or taught in the Medical Schools, and which has been successful, by the bles sings of the Almighty, in restoring to health, hundreds an 1 thousands of persons that had been treated for a number of vears bv many of the most learned and s ientific Physicians of the day, and pronounced to he entirely beyond the reach of rciuedv, and given over <> die. “ Vet by the simple, efficacious Vegetable Modi tcineSjiiot poisons, they were snatched from the jaws of Iho giim monster, death, and restored to health, the greatest of all earthly blessings; for what is riches und elegant dwellings, without health to enjoy them. Health Is the poor man’s wealth, and the rich man’s Miss. To a man laboring under disease, the world is little better than a dreary solitude, a cheerless waste enlivened by no variety, a joyless scene cheered by u i social sweets ; for the son: in a diseased body, like a martyr m his dungeon, may retain its value, but it has lost its usefulness. Will be added to this institution, as soon as the ne cassaiy arrangements can be made, a:i infirmary—the <: ild, hot, tepid, shower,sulphur and'he German, Rus sian ‘and rhomsoman Medicated Vapor Baths; and everything that can possibly be of any advantage in i estoriug the sick to health'or relieving suffering hu manity, will be promptly and constantly attended to: •m 1 where the student will learn by practical experi ence, (the best kind of logic,) the true principles of the healing art. Price of tuition will be § JOO, payable in adv3 ce. ..... , , All persons afflicted with lingering and chron ic disea- ‘s, (of any name, state, stage or type, for we have bi tied disease in a thousand forms.) who cannot convent mtly apnly in person, will send the svinptoms of their liseases in writing to Dr. B. R. Thomas, llaaihu. •, Ala., where .Medicines will be prepared in the Ms! manner to snit each case. Although thev inav*av : b- *n of many years standing, and treated bv a doz n different D actor , it is no good reason whv they can ot be cured by the subscriber. Persons liv ing .at a I'staace must exiaoct to pay for their Medi c nesl.vh a thev got them, as no Medicines will be sent from ihn •'fft :e on a credit. .etters ad tressed to die subscriber will no’ bo*taken orn tha office, ijalta: post-eaid. Nov. 1833 45(f B. R. TIOMAS. (DISSOLUTION. THE copartnership heretofore existing under the firm of Wilson & Cravey is dissolved this day by mutual consent of both. SANFORD T. WILSON. OWEN W. CRAVEY. Gillion, July 14, 1840 23—ts COMMISSION BUSINESS. THE subscrioers have this day formed a connec tion, under the firm of ROWLAND & BAR STO W. for the purpose of transacting a GENEU* AL, COMMISSION BUSINESS in SAVAN NAH. Particular attention will be paid to receiving and forwarding Produce and Merchandise. They are not interested in any of the Transportation Lines, and assure their friends, that, in all cases, such con veyances shall be selected as to promote their intei est, WILLIAM P. ROWLAND, ELIAS B. BARSTOW. Savannah. 26:h June, 1840.-£m6t-22 PHOENIX HOTEL, Lumpkin , Stewart County, Georgia. THE subscriber having taken the above house, situated on the North East corner of the court house square, formerly occupied by Mr. Beacham, takes pleasure in informing his friends and tho public generally, tiiat this new and commodious establish ment is now completed, and in every way fitted up for the accommodation of hoarders and travellers : the subscriber will give his personal attention to the super vision of the house, arid no pains or expense will be spared to render all comforfablc who may favor him with a call. N. B. His stables arc excellent and will at all times be bountifully supplied with provender, and attended by a steady industrious and trusty ostler, who will at ail times he in his place and subject to the commands of ihe visitor. GIDEON H. CROXTON. Jan 25—51-ts NOTICE. DR. SCHLEY will continue the practice of Me dicine, Surgery, &c. Office at the old stand of Uhipley & Bch!ev,on Broad Street. July 23, 1840.’ 24 ts DISSOLUTION. f fI'UIS copartnership heretofore existing under the A name and stile of S. D. Heard & Cos., is this day dissolved by mutual consent. Those having claims against said concern, will present them to C. G. Murdock or William Ansley lor payment, and those inde'utoil are respectfully requested to call and settle their respective amounts due with them, who are auth >riscd to use the name of ouid concern iri the settling of its business. S. D. HEARD, O. G. MURDOCK, WM. ANSLEY. Ta'botton, August I, 1849. 25 6t THE SCOUNDREL. RANAWAY from i he subscriber on the 2d inst., a youih by the name of EDWARD JOHN SON, bound to me as an apprentice to the Cabinet business. lie is about 17 years ot age, 5 feet 3j high, or thereabouts, spare made, dark complexion, dark hair and hazle eves, with a very bat) countenance. This is to forwarn all persons from employing or har boring sn and boy, as I am determined to put in force the law against ail such offon iers. I will give a reward of six cents for any information so I get said hoy. JOHN N. WEBB. Thomaston, Upson county, August 2, IS4O. 25 4t. DISSOLUTION. THE copartnership heretofore, existing under firm ofDrs. CHIFLEY & SCIILEY, is this day dissolved bv mutual consent. The books and accounts are in the hands of Dr. Schley, who is authorized to seitlc them. Persons indebted to the firm nre respect fully requested to call as early as possible and settle. *VV. S. CHIPLEY, WM. K. SCHLEY. July 23, 1840, 24 ts BOARDING, MRS. I.UCAS having taken that large and com modious two-story house on Front street, direct *y opposite Mr. Win. P. Yonge’s residence, would be willing to accommodate a few respectable Boarders. None but those of strictly moral habits need apply.— Terms to suit the times.’ Juno 11, 1840. 17 if THOMPSON’S UTERINE TRUSS. Jhi effectual and radical cure for pulapsus uteri . fJS'tlllE subscribers have taken the agency for the Jk. above valuable instrument, and have now on hand and will constantly keep a variety of patterns, which they will sell at Manufacturers’ prices. These Trusses are superior to any instrument of the kind ever invented, and are now extensively employed by somof the most eminent practitioners”in the United States. We annex the certificate of the late Professor Eberlc, who used them with great success in his own practice. ‘ Cincinxatti, Ohio, May 11th, 1839. ‘ I have carefully examined the Uterine Truss in vented by Dr. Thompson of this State, and I can con fidently declare, that it is unquestionably the most perfect and useful instrument of the kind that has evei been tillered to the public. It differs essentially in construction from the Utero Abdominal Suppoiter lonstructed by Dr. Hull, and is in all respects a fur uiperior instrument.’ The subscribers have also received the agency for Dr. Chase’s Improved Surgical Truss, which is uni 'ersally admitted to he the most certain and lasting :ure uver discovered for Hernia or Rupture, TAYLOR & WAKER, Druggists, Sign of the Golden Mortar, Broad-st. Columbus. June 20,1839. 26tf IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WHEREAS, a bill has passed both branches of the General Assembly, changing the times of holding the session* of the Legislature, from annual to biennial; but whereas, it is proper on all occasions to ascertain ilie will of ihe people, whenever it can be done without interfering with the ordinary course of legislation: Therefore lie it resolved by the Seriate and House o f Represen tatives of the State of Georgia in General AesenJdy met, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, That on the first Monday in October, IS4O, the voters of this State be requested to endorse on their tickets, the words “Annual” or “Biennial,” as they may favor the meeting of the Legislature every vear, or once in two years; and that the resolution be'pub lished in the newspapers in this State for three months before the first Monday in October aforesaid. JOSEPH DAY, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Attest — Joseph Stuugis, Clerk. In Senate, concurred in. 21st December, 1839. ROBERT M. ECHOLS. President of the Senate. Attest— David J. Bailey, Secretary. Approved December 24ih, 1839. CHARLES J. MCDONALD, Governor. July li 21 VALUABLE PLANTATION FOR SALE CONTAINING Two Hundred Two and a Hal Acres of Land,mixed with oak and pine. There are eighty acres cleared. Also, a comfortable dwel ling, with alt necessary out offices, a good gin house and packing screw, a peach and apple orchard. The entire under good fence. It is situated within 4 miles of Columbus, joining the plantation formerly owned by Thomas C. Evans, Esq. Persons wishing to pur chase cannot find a more desirable location than the one offered for sale by the subscribers. JOHN CODE, Dec. 6. 44tf JOHN QUIN FOR SALE THE tract of land, known as the Broken Arrow Bend, on the Chattahoochee river, seven miles below Columbus, on the Alabama side of the river, containing fourteen hundred and forty-two acres, nine lutn red of w hich are equal, if not superior, to anv land on the river; with five hundred acres of cleared” land under good fence and in a high state of cultivation; the balance of ihe tract is thin oak and hickory, and pine lands, with good water and healthy situations for residence, on which pait is a good house for an over seer and negro houses for fifiy negroes. Persons w ish ing to purchase a river plantation would do well to ex amine it while the crop is avowing. JOHN CROWELL, Sen. Fort Mitchell, August 12, IS 10 26—ts LOOK AT THIS. RUNAWAY from the subscribers, about the first March last, a negro man by name Presley, about forty years of age, somewhat grev hair, very thin, or perhaps no hair on the top of the head, quite blaek, eyes small and deeply sunk in the head, wide betw-een the. teeth, r broad shoulders, and stoops, he is rather intelligent, though unprepossessing in appear ance, makes great profession of religion, and pravs in public every opportunity. He was in the neighborhood of Greenville, Meriwether county, some fifteen davs after leaving this place; where he left on the 29th ult. taking his wife with him, who belongs to Freeman McClendon, living near Greenville; she is by the name of Julia, twenty years of age, common size, a bright copp r color, and very likely. It is believed that they were taken off by a white man, and probably travelling west iu a gig, as such information reached Mr. McClendon. A suitable reward will be given for the apprehen sion of said negroes and thief who cairiedtliem away, and information given to either of the subscribers. FREEMAN McCLENDON, JOHN C. MANS HAM. April It, Wt ™ ‘ WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS TO BE SELF-EVIDENT, THAT ALL MEN ARE BORN EQUAL.’ COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 20, 1840. Tu the Citizens of Upson County: In my last, l exhibited the un fairness and falsehood oi some of the charges made against Mr. Van Bu ren in the manifesto of your “dele- to the Harrison Convention. [ shall now carry the war into the enemy’s camp, and examine Gen. Harrison’s claims to the support of Southern State Rights men; and so licit your candid attention to the facts which I shall here present to your view. My appeal is to such as are honestly seeking after truth, and I beseech you, for one moment, to divest yourselves of the trammels of party influence. The solemnity of the occasion, the important con sequences hanging upon the vote you will soon he called upon to give, demand your honest, candid and dispassionate consideration of the subject. 1 now warn the honorable “delegates” that, before they ac complish their Herculean labour of “cleansing the Augean stable,” they have a still more difficult task to perform in scourng, from the character of their candidate, the foul stain of federalism, abolition ism, and other political sins, which I shall be able to fix upon it. The federalism of Gen. Harrison is established by the concurrent tes timony of respectable witnesses, by his recorded votes and opinions, and by his political associations. As to the testimony of other per sons in regard to Gen. Harrison’s federalism, it will only be necessary to bring forwaid at this time the following four individuals. The Hon. John Randolph, who knew Gen. Harrison well for many years, charged him to his teeth with being a supporter of the black cockade, and alien and sedition law adminis tration of the elder Adams. He ad mitted the fact with a flimsy quali fication. I have before me a letter from Capt. John Fowler, an old and respectable citizen ofKentucky, da ted Lexington, 27th June, 1840, in which he says, “I was in Congress as a member during the great strug gle between Jefferson and Adams, and know the fact, that William H. Harrison, then a delegate from the Northwestern Territory, was upon the side of MR. ADAMS. Ho was a FEDERALIST and wore the BLACK COCKADE.” I also have before me the affidavit of Ro bert Pri ce, of Trumbuii county, Ohio taken on the 20t!i June, 1840, in which he states, on oath, “that he was personally acquainted with W. H. Harrison, the present whig can didate for the office of President of the United States,” and “that he frequently saw and heard him con verse on political matters; and that he knows him to have been a mem ber of the federal party —has fre quently seen him wear the black cockade ot'federalism attached to his hat , and he distinctly remembers tu have heard him observe, in an ar gument in favor of the sedition law in presence of Charles Pemberton and others, that he thought it was “proper for the President, heads of departments and members sf Con gress, to have a shield thrown around them that they should not be in the mouth of every BLACKGUARD that walked the street.” Here then we we have proof that Gen. Harri son not only wore the badge of fed eralism. but actually advocated the sedition law, the most tyrannical and odious of federal measures, the object of which was to punish those who dared to censure their rulers.— Let me ask, if Gen. Harrison could have had his way in throwing a shield around public officers, what would now he the fate of certain hard cider spouters who are to be daily seen in our streets? But again; Mr. Mills, another old and respectable citizen who was vice president of a republican con vention of Indiana, being called on, was helped upon the stand, and in a voice enfeebled with age, said “that he was in Cincinnati when Gen. Harrison returned from Con gress, at one time, during the ad ministration of John Adams, with a black cockade on his hat.” Thus the federalism of Gen. Harrison is established by personal evidence, and the black cockade fixed upon his hat. By what legerdemain will the “delegates” remove that detes table badge from their candidate’s hat ? I will say, for the information of the younger portion of my readers, that a black cockade was adopted as a badge of devotion to John Ad ams and his policy by the federalists, just as a blue ribbon is now, as a sign of devotion to Harrison, and will respectfully remind some of the “de legates” to have a care, lest the ghost of that blue libbon should haunt them some twenty years hence as that of the black cockade does their candidate at the present day. The first of Gen. Harrison’s votes which l shall notice, is that given with the federal party against rudueingHhe standing army of John Adams, retained for the special pur pose of keeping the republican party in awe. That vote is recorded and is undeniable. But in determining the federalism of Gen. Harrison by his other votes and opinions we must advert to the principles which divi ded the two great parties, and com pare them with the Republican or State Right? party, as taught by Mr. Jefferson, The Constitution of the United States enumerates certain powers which are delegated to the general Government, and certain others which are prohibited to the States. All others are reserved to the States or the people. The Re publican or Jeffersonian party have ever contended that Congress can not rightfully exercise any power not enumerated among those de legated to the general Government; and in deciding doubtful questions as to such powers the Constitution should be strictly construed. This principle forms the basis of the State Rights creed. Tho Federal ists, on the other band, claim for Congress the right to exercise any power which tfie common good or general welfare may render necessa ry or expedient, the expediency to be determined by the will of a ma jority—tli 11s making expediency and the will of a majority paramount to the Constitution itself! The Re publican party have ever contended that Congress has no right to pass laws interfering with the interna! policy of the States: General Harri son claims for Congress the right to appropriate money for the emanci pation of slaves within tho States, with t he consent ofihe States, there by yielding to Congress a right, which the Republican party have always denied, to legisla; e upon that subject, as if the consent of the States could do away the obligations of the Constitution. The Republi can party have ever maintained that Congress lias no right to pass laws for Internal Improvements within the States, because no such power has been delegated by the Constitu tion. General Harrison, however, has voted on various occasions for various works of Internal improve ment. The Republican party deny and have ever denied, to Congress the right to pass high Tariff laws for protection: Gen. Harrison, with out being instructed to do so, voted for the high Tariff 0f1824 and 1828, and said he would never eonseat to its repeal until the streetsof Charles ton and Norfolk were covered with grass, and the circumstance could be clearly traced to the Tariff as the cause. The republican party have ever denied to Con gress the right to erect corpo rations of any kind within the states; because the constitution has granted no such right. But Gener al Ha rrison, while he admits the unconstitutionality of a National Bank, says, if elected, he would sanction a charter for one, if satisfi ed of its expediency . Thus, he would allow considerations of ex pediency to over-rule the constitu tion which he had sworn to support! Here then, in this fact, wc see the very head and front of federalism. This is the quintessence of the Pickering and Hamiltonian doc trines. How can state rights men, who insist upon a rigid adherence to the letter of tlie constitution, and hold to the doctrine of a strict con struction of that, instrument, recon cile it with their principles to support a man who would trample their con stitution under foot upon the old federal plea of expediency? Who would make the will of a majority of Congress paramount to the con stitution according to the federal creed? This fact should be suffi cient to satisfy the scruples of any who feel determined to oppose fed eral principles, but his associations furnish further evidence of his fed eralism. He supported the election of J. Q,. Adams in preference of Mr. Crawford or Gen. Jackson, both members of the republican party, and the first the regular nominee of the republican members of Con gress; and supported all the meas ures of his administration. Indeed it may with little fear of contradic tion be asserted that Gen. Harrison never gave a republican vote in Congress upon any strict party ques tion. The Missouri restriction formed a question of a more sec tional than party character; but whatever merit he acquired with the South for his vote in the Senate of Ohio, General Harrison retired from Congress in the spring of 1819, leaving the Missouri question un settled, and was in the same year elected a member of the Senate of Ohio, which commenced its session on the 6th December of the same year. The editors of the Standard of Union and Constitutionalist as sure us they have the printed jour nals of th 3 Senate of Ohio, from which the following extracts arc made, in their possession; and that they are open to the inspection of *aay one whe rnnv desire to satisfy themselves as to the fact; conse quently if any doubt the authentici ty of these extracts, I refer them to where they may satisfy themselves of the truth or falsity of ihe matter. On the 3d of January, 1820, Mr. Thompson moved in the Senate ol Ohio the adoption of a preamble and resolution against slavery and the admission of new states into the Union without a restriction, 6cc. The last clause of the preamble and the resolution are in these words; ‘.‘and whereas the subject of the admission of slavery in the new State of Missouri, is at this time before the Congress of the United States. Therefore “ Resolved, by the General Assem bly of the State of Ohio, that our Senators and Representatives in Congress he requested to use their zealous endeavors to prevent the adoption of so odious and danger ous a measure.” General Harri son then moved to strike out all af ter the word ‘ resolved ,’ and insert in lieu thereof the following: “That our Senators and Representatives be requested to use their utmost ex ertions and take every means to pre vent the extension ot’ slavery within the territory of the United States west of the Mississippi, and the new States to he formed within that ter ritory, which the constitution and treaties made under it will allow.” See journal, page 137. Missouri formed at that time a portion of the territory beyond the Mississippi. It had not been ad mitted into the Union, and was fully embraced in General Harrison’s resolution. Various other amend ments and propositions were suc cessively brought before the Senate, and Gen. Harrison uniformly sup ported the principles of restriction as the journals show. Ile is then a Missouri restrictionist, as is proven by the record. Much has been said about Mr. Van Buren’s being in favor of the Missouri restriction — of his vote in the Senate of New York to instruct Rufus King to vote for the restriction, &c. Now, 1 deny Mr. Van Buren’s ever hav ing given such a vote, and challenge the friends of Harrison to the | rcof. If the proof is not furnished, the charge ought to he retracted. If it is, I will admit I am misinformed on this point. But it will not come. While governor of the northwest territory, Genetal Harrison sanc tioned a law for selling white men, or white women, for the payment of fines and costs of suit. They were to be sold as servants', the pur chaser was to be their master. For an attempt to regain their liberty by running away, their master might give them thirty-nine lashes, and compel them to serve two days for every day lost. And while Sena tor of Ohio he voted for a bill of the same kind, showing his fond ness for that mode of punishment. Now, it is not the severity of the penalty which makes it so odious and tyrannical; it is its unequal and oppressive operation upon the poor. Because it puts tho poor man’s or poor woman’s liberty upon a foot ing with tlie rich man’s money: be cause it inflicts a penalty upon the poor, to which the rich would never be subjected—that is, to the loss of liberty—the rich man’s money be ing- considered equal to the poor man’s freedom! Only think of this? A poor man or a poor woman who may chance to violate a law for which a fine and cost of suit are imposed, must he dragged to the block and sold as a servant, that the sheriff, clerk, lawyers, &c. may get their fees! The rich man’s purse secures him from that degrada tion, though lie may have been con victed of the same crime. Yet this relic of despotism, this outrage upon human rights, this tyrannical abuse of power, and insult to the poor, is justified and approved bv the friends of Harrison, on the ground that it is the same thing in effect as to send a man to the peni tentiary. The cases are not a!! a likc. If a rich man and a poor man be convicted of larceny in Geor gia, will the rich man’s money keep him from going to the penitentiary with the poor man? No. But.ifthe same thing were to happen under | General Harrison’s favorite code, the rich man pays his fine and cost, while tlie poor, beggarly offender is! led to the block and sold! It is thisj inequality which constitutes the! heinousness of General Harrison’s laws. Are the people of this coun try ready to establish distinctions between the rich and the poor in their legislation? It really seems so. Mr. Webster’s axiom “let the government take care of the rich and the rich will take care of the poor” is likely to become popular in this our day and generation. Mr. Web ster is an honest and consistent fed eralist, and warm friend and sup porter of General Harrison. Mr. Tyler, the candidate for Vice Pres j idont with Harrison, lias also given evidence of his estimation of tho poor. He supported, in the con vention of Virginia, a provision in the constitution of that State which excludes all persons from the right of voting for members of the Legis lature or Congress, unless they own a freehold of say twenty-five acres, by which twenty thousand white men, over the age of twenty-one, are excluded from the billot box! These arc the men who are held up to you as the friends of the poor. These three individuals present a fair specimen of the regard whig politicians have for the poor. Gen eral Harrison would sell them that sheriffs,clerks and lawyers might get their fees.—Mr. Tyler thinks them unworthy to enjoy the privilege of freemen—and Mr. Webster, who, if Ha rrison should he elected, will he | his prime minister, considers them unworthy of the concern of govern ment: for he said in the Convention of Massachusetts “let the Govern ment take care of the rich, and the rich will take care of the poor.”— Are the poor of this conutry ready to he committed wholly and solely to the tender mercies of the rich ? All the leading federalists in the (J. States support Gen. Harrison.— Nine-tenths of the members of the Harrisburg Convention who nomi nated him, belong to the old federal party. He is the candidate of tho federal party, and is supported in the North and South on account of It is federal principles ! Ido not ob ject to his receiving the support of federalists, for there arc federalists at the South as well as at the North; and if he represents their principles, they do right to support him. But to those who have ever cherished the doctrines of the republican par ty, and who still desire to cleave to that that party, l would raise my warning voice and thunder in their ears—Yon are iu danger of being betrayed ! Gen. Harrison is also an aboli tionist, the proofs of which have so accumulated that it would require much more space than this short ad dress will afford to present them all to your view. I must therefore con tent myself at this time with very concisely offering a few only. The first indication he gives of his ab horrence of slavery is at a very ear ly age, when upon leaving Virginia, he exclaimed, “I thank God, l have this day got rid of Virginia slaves and Virginia politics.” Some time in 1822, he addressed a circu lar to his fellow-citizens to vindicate himself from the “ calumny ” of being called a “friend of slavery;” and said lie was a member of an “ abolition society” at the age of eighteen, and proved it by a certificate from Judge Gatch. In 1833 at Cheviot, Ohio, he said, “it has long been an object near my heart to sec the whole of the surplus revenue appropriated to that object,” tlmt is, to favour eman cipation. “By a zealous prosecu tion of a plan formed upon that ba sis,” he continues, “we might look forward to a day not very distant when a North American sun would not look upon a slave.” Now what more could Garrison or Birny say, to prove they were abolitionists? It is true that in this same Cheviot speech, and in another he delivered at Vincennes, he argued the consti tutional question very cleverly; by which he placed himself precisely upon the ground occupied by his friend and supporter, J. Q,. Adams, who lias done more for abolition than all the Garrisons and Birnys in the United States. General Harrison’s horror of slavery and his associations with the abolitionists prove him to he with them in views and feelings, while his arguments only show that lie differs with them as to the plans of effecting their grand object; and that he may not be as fanatical as some others. He is courting their votes by attempts to make them believe he is with them. We are indebted to the Rev. Abel Brown, a baptist minister, whig anti abolition ist, for the disclosure of a secret letter from the Hon. Mr. Calhoun, of Massachusetts, in which the wri ter hints that he has authority from Harrison to assure the abolitionists that he is friendly to their cause. Brown being censured for letting the cat out of the wallet, defies the publication of the letter—but it is not forth coming. Geri. Harrison lias recently written a letter to Gov. Owen of N. C. in which he denies ever having belonged to an aboli tion society. The editor of the Philanthropist, an abolition paper, published at Cincinnati, and a sup porter of Gen. Harrison, says, with in four month prior to the letter to Gov. Owen he had two interviews with the General, ami he was at pains to satisfy him that it was an abolition society, and would apply no other name to it. Thus General I Harrison is not only convicted of | holding abolition sentiments, but | of the most contemptible equivoca* J tions. if any thing further were wanting to prove him utterly un- worthy of the support of a higi minded, intelligent people, we nei ; only refer to his travelling over the country —making stump speeches, and begging for votes like a famish ed beggar for a crust of bread! This is the man, fellow citizens, who is held up to you by such as profess to be state rights men, ns worthy of your support for the mot honorable office in the world. What protection for our property can we expect from a man who abhors slavery—who believes in the federal doctrine of expediency—who is op posed to too exercise of the veto power—and who gives no pledges except that he will veto no measure approved by Congress. The abo litionists have nothing to do, if he should be elected, but to secure a majority in Congress to consum mate their diabolical purposes. Mark the contrast: Mr. Van Bnreu declares himself the uncomprotnis ing opponent of every attempt to interfere with the subject of slave ry; and stands pledged to veto any bill which may be passed for that pur pose. A CITIZEN. MR. VAN BUREN AND THE LATE WAR In no single act has the opposition shown its mad recklessness of truth to a greater dt gree, than in the attempt to identify Mr. Van Buren with the anti-war pariy of 1812. And this is the more singular, coming as it does from a faction, the issue of the old federal John Adams monarchists of ’93, as well as of t ie traitorous tory party of 1812; for of this there can be no doubt, that Harrison, the Whig candidate, was an especial favorite of the first, while there is not now living a mem per of the old blue-light Hartford Convention who is not a friend of that same candidate. But, the whole charge is false, and those who make it know it to be so. There is not a Whig editor nor a Whig speaker hut is aware, that Mr. Tallmadge, who is now so leading a member of the opposition, has open ly done justice to Mr. Van Buren in this mat ter, and we cannot suppose that any whig will be so bold as to charge Mr. T. with false hood. Independent of tiie explicit denial to which we refer, we here may take occasion to quote additional evidence from the same gentleman, that under “// circumstances,’ Mr. Van Buren has exhibited his attachment to the principles of the democracy of the coun try, and this most assuredly lie could not. have done had lie been an opponent of the War. In 1832, on the occasion ol the notable re jection of Van Buren by the Whig senate, as Minister to England, the Democratic mem bers of the New York Legislature addressed a letter to Gen. Jackson. Mr. Tallmadge wrote that letter and with others, signed it. Speaking of Mr. Van Buren, lie says; “Our citizens have given repeated evi dences of their confidence in him. With the watchfulness becoming a free people, they had regarded his conduct, iu the various sta tions of the State. They hadwitnessed hit at tachment under ALL circumstances, to the principles of the Democracy of the country , and they had recently evinced the extent of their confidence hv elevating him to the high est office within their gift.” ‘ln attempting to stigmatize Mr. Van Bu ren, therefore, as an opponent of the War, the Whigs are doing him the greatest injus tice, and that too in ihe very teeth of one of the leaders of their own party, whose evidence must be shown to be basely false, before the unprincipled charge can be made lo have anv weight. In this dilemma we leave them, and now subjoin the annexed extracts from an Address to the people of JVew York written by Mr. Van Buren, Marcli 9th, 1812. ‘Fellow Citizens—Your country is at war, and Great Britain is her enemy. Indulge us in a brief examination of the causes which have led to it; and brief as from the necessary limits of an address it must be, —we yet hope it will be found suficieni to convince every honest man, of the high justice and jndis- PENSICLE NECESSITY OF THE ATTITUDE, WHICH OUR GOVERNMENT HAS TAKEN; OF THE SACKED DUTY OF EVERY REAL AMERICAN TO SUPPORT IT IN THAT ATTITUDE, AND OF THE PARRICIDAL VIEWS OF THOSE WHO HEIUSE TO DO SO.’ After a summary of the cause which brought on the war; the address goes on— ‘Under such accumulated circumstances of insult and of injury, we ask agajn, what was your government to do? We put the ques tion, not “to that faction which misrepresents the government to the people, and the peopie to the government; traduces one half of the nation to cajole the other—and by keeping up distrust and division, wishes to become the proud arbiter of the fortune and late of Ame rica,” —not to them, but to every sound head and honest heart in the nation it is that v.c put the question,—What was your govern ment to do? Was she basely and ingiorious ly to abandon the rights for which you and your fathers fought and bled? Was she so early to cower to the nation which had sought to strangle us in our infancy, and which has never ceased to retard our ap proach to manhood? No: vve will not for u moment doubt, that every man who is in truth and fact an American, will say lhat WAR. AND WAR ALONE, was our only r>fugefrom national degradation,—our only course to nationcl prosperity. But to crown this picture of folly and of mischief, they approach you under a garb vv.iicli at once evinces their contempt tor your understanding, and their total want of confidence in your patriotism; under a garb which should receive the most distinct marks of your detestation; they are i ihe friends vs peace!’ While our enemies arc waging against us a cruel and bloody war, they cry ‘Peace.’ While our western wilds are whitening with tl e bones of our murdered women and ciiii dien—while their blood is yet trickling down tl e walls of their former habitations—while the Indian war-hoop and the British drum, are in unison saluting the ears, and.the Brit ish dagger and the Indian tomahawk sus pended over the heads of our citizens, —r.t such a time, when the soul of every man who has sensibility to fee! his country’s wrongs and spirit to defend her right-, should be in arms—it is that they cry Peace! While the brave American tar, the intrepid defend er of our rights, and redeemer of* our char acter, the present boast and future honor of our land—is impressed by force into a service he detests, which compels a brother to im bue his hands in a brother’s blood—while he is yet ‘tossing upon the surface of the ocean, and mingling his groans with those icmpesrs less savage than his persecutors, tint “’aft him to a returnless distance from Ins family ar.d his home,’ —it is at such a peri ><J, when there can be no peace, Without sacrificing j NO. 2-(.