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pert of it flew over my shoulder.
Air. Green then walked among the ham
mocks which were hanging in the
I looked at him to be satisfied who he was,
and went into the cabin, to tell Air. YY hite.
I went back with Mr. White to the room: we
looked round when we first got in, and did not
*ee any person, bul presently found Air. Green
lying aside of Mr. Justice on a cot. He had
lio bed clothes over him. Mr. White asked
me if I would swear he was the person that
struck me. I told him I would. Mr. WhLe
asked him what he was doing there. One
word brought on another. After a while Air.
White told Air. Green that he had been
tempted to thrash him, but that he would not
condescend to do it. Air. Green made an
swer, ‘to thrash me! to thrash me!’ repeating
it two or three times; and at the same time
raising his hand, said: ‘I will crush you to
hell, by God.’ Mr. Green had got up out of
the cot, and was standing in the room; he was
not dressing himself or doing any thing. I
cannot recollect what occurred alter that; 1
went into the cabin, leaving Air. White be
hind.
“I was at the time the servant of Mr. White
in the service of the United States, whom I
left on the 3d June. I met Mr. White on
the 7th or Bth November, in New Y ork, and
am now with him in his service.”
The Court found Midshipman Green guilty,
and sentenced him to be cashiered; which
sentence wac approved and confirmed by Pre
sident Adams, on the 17th cay of December,
1827.
From I'ie Richmond Enquirer.
MR,. VAN BU REN— and the War.
Mr. Rives shows his usual magnanimity,
•either in misrepresenting every act of Mr.
Van Buren, or in ascribing it to a bad motive.
In this spirit, he has charged upon h m(in the
Tippecanoe Clubs and log cabins'! that he
was originally against the War, but as soon
as Mr. Madison was re-elected, lie turned
round to support the War. For this after
thought, the insidious diplomatist has no sort
of evidence to produce, though lie tries to
harp upon .his support of De Witt Clinton.
The whole attack is, however, in unison with
Mr. Rives’s present course. It is a misera
ble effort to extricate himself from the em
barrassmentof his having supported Mr. Van
Buren in 1336.
Thanks to Mr. Griswold ! His charge up
on Mr. Van Buren is virtually abandoned.
In a long article (which he has published in
the It. Whig) Mr. G. makes the following
confession:
“The advocates of Mr. Van Buren, feel
ing the necessity of discrediting what I have
said, have labored to prove that I must be
mistaken. As i was very young, (ten years
old, Mr. P.) and as twenty-eight years have
elapsed it is quite possible that 1 may be mis
taken. This I have uniformly admitted.”
We regret that it is out of our power to
publish this long communication of Mr. G’s.,
of which he lias furnished us with a copv.
But we have no space at this time to spare
for a discussion which lias run into a person
el controversy between himself and Air. John
A. Parker—especially as he has gone un
necessarily out of his way to give us an il
liberal hit. But thanks be to Air. Griswold!
we repeat, for having diawn out Mr. Van
Buren himself on this much agitated subject.
What will his generous critics, and particular
ly the highminded W. C. Hives say to the
following correspondence?—We are indebt
ed for a copy of it to John A. Parker, Esq.,
of Tappahannock:
(THE CORRESPONDENCE.)
Montague's, Essex county, Va,
June Ist, 1840.
to his Excellency Alartin Van Buren,
President of the United States.
Sir —You will find in my object, my apol
ogy for addressing you. Candor requires me
ttT’say that, politically, lain opposed to you,
and that I have done, and am doing, all I can
honestly do, to defeat pour re-election. But
I have never had any reason to doubt your
integrity, as a man, or of your candor and
honor as a gentleman. To these I now ad
dress myself.
In the” course of the late canvass in this
State, I charged, as an objection to you, that
you had been opposed to Air. Aiadison, and
the war until alter Nov. 1812; and as an
evidence of it, stated that I had heard you,
during the summer of ISI2, in conversation
with other persons, express your decided op
position to Mr. Madison and the war. Your
friends, here, met this statement by the let
ters of Air. Butler, Wright, &c., imputing
to me, in terms, a defect of memory, but by
implication, a want of personal veracity.
So long as this was confined to the limited
circle in which I am known, 1 disregarded it.
But my attention having been two days ago
called to an article, in the Richmond Enquir
er of the 26th ultimo, republished from the
Globe, in which the charge of falsehood is
directly made against me, I feel impelled hv
a regard for my character to seek the means
of relieving it from injurious imputations.—
I do not know of any living witness (though
there may be, for I have as yet taken no steps
to ascertain) except yourself, who can sus
tain me in the declaration, and I appeal to
vou, in the confident belief, that you will per
mit no hostility as a politician to prevent you
doing me justice as a man.
tPln ISI2, I, then a boy, was boarding in
Kingston, Ulster county, N. Y., and going j
to school at the Academy under the charge
of the Rev. J. Monsell. During the sum- ;
mer, (and I think two or three times) you
visited Kingston, and while tber conversed
freely upo die subject of National politics.
In some of these conversations, one of which,
if I mistake not, was held with Jesse Buel,.
then the Editor of a newspaver published in
Kingston, called the ‘Plebian,’ you spoke in j
decided terms of opposition to Mr. Madison
and the war, as I then understood you; and |
the recollection remains with me as distinctly
as that of any other occurrence after so great
a lapse of time.
Upon this recolletion, I have said what I
have said. If my memory lias deceived me, j
or if l misunderstood your language, and
have done you injustice, I shall take great
pleasure in correcting the error so soon as j
apprised of it. For, although as decidedly i
opposed to you politically, as any man can
be, 1 have never been willing to use any
other than fair and honest means against
you. It I understood you aright and my re
collection is correct, then it is but simple jus 1
tice to me that you should place in ray power
the means of defending ray reputation.
I have, therefore, to ask, tha* you will, at
your earliest leisure, reply to this letter, and
say whether you did not during the summer
of 1812, at Kingston, express your decided
opposition to Mr. Madison and the war.
It is perhaps unnecessary, but I will add,
that should your reply sustain my memory,
it will not be used in and mauner to operate
upon the election in November next.
Mr. Hunter, Speaker of ihe H. of Repre
sentatives, and Representative in Congress
from this District, knows who, and what I
am, and to him, I beg leave to refer you lor
information with regard to my character.
With great personal respect, I have
thehonorto be, your most °h’t serv t.
C. G. GRISWOLD.
P. S. Let your reply be addressed to me
by mail, to this place. C. G. G.
Washington, August 7, IS4O.
JVfy Dear Sir —Your letter ol the 23J u't.,
enclosing an open one from your consiituen,
Mr. Griswold, was by some accident mislaid,
and found only a day or two since. Consi
dering the circumstances under which Mr.
G. has thought proper to promulgate a most
unfounded imputation upon mv public con
duct, the course which lie has pursued, Ids
promise of political impunity if I will sanction
his unfounded statements, and the scarcely
disguised menace, that he will search for
witnesses to prove it, if I do not so sanction
it, I do not think it proper to enter into any
correspondence with him uoon the subject of
his letter.
It is, however, right that I should protect
myself against any other inference that might
be drawn from the adoption of this course by
declaring, as i now do to you, through whose
hands Air. G’s. communication has passed,
that he is entirely mistaken in supposing that
he ever heard me say any thing against the
war. So far from expressing, 1 never for a
moment harbored a feeling adverse either to
its declaration, or to its vigorous prosecution
after it wa3 declared. What was done by
me in favor of both, will appear from the
public archives and the cotemporaneous his
tory of the country. All imputations, there
fore, which attribute different sentiments to
me, from whatever quarter they have pro
ceeded, or may proceed, are grossly unfoun
ded.
That I supported electors favorable to Air.
Clinton, has never been denied. The cir
cumstances under which that support was
given*, and the considerations which led to it,
have been unreservedly, repeatedly, and au
thoritatively spread before the people by my
friends. lam at the same time, for reasons
which it is unnecessary to detail, as confident
as one can he in such a matter, that Air.
Griswold is mistaken in the impressions he
describes of a supposed conversation upon
that subject at Kingston. The high opinions
which I have nevertheless uniformly enter
tained of the purity, exalted patriotism, and
eminent talents of Mr. Aiadison, are upon
record, and in a form which has nothing to
fear from the vituperation of the day.
Accept my thanks, sir, for the just and
liberal spirit shown in your note, with assu
rances of the respect and esteem with which,
I am, very truly, your friend and obedient
servant,
M. VAN BUREN.
The Hon. R. M. T. Hunter.
Loyds, Essex county , Jlug. 1 5th, 1840.
I had the pleasure of receiving yonr letter
in relation to that addressed to you through
me, by Air. Griswold. I was gratified to
perceive the nature and extent oi my agency
in this transaction. I presume that there
would be no impropriety in showing your
letter, or giving it to the public, as justice to
myself may perhaps require it, should an
appearance of sihnee on your part be con
strued into an admission of the charge. In
this matter, however, I desire to be guided
entirely by your pleasure, and I would he
obliged to you to inform me at your earliest
‘leisure, whether your letter may be commu
nicated to the public, or whether it is to be
considered as private. I hope I need not
add, that my sole end in thus troubling you
again, is to be enabled to take that course
with the letter which may he most agreeable
to yourself.
With friendly regards, I am pour obedient
servant,
R. AT. T. HUNTER.
To the President of the United States, Wash
ington City . D. C.
Washington, Jlugust 19, 1840.
My dear Sir — l have had the honor to
receive your obliging letter of the 15th insfi
I did not intend that mine to you should be
regarded as private, but am entirely willing
to have it shewn to any one. Although its
publication was not contemplated at the time,
I shall be well satisfied with that disposition
of it, whenever such a case shall appear to
you to have become necessary or proper.
Accept assurances of the sincere respect
and esteem with which I am your friend and
obedient servant,
AI. VAN BUREN.
The lion. R. M. T. Hunter.
One word more! Air. Van Buren’s sup
port of De Witt Clinton’s nomination, is no
evidence of his opposition to the war. Air.
Clinton himself was in favor of the war—
some of his friends thought, more strongly
than Air. Madison. It w-as but the other
day that we read his speech jn favor of the
most decided measures—when i;.e lashed its
Federal opponents with the lash of a scor
pion—and, characterizing their party, boldly
pronounced in the Senate House, that, like
Satan, they
“ wou'd rather rule in Hell,
Than serve in Heaven.”
From the Ohio Statesman.
IS GEN. HARRISON DERANGED?—
BATTLE OF THE THAMES—COI,
JOHNSON—MORE HISTORY—IN
DISPUTABLE FACTS.
General Harrison is going from town to
village, through Ohio, behaving like a pettish
and blubbering child, making statements as
much out of character for a candidate for the
exalted post of President of twenty millions of
j intelligent freemen, as they are false and ridi
j culous. Gen. Harrison might, with about the
• same propriety, say that lie was in the
| “ thickest and hardest of the fight” at Fort
j Stephenson, as that he rushed into the “ front
I of the battle,” “ fool like,” in Col. Johnson’s
’ “ forlorn hope,” when he attacked Tecumseh.
i If so, why did he not kill Tecumseh himself ]
i We look next for Harrison to assert that he
! really did kill that “big Indian,” and that it
was the “horrible slanders” of his enemies
< have so long withheld justice from the real
| hero! If Gen. Harrison’s friends had one
! particle of common sense, they would take
j him home and keep him there. If they sup
-1 jiose the log cabin trap, baited with hard cider
| and ’coon skins, has so debased the human
mind, that reason, memory, and every percep
tion lias been driven away, they are most
emphatically mistaken.
The following appeared some two weeks
since in the paper from which it is copied :
From Vie Cincinnati - Advertiser and Journal.
We, the undersigned, were present at a
meeting of the whigs in Carthage on Thurs
day, the 20th instant. While Gen. W in. H.
Harrison was addressing said meeting, among
other things, we heard him distinctly say, that
,he was in the battle of the Thames, lie was
‘in front of the battle. The front was not his
: place ; but, fool like, and coutrary to the rules
j of discipline, he was with Col. Johnson in the
| first columns when the charge was made, and
’ charged with him. He furthermore stated,
| that there was no man on the ground but him
i self, who was capable of drawing up the men
|in the order of battle in which they were
j drawn up, except one or two to whom he had
imparted the plan.
J. COSTNER,
BOYD DILL,
J. M. HARVEY,
J. M‘MAHON.
Since the above “forlorn hope* was deliv
ered at Carthage, Gen. Harrison lias repeated
it several times, to the astonishment of friend
and Ice, and we verily believe that a large por
tion of the Whig party would now be glad to
get rid of him, if they could. After his speech
at Hillsborough, on Tuesday of last week, so
ridiculous had he presented himself before the
! people, that only about twenty persons accom
j panied him from town to the coon skin show
at Chillicothe, though “rive thousand” had
been promised him as an escort by the News!
In Hillsborougn, as we learn from the Ga
zette, he tried to convey the idea that he was
not fifty feet from the front rank of the battle!
At Chillifothe, says the Advertiser, “he
stated that Col. Johnson was no better quali
ried to take the command of the army, than
any individual would be, (casting his eyes over
the audience.) amongst those who were assem
bled to hear him !!! That the proposition of
Col. Johnson to charge the enemy, who were
drawn up in line, would have been as prepos
terous as to have charged yonder brick houses
in the city. This evidently much surprised
his hearers, and a marked dissatisfaction ap
peared on their countenances.'*
After this, it is not any wonder that a pro
minent Whig remarked a day or so since, that ,
the General’s friends had better take him home, j
After this, no one will be surprised that the j
Cleveland Herald said in 1838, that the Whigs !
lost ground in every county visited by General
Harrison in that campaign.
Now for the truth, and surely truth has
something to do with this matter. General
M'Afee is the able historian of the late war, so
often quoted, and so universally admired and i
esteemed by all good men. He was in Cel. R.’
AI. Johnson’s regiment, and fought under Col.
James Johnson in taking the British regulars at
the Thames. Here is his testimony, which no
one dare contradict:
“Understanding that variant statements have
been made in relation to the battle of the
Thames, on the sth of October, 1813, and hav
ing, in the history of the late war, given a con
densed statement of the events of that day,
without entering into the detail of the same, I
deem it due to justice to say, that so far as Col.
R. AI. Johnson’s regiment was concerned, I
was an eye witness to nearly all its movements.
After we crossed the Thames on that day to
the North side, this regiment was placed in the
front, and pursued the enemy with great rapidi
ty. I w r as the eldest captain in the first batta
lion, and of course marched in the centre of
the different heads of the lines; when we over
took the British, and when Col. Johnson had
reconnoitered their position, he sent a messen
ger back to Gen. Harrison, who was with the
infantry, with the information, when the Gen
eral came up and sent Colonel Wood to exam
ine the position; he ordered Col. Johnson’s re
giment to take ground to the left, and form on
the left flank, intending to bring up the infantry.
Aa attempt was made to cross the swamp to
the left, but the difficulty attending the move
soon interrupted the execution of this order,
and Col. Johnson was recalled, and some con
versation took place between the General and
Colonel as to the disposition of the regiment
when Col. Johnson observed, “Gen. Harrison,
if you will permit my regiment to charge the
enemy, as I have trained them, we can whip
them.” After a moment’s hesitation, the Gen.
replied—“ Col. Johnson, you can do so.” We i
were then almost three hundred yards from I
the British. I was present when the General
and one or two of his aids, (I believe Cols. Todd
and Smith,) gave the order to charge, which
was immediately done. Col. R. AI. Johnson
went to take charge of the 2d battalion on the
left, against the Indians, and Colonel James
Johnson the Ist battalion against the British.
As soon as the order to charge was given, the
General and his aids turned uiT, as I supposed,
to bring up the infantry, and I suvv no more of
them, as in a short time after receiving some
scattering and two heavy fires from the British,
we broke through their lines and captured the
whole, except a port ion of the dragoons who
fled with Proctor. The British threw down
their arms and surrendered to Col. James John
son, who inarched them back until they met the
infantry. On this part of the line no other
troops were engaged but the mounted men
under Col. James Johnson; on the left, where
Col. Richard AI. Johnson and his battalion
fought, the battle lasted for more than half an
hour, and was severely contested. As I was
not with that battalion I cannot speak person
ally, but it was generally conceded that the
mounted men fought the battle, with the aid
only of a small portion of the infantry who got
up a short time before the contest was over on
the extreme left, where Alai. Thompson fought.
This statement is not made to derogate from
the fame of any officer, but to do justice to the
mounted regiment, who certainly, on the right,
against the British, did all the fighting on Uiat
day; and on the left, against the Indians, equal- I
ly so, with the exception above stated. I have !
no doubt that the infantry would have behaved
equally as brave, if their position had justified
it.
ROBT. E. AI‘AFEE.
August 31st, 1840.
The next is the testimony of Maj. Kir; Icy,
who was also in Col. James Johnson’s battal
ion, in taking the British. There is no bra
ver or more honorable man than Moj. Kirilov:
“I was adjutant to the mounted regiment
commanded by Col. R. M. Johnson in the late
war, and on the day of the battle of the
Thames I had an opportunity of seeing the
movements of the troops. General Ilarriscn
had ordered Col. R. AI. Johnson to take pos
session on the left across the swamp, and pie
pr.re to fight the Indians, while he would bring
up the infantry to fight the British. This
conversation was some three or four hundred
yards from the British troops. They separa
ted. Col. Johnson being informed that he
could not cross the swamp; sent me with tins
message to Gen. Harrison, i found him with
the infantry nearly one mile in the rear of
the mounted regiment. General figrrison
upon this information, went with me to Col.
Johnson, who was at the head of the columns
of the regiment. I was present when Col.
Johnson, and Gen. Harrison met and had a
conversation on the difficulty of crossing the
swamp; I heard Col. Johnson request Gen.
Harrison to permit him to bring on the battle
by charging the enemy; Gen. Harrison gave
the leave and then returned to the infantry—
in the mean time Col. Richard M. Johnson as
certained that he could cross the swamp, and
did so With his 2d battalion, leaving Col.
James Johnson to charge the British with the
first battalion. I was present and made the
charge with Col. James Johnson, at the head
of the first battalion, and we took the whole !
British force in very short order, except Gen. I
Proctor and a few dragoons who run away. I
The British enemy surrendered to Col. Janies
Johnson, who marched them back to Gen. I
Harrison who was with the infantry. Col. R.
M. Johnson at the head of the 2d battalion
fought and defeated Tecumseh and his war
riors after a severe and bloody conflict. I
went in person to the ground where Col. R.
M. Johnson in person fought the Indians with
part of his regiment; I know he defeated the
Indians at that point without any aid but his
own men. I met with a portion of the in
fantry on the extreme left, not far from where
Major Thompson commanded, but the Indians
were defeated before the aid joined them.—
The mounted regiment fought the battle of
the Thames. During the whole of our ser
vice, Col. R. M. Johnson trained his men to
charge on the enemy in columns, and as we ex
pected it, none of us were taken by surprise,
when we were ordered to charge the enemy;
Col. Johnson had prepared his regiment for
this desperate mode of fighting.
JEREMIAH KIRTLEY.
Lexington , Sept. 1, 1810.”
The above have been published in the
Kentucky Yeoman, and in addition, we give
the following, sent to us as a confirmation of
the above. Here is the testimony of two gei -
tlemen in the infantry under command cf
Gov. Shelby. They certainly know whether
they were in the battle or not. Their state
ment will not be doubted or contradicted. It
is signed by Thomas P. Moore, who served
as a private soldier at the battle of Misset.-
senawa, and was complimented in general
orders by Gen. Harrison—was at the battle of
the Thames, and after Gen. Harrison resign
ed, Major Moore accompanied Gen. M‘Arthur
in his perilous expedition into Upper Canada,
in the fall of 1814, and had his horse killed
under him at the crossing of Grand River.
And subsequently led the van at the battle of
Malcolm’s Mills, and was again complimented
bv Gen. M* Arthur. Silas Harlan is the son
of a distinguished patriot, and brother to the
Hon. James Harlan, late Secretary of State,
of Kentucky.
Herrodsburg , Mercer Cos., Ky ,
Sept. 14, 1840.
Dear Sir —At your request we make the
following statement of facts: In the fall of
1813, in consequence of a call from Gov.
Shelby, we marched from Danville, Mercer
county, Ky., as subalterns in a mounted com
pany commanded by the late Col. Davenport.
Upon reaching headquarters, Col. D. was j
promoted to the command of a regiment We I
were under an inwression that we were to j
serve throughout as mounted infantry; but j
upon reaching Portage, we were dismounted, j
and crossed the lake in boats. On our arri- ;
val at Sandwich the infantry were joined bv
Cos). R. AI. Johnson’s mounted intantry. Alter ;
some delay, it was announced that we were j
to pursue Proctor's army. Johnson’s regi- !
! ment marched in front, rendering the roads j
J almost impassable for infantry. After a pain-
I ful and fatiguing march, in which many of the
; stoutest were ieij by the way. Johnson’s regi
ment overhauled the enemy; and that fact
{was communicated to Gen. Harrison, and by
| his orders to the infantry we were command
led to advance, and did so, occasionally halt-
I ing. The delay seemed to us at the time un
| accountable; until the discharge of the mus
; kets of the British, and the yell of Col. James
; Johnson’s battalion, in charging them, an
-1 nounced that the action had commenced,
I when we advanced at a rapid pace. The fir
ing of the British soon ceased, and we could
occasionally hear the discharge of fire arms
and the yell of Indians. At tiiis time, Gov.
Shelby rode along our lines encouraging ua
to advance, and we did so to the close ot the
action. We aver that we saw Gov. Shelby,
Gen. Desha, Gen. Allen, Gen. Adair, and Col.
J. M‘Do\veil during the action, but at no time
did we see Gen. Harrison; and that then, and
ever since, we considered the mounted regi
mented as having fought the battle and won
the victory. The infantry ardently desired to
have participated in it, and complained much
of having been compelled to march so far, and
suffer so much, to be made the mere specta
tors of the fight. We of course know nothing
of who Originated this novel and dangerous
mode of assailing the British regulars and
Indians; and only mean to say, that while we
j suffered on the line of inarch much more than
i the mounted regiment, and were as eager to
I engage the enemy as they could have been,
i yet we (the infantry) were virtually denied
| all participation in the glorious achievement
| There was one very large company from this
j county attached to Johnson’s regiment, com
manded by Capt. [now Gen.] APAfee, and
also one company of infantry nearly as large,
to which the undersigned belonged; and we
do not. believe that this statement will be con
troverted by a single man of either of these
two companies.
In what we have reluctantly said we do
not design to insinuate that Gen. Harrison
displayed anv want of personal courage.
THOMAS P. MOORE,
of Harrodsburg, Ky.
SILAS HARLAN,
of Alercer Cos., Ky.
The position this overwhelming testimony
leaves Gen. Harrison before the world, is of
his own seeking. It corroborates history,
and will not even be contradicted by the Gen
eral's aids, who seem already driven to tiie
wall with astonishment at their Ganeral’s au
dacity and weakness. No wonder that the
hard cider enthusiasm is beginning to die
away, and the hurrah for glory turning to
shame and disgust.
In the report of Mr. Webster’s speech at
Richmond, Virginia, there occurs the follow
ing remarkable passage, which we desire to
put on record:
“I ought, my friends, here to advert to
what has appeared in all the papers of the
Administration party in relation to my visit to
Virginia. It is the cry that State Govern
ments will not be safe if you admit Northern
men to have any considerable share in the
councils of the General Government. I have
often, and I have always, where I had an
opportunity, talked about this matter, and
those domestic institutions of the South to
which it is intended to refer. Years ago, 1
uttered my sentiments in regard to slavery,
and I hold to tire same opinions up to this
hour. I then said that it was against all pre
tence that Congress had the right to interfere
in the question oi slavery in the South.
[Cheers.]
These are also the sentiments which I
have since uttered; the same sentiments
which 1 uttered in Worcester, in my own
State, in July last. [Cheers.]
And 1 now ask my frienbs here to read a
published speech of mine upon this subject,
which I delivered in my place in the Senate,
in January, 1830. I have nothing to add to
what I then said on the subject, ncr have I
any thing to take back from ail that has been
said by me on that subject. [Cheers.] But
I have one word to say to you, my triends,
upon this important topic ; and it is to repeat
my desire that you will read what I have be
fore spoken, and that you will remember what
I now say, that I hold, by the Constitution of
the United States, that Congress is absolutely
precluded ftom interfering in any manner,
directly or indirectly, with the institution of
slavery, or with any other State institution.
[Loud cheers, and cries of “ say that again!”]
Well, I will say it again, and I wish you to
remember what I say. I will repeat it—and
I wish you to tell it wherever you go—spread
it abroad upen the wings of the wind, that 1,
Daniel Webster, here, in the front of the ca-
pitol of Virginia—in the month of October,
1840—with yon October sun shining full
upon me—in the midst of this assembly—
’ before the v. hole country—and with all the
responsibility that attaclies to me—or to my
name in any way—declare, that there is no
power, either in Congress or the General
Government, in the slightest degree to inter
fere with the institution of Domestic Slavery!
[Tremendous cheering, and cries of “ That’s
two thousand votes for Harrison !”]
We wish that Mr. Webster had not given
too much cause to suspect him of insincerity
in this declaration. Had he no eye in the
making of it to those “ two thousand votes for
Harrison” echoed back from the audience ?
It looks suspicious. We cannot forget the
pertinacity with which Mr. Webster has ever
advocated the discussion and reporting on
Abolition petitions in Congress; we cannot
forget that ho voted against Mr. Calhoun’s
celebrated resolutions on this subject. But
Mr. Webster himself has surely forgotten
that it is not now three years since he decla
red in the Senate that Congress could prohi
bit the removal of slave property from State
to State—or as the Abolitionists and Mr.
Webster called it, the slave trade between
the States. If this be not maintaining the
right of interference with slavery, we are at a
loss to imagine what would. But there is
other evidence that this declaration, bold and
unconditional as it looks, is to be taken, like
Mr. Webster’s Jeffersonian Democracy, with
caution and large allowances. Mark this sen
tence —“Congress is absolutely precluded
from interfering, in any manner, either direct
ly or indirectly, with the institution of slavery,
or with any other State institution.”
Any one who knows the history of the iast
Session and has read Mr. Webster's speeches
cn the Bankrupt Law, will see that the con
cluding words refer to the banks, which he
defended against the operation of tiie proposed
Bankrupt law, cn the ground that they were
State institutions and could not be subjected
to the operation of a law of Congress, in which
we agree with him. But lo! Mr, Webster’s
great quarrel with the Administration is that
u will not interfere with the Banks; that it will
not create a regulator to control them and
keep them from going too fast or too slow; that
it will not “nationalize the currency” of the
Srate Bonds, bv concentrating their dispersed
and unorganized power in a centre to be es
tablished by the Federal Legislature. Mr.
Webster’s words, “precluded absolutely from
interfering directly or indirectly,” he has him
self expressly extended to every State institu
tion —to the* Banks as well to slavery. Now
in spite of his absolute preclusion, he holds that
in case of the banks, it is not only the right but
the imperative duty ol Congress to interfere,
and curb and control. llow then are vvd to
interpret him! The truth is tiiat since he
has turned stump orator, his notions are none
of the clearest, and his speeches are undoubt
: edly to be read HarrisonicaUy and not other
| wise. They all mean only tiiat the orator is
desirous to get the “most sweet voices” of the
people.— Charleston Mercury.
i ;
!SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, OCT. 31, 1840.
“ I'/iis luslitc.tion is one of the most deadly hostility i
existing against the principles i. nd form of our Consti- \
tuLion. The nation is, at this time, so strong and united
in its sentiments, that it cannot beshaken at this mo
ment. Tat suppose a scries o f untoward events should
occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a
Republican Government to meet a crisis of great dan
ger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the
| public functionaries ; an institution like this penetrating
i by its branches every part of the union, acting by com
! n.and and in phalanx, may m a critical moment, upset
the government. I deem no government safe, which is
under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities,
or any other authority than that of the nation, or its reg
ular functionaries. I That an obstruction could not this
Bank of the United Statts, with all its branch banks,
be in time of war ? It might dictate to us the peace we
should accept, or witluhaw its aid. Ought we then to
give further growth to an institution so powerful, so
hostile ? —Thomas Jefferson.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN YAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN FORSYTH.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND
VICE-PRESIDENT.
WILLIAM B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
JOHN BATES, of Murray.
MILNER ECHOLS, of Walton.
SAMUEL BEAUL, of Wilkinson.
WILLIAM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes.
SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee.
EDWARD HARDEN, of Clark.
JAMES ANDERSON, of Burke.
THE ELECTIONS.—In South Carolina
the federalists have succeeded in electing Colo
nel Irby, to Congress in consequence of two
democratic candidates running for the same
station, —and in Richland their ticket for the
legislature has a small majority, but seven
teen votes more than were voters being
found in the box, the judges have referred the
matter to the decision of the legislature.
These are the only instances, in which, so
far as we have seen the returns* the federal
i-ts have elected a solitary candidate. In j
Delaware the federalists have succeeded by
708 votes—and their majority in Maryland is
2,557. In Pennsylvania, the federalists ap
pear to have been playing a losing game.
,The city of Philadelphia gives them a major
ity of about 2,500, but in the county of Phil
adelphia the democratic majority exceeds
4,000, and Ingersoll’ is elected, —Rerks coun
ty gives upwards of 5,000 majority to the
democrats—indeed, so far the returns have
reached ns, the democrats of the good old
keystone State seem to have been successful
beyond the most sanguine anticipations.
ECONOMY.
The federalists say, elect Gen. Harrison,
and he will adopt a system of economy that
must greatly reduce the expenses of the go
vernment. Ou what evidence is the asser
tion advanced ? Is it the opinion entertained
of him by Mr. Madison’s cabinet in January,
IS 14 ! John W. Taylor, (then a member of
Congress from New York) at that time, thus
writes from Washington City to Governor
Tompkins :
“it is further alleged that Harrison to
tally DISREGARDED ALL ECONOMICAL CONSI- -
derations, and tiiat the expenses of his last,
campaign nave cost a sum extravagant !
l iieyond calculation. Claims for unprovided (
wagons, horses, men, provisions, &c. are
daily coming in 1o an enormous amount.”
Cincinnati was the head-quarters of Gen.
Harrison in February, 1814. On the IG'h
of that month, the Gazette printed in that
city stated,
“ The expenses of Gen. Harrison’s expedi
tions have been ascertained at the Treasury
to amount to TWENTY-SIX MILLIONS
of dollars, which, taking the number of his
troops, is at the average rate of $10,400 for
each man employed in these very gainful ex
peditions !”
The statement passed uncontradicted, and
is unquestionably true. Yet such is the man,
who, in his dotage, is to retrench the public
expenditures by introducing a system of eco
nomy with which he was unacquainted when
at the meridian of life !! ! The argument is
as absurd as to propose ihe application of fish
oil to extract grease from a white pine floor,
it is, however, a fair sample of log-cabin logic.
A KIND COMPLIMENT !!
The last number of the Columbus Enquirer,
whilst hurrahing and curvetting at the result
of the recent election in Georgia, treats the
senators of its party to a dose of reproach,
which we consider any thing but savoury.—
The Constitution of the Stite, deeming the
Legislature possessed of sufficient intelli
gence for the task, confides to each branch
the selection of its own officers ; and we
think very justly ; for, a set of men so stulti- j
fled as not to be prepared to choose indivi
duals qualified to preside over them, are unfit
to legislate for the whole community. But
the modest and courteous editors of tiie En-
quirer entertain a different opinion; and
assuming the guardianship of its party, dic
tates to the federal senators the man they
are bound, by honor and justice, to elect Pre
sident of the Senate. With the merits of
that individual we have at present nothing to
do, nor care we the tythe of a straw whether
ha be inflated into a political balloon to burst
in the air, and be lost, or occupy the more
congenial but not less respectable station ol
an aye and no member. It is the attitude
that that print has assumed towards the class
of legislators, in its own ranks, which the
fundamental law of the country deems the
most experienced and astute, that occupies
our attention. Its dictating to them their
presiding officer, is, in fact, telling them that
they are a set of blockheads, that the people,
in a moment of lamentable delusion, entrusted
with powers and responsibilities, for the judi
cious management of which they are alto
gether unprepared ; and that to prevent dis
grace, and to maintain, in relation to the peo
ple, the credit of the federal party, Messrs.
Marks and Chapman are reluctantly forced to
step forward, and enlighten and direct their
judgment. What a compliment to the intel
ligence of the Georgia federalists ! what an
avowal for the reflection of our citizens !
HARRISON’S CLOUD OF WITNESSES.
With its usual regard for truth, the Enquir
er alleges, that to Harrison’s ability as an
able general, “Shelby, and Madison, and Mad
Anthony, [General Wayne] and Scott, and
Johnson, and Jesup, and Van Renssellaer, and
Gaines,” all attest It fails however to par
ticularize the kind of testimony that Shelby,
Madison, Johnson and Jesup render, as it is
aware that beyond official politeness, it is rath
er of a negative character. With regard to
Wayne, every man acquainted with that com
mander knows that he neither could nor did
speak of Harrison as the commander of an
army, having nevef had an opportunity of
forming an opinion on the subject. Scott con
fesses that on no occasion has he served with
or under Harrison, and states distinctly that
what he advances rests upon hearsay alone,
but as might have been expected from a man
influenced by chagrin and disappointment, he
betrays an ex-par te spirit, in relating whit he
heard’ from others.
Van Itensseilaer is a witness of vfery doubt
ful character. Iu the first place, he is the in
exorable enemy of the administration for hav
ing been deprived of the post-office at Albany
in consequence of his political colleagues hav
ing turned out of offices conferred by the
| State every democrat in New York. Besides
Jon no occasion had he personally an opportu-
J nitv, during the las: war with England, of
j making an estimate of Harrison’s capacity as
la general. In addition to these objections, he
: had, through sympathy a powerful motive to
j cover with gingerbread tinsel Harrison’s want
|of forethought and paucity of combination,
J having himself foolishness engaged the Eng
lish at Queen’s Town Heights with only a
J part of his command, and loitering with them
(on the field of battle until the enemy wore
[reinforced, permitted his detachment to be
i surprised and captured, and himself severely
wounded, having barely time to escape to the
j American side of the river. From such a
man, we say, community of feeling would
scarcely penult any thing impartial or rigid to
1 come. The truth is not expected to predom
j mate in Gaines; for we believe he is as desti-
tute of courage as he is deficient in talent and
honor. Only a short time before he entered
I the United States’ service and whilst practi
cing as a dumb attorney at St. Stephens, Ala
ibama, with dagger and brace of loaded pistols
: in his hands lie, after aping the bully, allowed
himself to be run through the streets, by old
John Caller, armed only with a chair, from the
Globe tavern to his office, and there denned.
For the truth of this statement we re*or to
Green H. Caller, son-in-law of the late Judge
Toulmin, and to Judge Lipscomb. It is su
premely ridiculous to hear the bag of wind
boasting ot his railroad system of war, and
his having learned from General Harrison the
tacucs of an Indian campaign. What did he,
with fine troops, effect in Florida, beyond eat
ing up General Scott’s flour and pork! Was
he not forced to earth himself and army in a ;
mud hole, and suffer almost starvation,” bv a j
gang of Indians, that durst not face Clinch I
with a body of troops amounting to not one i
third his number. It is notorious, flint, had it
not been for the opportune arrival of the latter,
the old braggart would have sacrificed the
gallant men under him to his pusillanimity.
Yet he had the efl'rontery to boast then and
since that he conquered the Seminoles! Yes!
that he had subdued an enemy for fear of
whom he dared neither advance nor retreat,
that compelled him to eaHh himself, though on
the point of starving, that invested his camp
so closely as io enfilade it by day as v. ell as
night. Had a spark of magnanimity been in
his brain or a single impulse subservient to
truth, he would have acknowledged that to
Clinch he owed his life, instead of claiming
i for himself the laurels of victory! He is in
j deed too contemptible to be even a witness
J for Harrison, of whose cowardice we have no
evidence, though much of his indecision and
bad judgment. Such however is vhe authori
ty on which the Enquirer rests the pretensions
of General Harrison’s military reputation;
and it must be admitted to harmonize well
with the ethics of Brothers Marks and Chap
man, for whose propensity to falsehood religion
furnishes no prophylactic and honor no rem
edy.
FEDERAL SLANDERS.
The fedeial presses ol the North and South
seem to vie with each other in fabricating
slanders against the present head of the Ad
ministration; and from the Richmond Whig
down to the contemptible slop tub of Colum
bus, in which falsehood, ignorance and stu
pidity are singularly combined, under the
mantle of hypocrisy, rale each other’s merit
in proportion to ils abiiity at misrepresenta
tion. Yan Buren they vow, was oppos ‘d to
(lie late war, and even when presented with
documentary evidence to the contrary, still
I vow tiiat lie was opposed to it. With regard
to the extension ol’ the right of suffrage in
relation to the whites, they carry out the
same policy-. One witness however they
dare not refuse without impeaching the ve
racily of one of their principal leaders in the
State of New \orlt~,ve mean the Hon Mr.
Tailrnadge. They cannot deny his compe
tency as a witness in the case, m relation to
opportunity or ability. The following is ox
traded from a speech delivered by him on
the 3d February, iS3i; and if true then, must
be so now:
“Who, lei me ask, is this distinguished in
dividual, whom these political aspirants have
thus attempted to disgrace and destroy! He
is well known to us all. The people of this
State are familiar with his name, and with
the services lie has rendered to hi * country.
His reputation is dear to them, and they will
be the lasi to suffer it to he tarnished by foul
aspersions, however high or however low
their origin. He is literally one of the peo
ple. lie is not of lhat class which in the ear
iy stages of the Government, were denomi
nated ‘the rich and well born’—an odious
distinction which has been attempted to be
preserved to the present day, and which has
often been claimed with an air of triumph,
on the part of those who have looked with a
j-jalous eye on the success of favored individ
uals, whom the people have delighted to hon
or. No, sir, he is of humble origin. He is
the artificer of his own fortunes; arid often in
the course of bis political carreer, has lie been
reproached with the humility of his birth.
4'he pride and wealth of family distinction,
has sneered at his advancement, and has at
tempted to frown into retirement the man
whose native energies rose superior to its
own exertions, but the attempt has been in
vain. It was contrary to ilie spirit of our
free institutions.”
‘The war of 1812, between the United
States and Great liritian, found him in the
Senate of this Slate. It was here that his
talents showed most conspicuous. Beset by
foes without and enemies within, the country
presen’ed to the eye of the patri.it a most
gloomy prospect. Unaided or but partially
aided by the General Government, we were
called upon to provide the means to repel the
invader, both by sea and by land. The pa
triotic Tompkins was then at the head of this
State: and with an eye that never slept, and
zeal that never tired, be devoted himself to
the service of his country. NO MAN REN
DEM ED HIM MORE EFFICIENT AID
1H AN M A RUN VAN 13 U R EN. IN
YONDER SENATE CHAMBER HIS
ELOQUENCE WAS OFTEN HEARD
IN FAVOR OF PROVIDING MEANS
AND GRANTING SUPPLIES TO CAR
RV ON THE WAR AND TO FEED I
AND CLOTHE OUR HALF CLAD
SOLDIERY: WHILE SOME OF HIS
PRESENT PERSECUTORS WERE
OPENLY REJOICING AT THE DE
FEAT OF OUR ARMS. AND SECRE V•
LY IMPLORING SUCCESS ON THOSE
OF THE ENEMY.
‘After the close of the war, and when peace
was onCe more restored to our distracted
country, von at length see him in the Con
vention to revise the Constitution. Here he
was again surrounded by the collected wis
dom and the talent of the State—a cons'.eila
tion of genius in wh'ch none appeared more
brilliant than himself. Here it was that he
contended against the aristocracy of the land,
in favor of the people in the extension of the
right of suffrage. Here it was, that, with
others of the democratic school, he prevailed
over those who were unwilling to entrust
more power to the people, and happily es
tablished the principle, that in a government
like ours, the people are capabie of govern
ing the.! selves.
‘W e next behold hint in the Senate of the j
United Slates, that dignified body which was
adorned by h>s presence, and which has been
degraded by his absence. Here he scarcely
found an equal, and acknowledged no su:;e
rior. No man discussed, with more ability
the important subjects lhaf fame before th.enL
With a thorough Ktiowedge ol the history ol
the government, and its various relatiois, he
grasped all matters with a Inn e and compre
hension which astonished, whilst it command
ed the admiration of all win witnessed Lis
giant elibrls. His speech -n the judiciary
will he remembered as long as the judicial
department of the government shall exist, and
Ins splendid effort in favor of the surviving
officers and soldiers ol the revolution will not
be Ibrgotten as long the Almighty spares
the honored remnant of that heroic race, and
whilst their descendants cherish the principles
of their immortal sires.”
RESUMPTION—The Columbus Enquir
er, of the 14th instant, contains an article on
this subject, which we append. It will be per
ceived that it does not directly reprobate the
resumption of specie payment by the banks,
yet by implication gives it ihe go by. For
“the credit of i’s party, to prove their devotion
to the public welfare, and, we suppose, their
political sagacity, it ardently pants for such a
reform of the banking system as will secure
the bill holder, and “drive back info the dark
ness of its native vaults, the irredeemable*
■'duff tiiat floods the country.”—How this ob
ject is to be effected, without compelling
banks to redeem their bills with specie, we,
being neither prophet nor poet, cannot ima
gine, nor do we believe that the demure edi
tors of that paper, with all their excessive
fancy and acquaintance with monetary mat
ters, can map out. It is worse than nonsense,
it is downright hypocrisy, to pretend that pa
per can be the representative of that which
it cannot command, or that excessive issues
will not continue to be thrown over the coun
try so long as banking institutions are per
mitted to evade the redemption of their bills
by the only circulating medium possessing
intrinsic value. It is just the same as estab
lishing the credit of a private individual by
| law, and at the same time exempting him
J from the payment of his debts. The notes of
hand of such a man would not pass at par
with the precious me als, nor would it be
possible lor them to circulate at such a rate,
until the law made hitn accountable for his
debts, and lie had by deed convinced the
community that he was both able and willing
to fulfii his contracts. No other remedy re
mains for raising the paper medium to an c
quality with the metallic than to subject them
to the rules to which private individuals are
subject, except perhaps the suggestion of
Governor Wilson of Eotfih Carolina, to inter
dict to them, the collection of a cent from the
moment they cease to redeem with specie
their paper. The web of subterfuge, woven
by the correspondent of the Enquirer, against
the resumption of specie payments, by insist
ing that the accommodations which must exist
while tiie present system continues, will, in
the rate of labor and of produce, more than
counter balance tlie corresponding enhance
ment of prices laid on articles of consumption ,
betrays tiie absence of knowledge or of can
dor. As the value of the circulating medium
depreciates, the price of necessaries rises, and
must necessarily fall on the consumer. Con
sequently the laborer gets in strictness no
more for Jus labor, and frequently not as much.
The subject is well illustrated by an occur
rence in Texas in 1821. Dr. Long’s ragged
adventurers were posted at Fort Bolivar on
Galveston Bay, with very little to eat except
a precarious supply of fish and the flesh of
such mustangs as could be approached. In
subordination usually accompanies short al
lowance. One of the intractibles, be ng, l,y
his officer, reproached vvi.h ingratitude, and re
minded tiiat ti.e pay was libera! and prompt,
replied, “Yes, we get thirty dollars a mouth,
and are paid regularly; but your patriotic pa
per aint worth mating. Yesterday afternoon,
at three up, I won thirty thousand dollars ot
it, and this morning offered it all for that
mangy pig, that wouldn’t bring eight bits in
New Orleans, but was refused. I reckon we
must starve without grumbling, for the sake
of getting scraps of paper that are of no ser
vice here or any place else.”
Having a majority in both branches of the
legitlatiu’P, tiie federalists, who arrogate to
themselves the title of friends of the working
people, have it now in their power to prove
their sincerity. Let them do so, not by per
petuating existing abuses in the currency un
der false pretences of expediency, but by ex
tending tiie only efficient, and practical aid
within lire scope of State legislation, forcing
the banks to resume tlie payment of specie.
It is however rather ominous of evil to find,
under an anonymous signature, one of their
candidates for ejectors ot President, and Vico
President, advising banks to withhold justice
from the community, especially as he is a
bank-director. He should reflect whether the
position he has chosen be calculated to raise
m public estimation the institution with which
lie is connected.
“ Resumption —The attention o r mem’ era
le’ect to the Elate legislature is respectfully
invited to the suggestions of our correspondent
“ Cheves.” Without pretending to ertdoise
the opinions of “Cheves,” we think no harm
can result from a calm consideration of his
suggestions. If it be true that a speedy re
sumption of specie payments will materially
prejudice the interests of the planter, the me
chanic and labor lug man, without offering a cor
responding benefit to other classes, it may be
well to striKC outsome other policy, that will af
ford efficient security to bill holders, and at the
same time enable the Banks to offer their usual
accommodation to buyers and tradesmen. We
have long ago decided in our own minds that
the present loose system of banking must be
reformed. The people have long enough sub
mitted to sad impesith -ns and Josses on their
money, and unless seme plan can be devised
that will protect the bill holder against the
prospect of loss by the failures and discounts
to which he has been lately exposed, we shaU
begin to think seriously of the propriety of a
total revolution in our banking system.—Some
thing must be done, at our approaching 1 leg
islature, on this subject We will not pretend
to say what shall be done; we have no voice
in lhat body, but as we have the prospect of
a good Whig Legislature combining as great
a share of the talent and experience of the
country as is usual in such assemblies, we en
tertain a strong hope that the miserable con
dition of our currency will claim and receive
its appropriate share of their attention —A
good opportunity will now be offered the Whigs
to show, by their just and wholesome legisla
tion ou this subject, the falsehood of the charge
which their opponents have brought against
them, tiiat tLey were the “Bank-rag party.’*
Let something be done that will drive back
into the darkness of its native vaults, the ir
redeemable stuff that floods the country, and
that will secure the honest dealers in well-bar
ed bank issues from the destruction that Shy
locks and shavers would bring upon them
speedily if they had the power to do it.”
Cha/tdhocch'e Rail Road Bank.- —We pro
pose to take a review of the Repor’, as publish
ed in our last, next week, as also to submit
some additional facts that our readers t hould
be advised of.
ATTEMPT AT ROBBERY.
That the public, especially travellers, may
be on the look out against some scoundrels
prowling through the adjacent counties, I
think it advisable to give publicity to an inci
dent that happened to myself on the 14th
inst. While passing on the public road from
Brooksville, Randolph county, to Lumpkin, in
Stewart, I met with two men and a lad, who
represented themselves as being in search of
a stolen horse. On learning by inquiry my
residence to be in Coweta county, the younger
of ihe two men exclaimed that he was glad
that he had found his mare that was stolen
from him the Friday night previous, near Ir
winten, Alabama, alluding to the aminal l
was riding. The elder one observed that i’
was his comrade’s beast, ani proposed to