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VOL. 111.
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Transient advertisements SI.OO a square for
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Fifty per cent, additional in Local column.
Liberal rates to larger advertisements.
WASHINGTON.
NO REMOVALS BUT FOR CAUSE.
PRESIDENT AND TRE QUA
KERS.
Washington, April 16.— Tho special
commission investigating the mail
transportation will be at Montgom
ery, Ala., to-night.
A delegation was at the White
House to-day in behalf of Miss Van
Lew Postmistress of Richmond, Va.
The President gave them no satis
faction beyond his usual phrase that
no one would be removed except for
cause. It may be stated the Prwi
dent has so far shown little suscepti
bility to the influence of delegation.
There are 900 employed in the Bu
reau of Priattng and Engraving; 200
will be discharged Wednesday, and
300 the first of May.
A Quaker delegation called on the
President in behalf of the Universal
Peace Union. Replying to their ad
dress, the President said tie was in
favor of peace everywhere, which
would be his guide for the next four
years, as was fully stated in his in
augural. He did not feel quite so far
advanced in the matters of peace as
the Quakers, and must, on some oc
casions, resort to severe measures.
“LOUISIANA."
Terms of the Adjustment.
The Niciulls Legislature Accepts It.
Paokard Wants the President to “Re
cognize.”
NlrliMlla and a llemoeratic Legislature.
New Orleans, April 16.—The Com
mission will remain for some days
for final adjustment, which now
seems probable.
Wabhinutoai, April 16.—The Her
ald’a New Orleans special says the
opposition in the Democratic caucus
to the compromise is smothered
over. Gov. Warmouth is only wait
ing for the plan to assume accept
ance by the Nicholl’s Legislature
and the President, when he and his
friends will go to Nicholls Legisla
ture regardless of Packard’s wishes.
Packard still insists upon recogni
tion by the President of himself or
Nicbelis, intimating' that this will
place the President and commission
on record before the people.
The Tributie’s speoial says the con
troversy is practically settled, but
two or three days are required to ar
range details. The compromise is
the Legislature to be organized upon
prima facie right to seats, disregard
the action of Wells, Anderson & Cos.
This theoretically leaves the Guber
natorial question open, but practi
cally inaugurate* Nicholls.
Tne dispatch says: The Nicholls
Legislature to-day (Monday) passed
a resolution giving effect to the pro
gramme of settlement, and will also
pass resolutions covering the follow
ing points: Confidence in and sup
port of President Hayes; a guaran
tee to accept the lltt\, 14th and 15th
amendments to the Constitution ; the
fullest protection of the colored peo
ple in all their rights and privileges
of person and property; equal edu
cational advantages; amnesty for
past political offenses, so that peace
and order may prevail; and a union
of all in restoring the material pros
perity of the State.
SAVANNAH STEAMER EEC BURNT.
HER LIFE BOAT STILL MISSING.
Savannah, April 15. —The Leo, hence
for Nassau, was burned at sea ; eight
een of the persons on board, includ
ing three passengers, are missing;
thirteen were rescued from a life raft
and brought here.
New York, April 16.—The owners
of the Leo say the life boat, in charge
of the chief engineer, was the best
boat of the kind that could be ob
tained here, and was seut to the
steamer last winter. They also state
that Mr. McDonald is an able and
experienced seaman, and a man of
considerable nerve. They expect to
hear of his safety and those under his
charge soon.
WEATHER INDICATIONS.
War Department, j
Office oTCHrEFSroNAL Officer, 1
Washington, April 16, 1877. )
For South Atlantic States, slightly
warmer weather, stationary or slow
ly falling barometer.
THE EASTERN QUESTION.
AUSTRIA UANNOT RERUN NEUTRAL
T
AN ALLIANCE WITH ENGLAND AGAINST
RUSSIA URGED.
London, April 16. —Col. Valentine
Baker is on the staff of Pasha Abdul
Kerinl, eomraander-fn-chtef, who has
gono to the Danube.
The Standard's special from Pesth
says: “All the journals herb are
agreed that it Is impossible fof'Aus
tria and Hungary to remain neutral
in the war which impends. They
unanimously argue in favor of an
alliance with England against Rus
sia. Austria aud Hungary are even
more interested than England in pre
venting the entrance of the Russians
into Bulgaria.
England’s eastern policy attacked.
London, April 16.—1n the House of
Lords this afternoon, Earl Granville
criticized the Government’s policy
touching the Eastern question. He
said the protocol was nearly the
same as the Berlin memoradum.
Why did not the Government accept
that? The uuited actiou of Europe,
at that time, might have prevented
war.
Neither Russia nor Turkey had
then taken an irretraceable position.
He attacked the ministers’ boats
abroad, raising England’s position
abroad, which now subjects them to
ridicule, and he advocated an Euro
pean concert for the better govern
ment of Turkey. Lord Derby in re
ply, vindicated the protocol. He
said he believed the House would
agree wtth him that under existing
circumstances it was best not to say
anything concerning the future.
Yon-Mormon* .Ravins Against the
roly waitlists.
Salt Lake, April 14.— At a mass
meeting of non-mormons, held at the
Liberal Institute, in this city, to-day,
a resolution was offered by Gen. Na
than Kimball, to amend the organi
zing act of tne Territory so as to read
as follows: That all male inhabitants
21 years of age and citizens of the
United States, shall be entitled to
vote and be eligible for office; pro
vided, however, that no person living
in the practice of bigamy cr polyga
my shall be permitted to hold any
office or to vote at any election, or to
act as a juror; that all votes shall be
by secret ballot, and that all laws in
conflict be repealed, which was unan
imously adopted by the meeting and
referred to a committee on resolu
lions and memorial to Congress. The
meeting adjourned till 7 p. m.
THE HOSTILE AIUIX.
PART OF CRAZY HORSE’S BAND ON THE
WAR PATH.
Camp Robinson, Neb., April 16.
Crazy Horse, with bis band proper,
remain at a safe distance. He pro
poses a council.
Dead Wood, April 16.-Part of
Crazy Horse’s band are on the war
path again. Spotted Tail deceived
them by representing that only the
arms captured from custer would be
taken from them. The Government
demanded all their arms and ponies.
TELEGRAPHIC BURMARY.
St. Louis.—A revised list of the
killed and wounded by the lire re
veals no Southern names.
Philadelphia, Pa.— The members
of the firm of Bacon & Son, are held
in $5,000 each for complicity with the
clerk who embezzled city funds. The
firm, knowing the source of the capi
tal. speculated with it. There is also
a civil suit to recover the money.
San Francisco.— The cave in of a
mine in Yuba county killed seven
persons.
London—At the Stock Exchange
to-day, business is flat at Saturday’s
worst prices for international stocks.
New York— Hugh Riddle, elected
President of thg, Chicago and Rock
Island in place of John F.
Tracy, resigned, is a resident of Chi
cago, and was Vice President.
A. E. Long & Cos., brokers, declar
ed bankrupt at Stock Exchange.
Philadelphia— Trains on the Read
ing Road are slightly delayed to-day.
Both parties are confident.
New YoEK-Kennedy & Cos. are en
deavoring to make an arrangement
with their creditors for an extension
of twelve months.
Ashland, Ohio -Tramps arrested
for an incendiary fire, which destroy
ed the brick block adjoining Miller’s
Hotel. Loss $53,000.
BASTARDLY ATTACK ON AN EDITOR.
Official liu-Klux in Philadelphia
Philadelphia, April 16.—Excite
ment.was created in Chesuut street,
at noon to-day, by the attempted
whipping of Col. A. K. McClure, of
the Philadelphia Times, by Nat Mc-
Kay, Government Contractor. Col.
McClure was in company with Ex-
Gov. Curtis, when McKay approached
with a dog whip and struck him.
Then McClure caught McKay by the
throat, and while holding him, some
one from behind dealt McClure a
blow, while another in front struck
him over the left eye. These men are
supposed to be friends of McKay.
One of them got away; the other was
arrested, along with McKay. The
prisoners are held in bail to answer.
COLUMBUS, GA.. TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 17, 1877.
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION,
speech of linn Mnrk 11. Rlandford, nt
Hamilton.
Reported for tho Timks by G. Y. Tignor, phono
graphic Reporter of the Ohattahooohoe Cir
cuit.!
Fellow Cithern:
I appear beforo you to-day for tho
purpose of discussing,to some extent,
the question of calling a Convention
of the people of Georgia for the pur
pose of making a Constitution of the
State.
We have had no assemblage of the
people of Georgia feince the termina
tion of the late war which was called
by tho free and voluntary consent of
the people.
The Convention which assembled
In 1865 was called by the Federal au
thority. Gov. James Johnson, who
was provisional Governor at that
time, was appointed by the United
States, and he by orders of the Presi
dent of the United States permitted
certain portions of the people—cer
tain people of the State of Georgia—
to come together in order to from a
Constitution for the State.
He prescribed the qualifications of
voters in the order calling the Con
vention. The qualifications of dele
gates to that Convention were also
prescribed by authority of the Feder
al Government.
In 1867 tho people of Georgia—at
least a portion of the people of Geor
gia, and a good many persons who
were not people of Georgia at all —
were called together at Atlanta,
which was then not the capital of the
State, and in my judgment it) is not
the legitimate capital of the State
to-day. They were called, follow
citizens, how ? Have you forgotten ?
The American people have short
memories. Have you forgotten how
the Convention of 1867 8 was called,
how it was assembled, and by what
authority ? And have you forgotten
who composed that Convention ?
I hold in my hand the journal of
the proceedings of that Convention,
and I will call attention to the order
which assembled that Convention—a
very unusual order for a free people.
Tho very heading of this order will
be enough to show the people that
that Convention didn’t assemble by
the authority of the people of the
State;
Headquarters Third Military 1
District, (iEokoia, Alabama and >
Florida,) Atlanta, (Ja., Nov. 19,1867. a )
GENERAL ORDERS, NO. 89.
There are men who hear me speak
that know what “General Orders,
No. 89,” mean, and they know what
"Headquarters” mean. That is not
the language of a free people! thut
is the language of a military people.
“Whereas, By General Orders No.
89, from these Headquarters, dated
September 19,1867, an election was
ordered to be held in the State of
Georgia on the twenty ninth,
t.hiiieth and thirty-first davs of Octo
ber, 1867, and by General Orders No.
83, said election was continued on
the first and second days of Novem
ber, 1867, at which elect ion, in pur
suance of an Act of Congress, entitled,
‘an act to provide for the more effi
cient government of the rebel States,
and the acts supplementary t hereto’,
the registered voters of said State
might vote ‘for a Convention,’ or
against a Convention.”
Now is this the language to be ad
dressed to a free people? Who was
this signed by, fellow citizens? Here
is the journal of that Convention,
embracing this order:
“Brevet Major General Rope. R. C.
Drum, A. A. G.”
It was assembled at the tap of a
“Drum.” That’s the way you came
together in 1867 to frame a Constitu
tion. The deliberations of that Con
vention—the Constitution which they
made in 1868—was not made by the
free people of the State of Georgia.
It was the result of military authori
ty, put upon the people. It was not
made for the benefit of the people of
Georgia, and I will show you who it
was made for. That’s their journal.
It contains the evidence who it was
made for. Here is the remark that
fell from the President of that Con
vention—the man who presided over
it. When he took his seat as Presi
dent of that Convention, he made an
address to them which is embraced
in this journal: “The Republican
party of the nation is waiting with in
tense anxiety the movements of this
body.” That,fellow citizens, was not
made for the people of Georgia. It
was not our work. In the language
of the President of that Con
vention, it wa3 made “for the Re
publican party of the Nation.”
That’s the party that caused that
Constitution be made.
And now, since the close of the
war for the first time, are the people
of Georgia, allowed to meet to mdke
a Constitution for themselves. This
is the first opportunity that has been
offered the people to assemble to
gether in order to frame the organic
law for their State. And yet we hear
it stated that there are men who are
opposed to having a Convention to
make a Constitution for tho people.
Why? “echo answers why?” You
haven’t heard an argument against
it—not one. Why? Because we
have a Constitution that we made
ourselves? Not at all. Not at all.
Their journal of the work of that
Convention sohws that it was not
made for the people—when was it
made for the people of Georgia? We
have now, for the first time since the
war an opportunity of assembling
to make a Constitution for ourselves,
and yet it is sdid that we ought not to
have a Convention. Why? Have the
people of Georgia fallen so low in
their own estimation that they can
not trust themselves? If we have
oome to that—where the people can
not trust themselves to make a Con
stitution for themselves-then we
might as well give up free govern
ment, give It up, for that ends freo
government. Tho making of a Con
stitution is tho work of the people.
Are we lacking in intelligence? Do
we want patriotism? What is the
| difficulty, when the people of Geor
gia cannot make a Constitution for
themselves?
I should like to know who cora-
I posed, fellow citizens, the Conven
tion that made the present Constitu
tion? Have you forgotten who com
posed it? There was Aaron Alpeoria
Bradley from the First district, you
remember the wah-hoo! There was
Mr. Ashburn, from our district.
There were Bullock and Blodgett
and Bryant from tho eigh
teenth district. There was Mr. Costiu
from tliis District. There wa9 Mr.
Campbell from the Second District.
These are the men that made your
Constitution.—(Voice in the audi
ence, “Maull and Caldwell!”)—Yes,
the names are here—all here. Why,
you certainly have forgotteu It.
And yet some people say it is a very
good Constitution. Fellow-citizens,
there is not a good thing in it. There
is not a good thing in it from the
commencement to the end. It was
conceived in fraud and brought forth
in iniquity. It was the result of force
and fraud. It was not the work of
the free people of this State and the
intelligence of the State. It was
made in, the language of the Presi
dent of that Convention —the man
who presided over it—“for the Re
publican party.” Now, let us come
together and make a Constitution,
not for the Republican party, not for
the Democratic party, bat for
the people! Let the people meet in
their majesty, and let them make a
Constitution that suits themselves.
If the people of Georgia have neither
the virtue nor intelligence to make a
constitution for themselves, then let
us have no free government at all.
Let us do away with all republican
institutions and republican govern
ment. (Applause.]
I have my own opinions about why
a convention should be called and a
new constitution made. They are
my own, individually. Some of them
may suit you, and some of them may
not; but such as they are I give thorn
to you, and you are welcome to them.
In the first place, I say that Wo
ought to have a Convention, if for no
other purpose than to move the cap
ital away from Atlanta. That’s what
I say. If no other object were to be
attained in having a Convention, I
would have it to move the capital
back to Milledgeville, where the hon
est people of Georgia located it. [Ap
plause.] It was put in Atlanta by
military authority. Atlanta hah been
the i*ditical Mecca for every scal
awag and every carpet-bagger in
Georgia since the close of the war.
They fled to Atlanta. It was a
city of refuge fop them. Ido not ob
ject to Atlanta on account of the peo
ple of that city; for, if I have been
correctly informed, the people of At
lanta, when they voted upon the rat
ification of the present constitution,
voted against it, and I admire the
people of Atlanta for it. It has been
reported that I said in a speech in
Tulbotton, that an honest man could
not live in Atlanta. That’s a mistake.
If I said such a thiug I would have
made haste to take it back, for there
are many people in the city of Atlan
ta whom I respect, and in whose
honesty and integrity I have the
most implicit confidence, and there
are many people in Atlanta who have
informed me that they want the cap
ital moved back to Milledgeville. At
lanta is not the geographical cefjter
of the State, nor is it the center of the
population of the State at this time.
It is in the northwestern part of the
State.
It was not the place fixed upon by
our fathers, and there was no reason
that it should be moved from Mil
ledgeville, but there is every reason
to put it back. If the capital re
mains in Atlanta, it is within the
knowledge of everybody that that old
rookery canuot stand but a few years
longer. It will fall in, aud then we
wilt have to build a capital that will
probably cost U3 a million or more
of dollars. Who has got to pay it?
It comes out of the pockets of the
people. At Milledgeville we have a
buildiug already complete—nothing
to be done, in perfect order—all ar
ranged to carry on the State govern
ment—everything in good condition,
nothing to do but to move the books
and papers of the Executive Depart
ment back to Milledgeville, and the
thing is accomplished; and we ought
to have a Convention to move
it back, if for nothing else.
I venture to say that there has not
been a Judge of the Supreme Court,of
the Superior Court, nor a Legislator
who has felt exactly easy since the
Capital has been in Atlanta and the
adoption of this Constitution.
The people feel themselves that
they are not living under a perma
nent government. There is an un
easiness which pervades all classes
of society, and we need a permanent
government in which the people
have confidence, and theD everything
will be stable and settled, confidence
restored, security guaranteed, and
then tho people will feel that it is
their government. All will then be
right.
I think we ought to have a conven
tion of tho people, in order to put
limitations upon tho power of gov
ernment. The object of a Constitu
tion is to prescribe certain restric
tions and limitations on the govern
ment beyond which it shall sidtgo.
Government is not a blessing, but a
necessity, and is a reproach to man
kind, because it is an evidence that
man will not or cannot do right.
Fellow-citizens, they talk to me about
having a great government—that is,
they want a grand government. I
want a great people aud little govern
ment.
You want an Agricultural Bureau!
Well, now, is there a man in Harris
county that has ever received one
dollar’s benefit from the Agricultural
Bui6au? If so, will he be so kind as
to tell mo how he received it? But
the farmers thought there was a bug
bureau, an educational bureau, and
therefore they must have an agricul
tural bureau. It is not the object of
government to tell farmers how they
should plant their cotton or what
manures they should use as their fer
tizers. There is but one legitimate
object, fellow-citizens, for all govern
ment. No government is instituted
but for one purpose, and that is the
protection of person aud property.
The objects of government are few.
Governments properly administered,
that would confine themselves to the
legitimate objects of their institu
tions—such as the protection of life,
liberty aDd property of citizens—
would have no use for bureaus of any
kind. None! This Agricultural Bu
reau incurs an expense of four or five
thousand dollars per annum that
is wholly unnecessary, for it does the
farmers no good, nor anybody else.
No. It is merely a place provided for
some persons to get a living out of.
That’s what all these bureaux are
for.
I am opposed to tho Educational
Bureau. lam not opposed to educa
tion. I believe that the people ought
to be educated, and every man ought
to educate his own children tho very
best that ho can. That’s the way
they did in my day. It is not the
purpose of a government to educate
its people any more than it is to feed
and clothe them. If you have an
agricultural bureau, why not estab
lish a quartermaster’s and a com
missary department—the one to feed
them, and the other to clothe the
people, and then have this educa
tional bureau to educate them. Turn
it all over to them ; make tho Govern
ment do all of it.
If you have an educational bureau
and an agricultural bureau, then
have a doctor’s bureau to look after
the sanitary condition of the people.
(I believe they had a doctor’s bureau,
but they knocked that in the head;)
r-then have a lawyer’s bureau, and
turn all the property over to the
State, and let the Legislature pre
scribe how your manufactories shall
be run, and your school-masters shall
teach, and your farmers shall plough
aQd plant their cotton. It comes to
that; I object to having these bu
reaus. It Is no part of a Government
of a State to educate any one,
no more than it is to feed and
clothe them. Why don’t you have a
theological bureuu inaugurated?
Why not have one and have the peon
pie fixed up in a religious point of
view? Why not? Why, you have got
just as much right to do that; it will
be just as proper to have a theological
bureau and educate all your minis
ters of the gospel at the public ex
pense. Let your Bible class and
Sunday School class be run by the
State. Let all the charities through
out the land be dispensed by the
State.
I venture to say theSundaySchools
do more good than the public schools
in Georgia, and yet they get no aid,
they do it themselves, and that’s the
way for all charity to be dispensed,
by private individuals or associa
tions of private individuals. That’s
the way, and the State has no right
to interfere with it. But they have
got just as much right to interfere
with it as they have to educate the
people. You have got just as much
right to take one man’s money to feed
and clothe another man’s child as
you have to educate him.
Education is no better than re
ligion. Why don’t you fix this theo
logical bureau and let the State at
tend to the religious part of the
country? Well, there Would be a
row. If the Methodists undertake to
do it, the Baptists and Presbyterians
would oppose it, and if the Baptists
and Presbyteriaus undertake it the
Methodists would oppose them ; and
if the Episcopalians wanted to run it,
these other denominations would not
let them.
But religion is a good thing, you
will all admit, and if it is better than
education why not have these relig
ions bureaus all over the country to
make people go to church and every
thing of that sort. Fellow citizens,
that is no part of the legitimate ob
jects of government, and therefore I
ain in favor of a Convention of the
people so that we may put limita
tions and restrictions upon the
power of the State, so as to protect
the people in their rights.
Well, some old fellow says It will
cost too much—twenty-five thousand
dollars is too much! Well, I can
show you, in my judgment, that we
can save more than twice as much
this year, by tho calling of a Conven
tion of the State and the adoption of
a proper Constitution, as that Con
vention will cost.
Well, wo havo got art Attorney
General. We have got no use for
him. We never had an At
torney General in Georgia
when we were prosperous—
when wo had some money. You got
along very well. You had Sollcitors-
General, and whonever the Governor
had any use for an Attorney-General,
or needed advice, he had all of the
Solicitors-General at his command.
He could order them about. You
have them yet, and in addition you
have the Attorney-General too, and
you have got no use for him.
The poorer we got, tho more offices
are created, and the greater the ex
pense of administering the Govern
ment. Is that not true ?
I would have the number of Judges
of the Superior Court diminished.
We have got more Judges than we
want. The Judge gets a salary, and
he ought to work from year to year,
like any other man; and if he is put
on a circuit that has not got business
enough to employ him from year to
year, the cirouit ought to be fixed so
that the time of your Judge and So
licitor-General should be taken up
the whole year. He ought to work
like anybody else; he gets good pay.
Aud you can so arrange it as to dim
inish the number of Judges, and that
is nearly thirty thousand dollars a
year, besides what the Solicitors get.
And when you put the knife to
the bureaus in Atlanta, by cutting
off these officers, you can save the
State over sixty thousand dollars a
year in Salanis. That is nearly three
times as much as the Convention will
cost and in ten years it will be $600,-
000. lam opposed to the appointment
of Judges by the Governor. I would
not risk any man, I don’t caro how
honest he is and who he is, to ap
point Judges for me. I do not say he
would not sometimes appoint a good
Judge; but the principle is wrong.
If our Republican institutions are
worth anything they are worth this
much; that all power Iu every branch
of tho government of the State
should have its roots firmly em
bodied in the people. The people
are the source of all power; the peo
ple elect the members of the Legis
lature; the people elected your Gov
ernor; whv should not the people
elect the judge? Why should the
Judge be placed above the people?
He is uot above the people! He
ought to be responsible to the peo
ple for all that he does, and
every man that holds office,
except secretaries of the Executive
Department and thus like,
should be elected by the people,
and when you do that you arecom
iug to a proper Republican Govern
ment as conceived by our fathers.
I am iu favor of more members of
the Legislature; I don’t think that
they have got enougn. lam in favor
of increasing representation and re
ducing the price that they charge for
their services. Put in the Constitu
tion that they shall have so much.
Let the people be reprsonted. The
theory of all Republican and Demo
cratic government is that the people
shall make their laws; but as all
the people cannot assemble together
in one general convention for the pur
pose or making and regulating their
own affairs, they have to send some
one to represent them. You have to
send someone to represent you. “In
the multitude, of course, there is wis
dom.” I didn’t understand what
that meant fora long time; I never
understood until Bullock’s legisla
ture met, that it is harder to corrupt a
large number of men than to corrupt
a few men. It is a great, deal harder to
corrupt the House of Representatives
than it is to corrupt the Senate, be
cause the Senate is fewer in numbers;
not that there are not good men
there. Let us carry out the principle
of our form of government. Let us
carry it out—that the people are to be
represented.
You take four representatives from
Harris county, and your county will
be better represented than by two.
You would have a voice from all por
tions of your county carried out in the
Legislature. Why? They say, “It
would be too numerous. You could
not do anything.” I want so many
to come together that they cannot do
anything. They do too much. The
best member is ho who votes “No”
and says nothing.
“No” is a great word in a legisla
tive assembly. It is a power if you
have got enough of them to say
“No!” The harm consists in saying
"Yea.” You can pass nothing with
out the “Yea,” and the more you
have the more unwieldy the body,
and the least harm they will do; and
therefore I am in favor of increasing
representation and reducing the pay.
Let the people be represented, but
don’t let it cost them any more. I
think it particularly necessary that
we should be represented.
There are a good many people who
don’t like this. They say they don’t
like it because you can’t hear anyr
thing that’s said. Well, I have ha
ted that old building in Atlanta a
good while on general principles,
but it has got one good thing about
ir -that you cannot hear anything
that is said, for God knows that it
almost kills a man to look on, and it
he could hear it would kill him out
sight. Its acoustics are bad. The
sound don’t pass regularly through
it and that’s virtue.
The people ought to be represent
ed. We ought to have more repre
sentatives and every county ought to
have a Senator. The Senate is too
small; they look lorn some sitting
away up there in a corner to them
selves. It would be much re
spectable if they had one man from
every county in the State or
Georgia. They may not work
with so much facility and ease, but
what they do would be done better
aud if they dldn’t do anything at all,
so much tho better. Give me a Leg
islature that don’t do anything.
That’s my Legislature. They do too
much. When you go there you will
hear nothing but bills to prevent the
sale of liquors in 3 miles of "Harmo
ny Church” or in 3 miles of “An
tioch” and tho whole statute books
are covered with just such legisla
tion; every man thinks he ought to
do something for his oounty.
We ought to put a clause la the
Constitution, that if it is not good to
sell liquor iu three miles of “Harmo
ny Church” it is not good to sell it in
3 miles of “Antioch.” Let us have a
general law so that when we go out
of one county into another we will
know tho law. I don’t know that
you havo any law of this kind in
your county, but when you go down
Into Muscogee and Marion, it is en
tirely different. It is like going Into
a foreign land. That is all wrong.
Just put it into the Constitution that
they shall not pass them. That’s
the only way you can prevent it.
What objection is there to a Con
vention ?
Some fellow over there has got a
Homestead. He is afraid it will in
terfere with his Homesteed. I say
to my friend that has got the Home
stead, that this is a Convention of the
people. You are one of the people.
You have a light to vote for it. Elect
a man to the Convention who suits
vour owd views. That’s the way to do
it. Are you going to have no Legis
lature at all, because you are afraid
it will pass some law that will not
suit you ? Are you going to say that
there shall not be any Legislature in
Georgia in future, because they will
pass some law thut will not suit you ?
You vote for a man that suits you.
That constitutes no objection to a
Convention, because you have a
Homestead. It constitutes no objec
tion whatever. Elect men as delegates
to this Convention wno represent
your views, if you are in the majority,
you will carry them out, and if you
are in the minority, you will lose.
Why it is in the hands of the
people. It is also provided that
after this Constitution is framed, that
if you do not like it, you can kick it
over. I would vote against it myself
if I didn’t like it. If you don’t like
it, you can kick it over; you can de
stroy it. You are not afraid of your
selves, are you ? Are you afraid to
Disk yourselves because some may be
in favor of the Homestead law ? Vote
for men who represent your views—
men who will make a constitution
to secure your rights. Don’t vote
against the proposition that the peo
ple ought to make a law for them
selves. It seems to me that if a man
sets up that the people ought not to
call a convention, he argues against
the intelligence and virtue of the
people. He denies, on the one hand,
the intelligence of the people—and
on the other, the virtue of the people
—to do what is right between man
aud man. You must not distrust your
neighbor in that way. You have
good men in Harris county that will
represent you; and you have a cheek
upon them in this case—for, if they
go there and do not make a Consti
tution to suit you, you can vote
against it.
But 1 have no fears about that; i
venture the assertion, now, that if
the Convention does frame a Consti
tution, the people will accept it
“Oh! but says someone, let well
enough alone,” will he be so kind as
to tell me what he means. Does sll,-
000 of bonds the State of Georgia
owes mean "well enough?” There are
$5,000,000 in dispute. Why, the tax
on the people of Georgia is three
times as much as it was before
the war. Is that “well enough?”
Why, you homestead men, who ob
ject to it—your homestead will be
eat up by taxes. ,
It is now ascertained that the de
ficiency between the appropriations
to carry on the State Government
and the amount to meet it is about
$600,000,000 this year. Is that well
enough ? Why, fellow-citizens, when
a man gets iu debt, when he owes
money, what must he do to pay it.
Hasn’t he got to cut down his own
expenses? Hasn’t he got to reduce
his household? Hasn’t he got to sell
his carriages and buggy? Hasn 1
got to retrench and reform? So it is
with the State government. If you
want to pay your debts—and we have
got to pay them, if it takes every bit
of projierty in the State of Georgia
you must commence by reducing the
expense of tho State Government,
the current expenses.
By cutting off the heads of these
useless offices, we can Bave $75,000 or
SBO,OOO. You have got to have a State
Constitution, and you ought to have
a provision that henceforth no more
appropriation shall be made to make
railroads or dig canals, or anything
of that sort. It is not the legitimate
object of government. Cut off these
expenses, and retrench and reform in
that way. „ „ .... -
Why, some blame Gov. Smith for
the expense of his administration
while Governor. Gov. Smith is not
to blame for the extravagance or bis
administration. When he got there,
he fouud the whole machinery in
operation. The bureaux were there;
the Leglature made appropriations to
pay them. What did Gov. Smith
have to do with it? He had nothing
to do but to administer the law as
given him, and hence he is not
chargeable with it.
This Constitution was put upon the
people of Georgia by fraud and the
people of Georgia bave not felt that
they have lived under a settled &nd
permanent government since 1867,
since these reconstruction laws were
passed, and you nave felt that you
were not responsible for what was
done. , .
Whenever you have a government
in which you have no confidence, or
When you feel that it is not responsi
ble, then you don’t care what laws
are passed. But make a Constitution
for yourselves, then you will feet
confident that it is your government
and all will be right.
flail for the .Yew England Methodists.
Charleston, April 16, -News. &
Courier has trustworthy imformation
thatßev. W. H. Scott, the colored
preacher reported to the New Eng
land Methodist Conference on Fri
day a3 having been murdered, is
alive and well, and performing his
pastoral, duties without molestation
in Marlboro County in this State.
It may save your life, for it cures
our cold ana cough. Dr. Bull s
Cough Syrup. Buy it. Try it. It
never fails. Only costs 25c. a bottle.
NO. 91