Newspaper Page Text
THE DAILY TIMES.
JOHN M. MARTIN, - - * Mur
-< ..lllllllMll,. U*..
WEDNESDAY MAY 9. 1877.
"f. .
LARGEST CIRCULATION
In the Oouttn AAleeeet te end Tradlnt
at ColaMbn*.
Gpv.'Houston has appointed Col.
R. D. Thornton Judge of Probate of
Bullock county, Ala., to euooeed W.
H. Black, resigned. The Montgom
ery Advertiser speaks highly of this
appointment.
The village of Waltbourvllle, In
Liberty oounty, was scourged by a
disastrous lire last Thursday. Among
other buildings burned were the
Presbyterian chuaeh and the resi
dence of the late Hon. John Mallard.
Tub “Independents” elected the
Mayor and live of the Councilman of
Selma, Ala., and the Democrats flvo
Counoilmen, at the municipal elec
tion on Saturday last. The Mayor
elect Is N. Woodruff, whom the Rad
icals ran for Governor last year.
Cain Rogers, the negro who recent
ly shot Mr.' Howell Peebles, near
Union Springs, Ala., was tried last
week and sentenced to the penitenti
ary for ten years. He confessed the
shooting with intent to murder. Mr.
Peebles was severely but not fatally
wounded.
The Irish World hopes to see the
entanglement of England In the Eu
ropean war. in which case, It says,
there would bo "u sr*<iv
or 30,000 emigrants across the
blue to see what can be done in the
green.” _
The United States Circuit Court at
at Montgomery, Ala., has before it a
ease involving the right of the West
ern Union Telegraph Company to
prevent the Atlantic and Pacific Com
pany constructing its telegraph line
along the track of the South and
North Railroad. The case will be
tried next week.
*' ♦ -•
We don’t know whether It may be
regarded as an evidence of skepti
cism or not, but many of the people
of Minnesota protested against the
Governor’s proclamation of a day of
fasting and prayer for deliverance
from the grasshoppers, and contend
ed that he ought rather to have ap
pointed a day for a general effort for
their extermination by human agen
cies.
Quite a “spurt” was caused in the
Now York market on Saturday by
the intelligence of England’s warlike
preparations. The probability of
England’s becoming involved in war
with Russia and blockading the lat
ter’s Baltic ports was considered,
and breadstuffs partly recovered the
decline of the early part of the week.
A sale of five thousand bales of cot
ton, in one transaction, for Russia,
was evidently made in view of the
prospect of a war with England.
But yet there was hardly a percepti
ble advauce in ootton. This must be
because too much cotton has been
raised, and it is a fact worthy of the
attention of planters. The only way
to insure good prices—whether peace
or war prevails in Europe—is to limit
the supply to the demand.
Puesident Hayes has another op
portunity to show whether he has
the firmness to resist the clamors of
interested politicians. He has every
thing to lose and nothing to gain by
changing the time selected for the
extra session of Congress. Should
he reconsider it and hasten the day
on the ground that he and his Cabi
net made a mistake in supposing
that they could “ruu” tho Govern
ment on appropriations already
made until October, this would be a
confession that outsiders were better
informed of the true condition of the
Government than themselves. And
should he yield because the office
seekers are impatient, this would be
a criminal subordination of publio to
individual interests. Having taken
the bull by the horns, the Adminis
tration should hold on.
Nat Dolnic the square Thing.
Southern Republicans may reason
ably complatu that the Administra
tion has not done and is uot doing
the square thing by them in the mat
ter of office. Laws with regard to
the Treasury Desartment and good
conscience with regard to all the
other Departments require that the
offices shall be apportioned among
the different States in proportion to
population. The last Blue Book is
sued bv the Government shows how
shamefully the Northern Republi
cans have defrauded the faithful in
tho South. Alabama, though enti
tled to 172 positions in the Depart
ments at Washington has but 34, a
deficit of 138; Arkansas, entitled to
88, has IG, a deficit of 72; Florida, en
titled to 43, has 7, a deficit of 3G;
Georgia, entitled to 107, has ‘23, a
deficit of 174; Kentucky, entitled to
217, has 48, adetloitof 179: Louisiana,
entitled to 129. has 32, a deficit of 98;
Mississippi, eutitled to 130, has 35, a
deficit of 95; Missouri, edtitled to
298, has 57, a deficit of 240; North
Carolina, entitled to 173, hits 32, a de
ficit of 141; South Carolina, entitled
to 109, has 37, a deficit of 72; Tonnes
see, entitled to 217, ha3, a deficit of
172; Texas, entitled to 160, has 16, a
deficit of 144; Virginia, entitled to
200, has 204, an excess of 4; West
Virginia, entitled to 59, has 52, a de
ficit or 7. These figures Bhow that
the Southern Republicans have re
ceived 1,452 offices in the Depart
ments less than thev are eutitled to.
The greediness ef New England is
the cause of this condition of affairs.
Every New England State save one
has a large number of offices in ex
cess of its just apportionment. Tbe
greediness of the New England Re
publicans keeps the mouths of four
teen hundred Southern Republicans
out of of the public crib. We ad
vise rebellion, rebellion determined
and rebellion prolonged until there
shall be a more equitable division of
the spoils.— Augusta Chronicle.
An old Alabama planter has got the
matter down to a fine point, thus : “Tbe
Southern Democrats gave Hayes his
seat, he has given them their gov
ernments ; be was a little long about it,
but it’s all right now, and the account
is square.”
“CIVIL NKRVICK IIKFOKN.
We heard a good deal on this sub
ject during Gan. Grant’s administra
tion, but never hud any practical ap
plication of the dootrlne. Rules were
adoptod, and some applicants for
minor positions were subjected to
examinations that might buve ex
cluded some incompetent office
seekers, but did not have tho effect
of securing for the service cither tbe
honesty or efficiency which good
administration demanded. We are
happy to acknowledge an improve
ment iu this respect under the new
administration. Tbe Cabinet may
not be all that tbe country has a right
to expect, but we have no reason to
believe that there are any men of the
stamp of Belknap, Delano or Robeson
in it. The now President has in his
close association no such personal
favorites as Babcook and Shepherd.
We have been gratified, too, at indi
cations that he will not permit the
corrupt carpet-baggers representing
Southern States to impose on the
Government such men as they have
heretofore kept In office in this sec
tion. The appointment of Wickers
bam as Postmaster of Mobile is a
defeat of Spencer, who controlled
such appointments under Grant and
bad a favorite of his own in the Mo
bile Postoffloe, whom Wickershara
supplants. In Louisiana, too, Mar
shal Pitkin, a partisan tool of Grant
and Kellogg, is to give place to a
better man. The President seems
to have been imposed upon iu the
appointment of the rowdy nephew
of Ben. Butler to a position under
the Postofflos Department, but the
quick correction of this mistake is, to
our apprehension, even more signifi
cant than a refusal to appoint him in
tbe first instance would have been. It
indicates that the President has re
solved to brave the hostility of even
as able and unscrupulous a man as
Ben. Butler, rather than retain in
the public service a man of whose
unfitness has become convinced after
his appointment.
These things ought to be set down
to the credit of Mr. Hayes, and he
ought to bo encouraged to persever
ence in his apparent disposition to
effect a real “civil service reform.”
TIIE CRITICAL STATE OE EITtOI’E.
Experience proves that tho surest
way to bring on war is to prepare for
it, and that is what several of the
great powers of Europe are now do
ing. The military ardor of a people,
once aroused, is difficult to be so re
strained as to make it act always on
the defensive. The most prudent
statesmen at times find themselves
utterly unable to restrain the hostile
demands of their people. This ap
pears to have been the case in Russia
before she commenced war with Tur
key. The Czar and his chief coun
selors might not themselves have
been averse to the war, but if they
had been, they would have had to en
counter a strong warlike sentiment
of the people. There is also every
reason to believe that the Sultan and
his ministers would have made such
concessions as tho mediatory powers
desired, but for the demands of the
“Softas” and other parties clamorous
for forcible resistance.
England, from her isolated situa
tion, would seem to have an easier
task to keep out of European com
plications than the continental pow
ers have. But in tho case now de
manding attention, her communica
tions with her richest colonial pos
sessions are threatened, it not her
dominion in India. Bhe has long
watched with a jealous eye the prog
ress of Russia in Asiatic conquest,
and foreseen that the day must
come when Jtheir interests and
claims on that continent will clash.
It is not, therefore, surprising that
the English people are aroused and
tho government making energetic
preparations for possible contingen
cies.
Austria must chafe at the influence
whioh Russia is acquiring over Turk
ish principalities ou her frontiers—
principalities alien to Turkey in re
ligion, manners and civilization, and
already looking to Russia as a pro
tector. She can ill y brook Russian
oonquests in that quarter, and must
needs send an army of “observation”
to the frontier.
Germany and France are so hostile
towards each othor, and each so de
termined not to be caught unpre
pared by the other, that it will be
difficult for either one to settle down
to a “peaoe footing” until they have
had another coniliot of arms. Both
are probably waiting events with a
view to taking the other at a disad
vantage, feeling assured that the con
flict must come at no distant day.
This is a condition so near to actual
war that the slightest pretext may
precipitate it.
In view ofsuoh jarring interests and
purposes, it would be almost a mira
cle if the war could be continued
without involving other powers, and
European diplomacy wilt be severe
ly taxed to preveut its spread.
Universal suffrage will eventually ruin
any city in the "world that becomes a
groat city. For as a city becomes popu
lous, tho ratio of non property owners to
property owners increases until.the for
mer become the more numerous body.
It is a body whioh, as a rule, does not re
alize any interest in frugal and economic
administration, and which, as a rule, will
choose persons of its own class to admin
ister upon tho estates of others upou the
communist principle of dividing the prop
ery ;of those who save among those who
ouly devour. It is among tins class that
demogogues and covetous knaves who as
pire to office will always seek for votes,
and find them too. And all experience
proves that the public functionary ap
pointed by tbe ballot-boxing will as a
rule do what those who elected him de
sire to have done, and will not do any
thing to ottend them.— Chicago Times.
“What is your name?” asked a census
taker. “John Corcoran.” “Your age?”
“Twenty-one.” “What nativity?'’ “Well,
that’s what bothers me. I’ll tell you, and
maybe you can make it out. My father
was Irish, but is now a naturalized Amer
ican citizen; my mother is English; and I
was born on a Dutch frigate, under a
French flag, in Turkish waters. Now
how is it?”
WHY THE CONVENTION SHOULD BE
CALLED.
Tbe Retrenchment and Reform* Needed
Editors Times: By your kind per
mission, I propose to increase the
number of your contributors on tbe
subject of a Constitutional Conven
tion. I appreciate tho meeting oi
such a body, in view of the present
condition of our State, as utmost a
necessity. To say that the people
are poor, that trade languishes, that
values are shrunken, is to suggest
that these misfortunes,without refer
ence to their origin, can only sue
cessfully bo met by prudence and
practical good management in affairs
of Btute, as well as in private busi
ness concerns.
The opponents to the meeting of a
Convention, while admitting the gen
eral depression, say that a change of
our organic law offers no ameliora
tion of our present condition. On
this proposition my issue is taken.
While Ido not insist that certain
changes made in our Constitution
would accomplish all that we desire
or need, I do say that such chauges
can be made as will put us upou tbe
high road to prosperity in the admin
istration of our State affairs.
I prefer to treat the question, too,
from a practical stand point withoui
regard to who made the present Con
stitution, where or how the same was
made or adopted, or whether it
would be better made in Milledge
villo than Atlanta. It is true that
it’s framers assembled under the
order of a military commander, and
in the presence of an army of occupa
tion—that thev deferred to the Con
gress of the United States the accep
tance of a fundamental law for a
State, which aided in makiog for the
United States a Government, and iu
the establishcment of the Congress
itself. While such remembrances
are intimately connected with the
instrument, respect for its founders
and that veneration which our peo
pie were wont to entertain for their
organic law, is absolutely forbidden.
Notwithstanding these things,which,
justly obnoxious to the body of the
people, are true, yet iu eontemplat
ing a change, the practical question
should be, whore is it deficient?
What additions would increase the
liberty, happiness or prosperity ol
the people? If it is not deficient, if it
needs no additions to accomplish
these, the prime objects of govern
ment, then it should remain in force
unaltered, and tho meeting of the
people to alter or modify it, would
be an act of extravagance and folly.
With this as a premise, I propose
to examine some features of the Con
stitution as it is, and looking to the
best interest of all, suggest in some
particulars what it might be, with
advantage to the State, ignoring the
side issues which have been raised,
effectually provoking prejudice, de
sire for local advancement and di
visions among the people.
A constitution only properly con
tains the fundamental law of the
State; the principles on which the
Government is founded, not the de
tails ol their application; prescribes
the divisions of sovereign power and
fixes Its investment; declares cer
tain rights of persons and imposes
certain restraints. All these being
results, which tho wisdom of ages,
looking to the rights of man in a
state of society, declares necessary
for good government, and to be in
coiq>orated as fundamental law, not
unchangeable, nor yet changeable
without a greater degree of unanimi
ty and a more tedious process than
an ordiuary law or act of tho people.
The application of these fundamental
principles is the subject matter ol
legislation, to be made at the dicta
tion of the citizens, to meet their
varying wants, and under the imme
diate control of a raujority of the
voters. A constitution which regu
lates details becomes oppressive,
from its directory or restraining
power often inapplicable to the
changes, which conditions of adver
sity or prosperity naturally bring
about.
Our Constitution undoubtedly con
tains many wise and salutory pro
visions ; there are others which could
be stricken out or modified to great
advantage; to some of the latter I
call your attention.
Art. II: Paragraph 2.—Fixes the
qualification of electors: it pre
scribes a residence in the State, of
six mouths, in the county thirty
days. Would a requirement of
twelve months in the State, six
months in the county, and registra
tion, be unreasonable for an Jeleetor?
As lightly as it may be esteemed
now, the right and protection of the
hallot is the very foundation of
good government; that it be exer
cised with a knowledge of its impor
tance, and restrained to the proper
person, ought to be the care of the
law ; thirty days in a county is not
sufficient for the one, and a fair and
proper registration, whereby the
elector may be known, is essential to
the other.
Par. 3, of same Art, disqualifies
persons convioted of felony or larce
ny, holding office. It might with a great
deal of propriety ba added to, by
disqualifying them as eleotors; for
the same purity of government that
demands one, would also require the
other.
Art. 111. treats of the Legislative
Department, prescribes forty-four
Senators, from the same number of
districts, for terms of four years; for
the annual meeting of the Legisla
ture; for one hundred and seveuty
flve members of the House—mem
bers of the Legislature having the
right to fix their own pay.
To each and every one of these
provisions there would seem
to be weighty objections, and
it behooves us to see whether or not
a great saving can here be effected by
a change of this system— first of the
Senate. The number I conceive not
too large, but enough, a body easily
bandied, in which order may be
kept, business expedited, and suffi
ciently numerous to insure respect.
The Senatorial districts as a rule are
composed of three counties each.
Under the practical working of this
system, oue county of the district
claims and gets the Senator, and
then by a system of rotation, which
is inexorable, tbe office goes from
one county to another, and is ban
died about from band to band, as a
toy is traded in tbe hands of school
boys. No matter how efficient a
a Senator may become, under the
practical workin ( of the system, he
goes out, not for inefficiency, but be
cause another county is regularly
eutitled. There are nine Congress
ional districts in the State. Why not
reduce the term to two years, and
give to each Congressional District
five Senators, making as a Senate,
forty-five under this plan necessarily
selected with care. Break up the
rotation system, and let Senators be
selected by the dozen or more coun
ties, composing each district.
One hundred and seventy-five
members of the lower house consti
tute a body expensive, unwieldy
and uncontrollable —whose size re
tards legislation, creates confusion
and affords an opportunity for un
wise and impracticable legislation.
A body which our taxes show, re
quires a large clerical force to en
gross and enroll bills entitled Acts to
change the lines of counties ami the
time of bolding Superior courts; cer
tainly this, but not much more.
On page 63, Report of Comptroller
General for year 1876, the following
figures appear In a summary of the
expenses of Legislative session of
1876:
Grand aggregate pay of Senators,
Representatives, clerks, porters, mes
sengers, door keepers, pages, &c.,
Mi 1,193 05. Now there are forty-four
Senators, and one hundred aud sev
eaty-flve members of tbe House
aggregating 219. According to the
data as above, if averaged,each mem
ber during that session, represented
over five hundred and sixty dollars. I
make no attack on the Legislature,
>r the number or clerks. The pre
sumption is, I believe it to be the
fact, that the latter were required to
lo the enormous work. It is the
system fixed in the present Coasti-.
ration, which consumes this im
mense amount of money annually in
legislation and which if applied to
the publio debt would soon be felt in
a reduction of taxes. The history or
the legislation for six years in Geor
gia, demonstrates the fact, that a
Constitutional Convention is re
quired to effect a change, and can do
so to great advantage.
How? By providing in the Consti
tution :
Ist. For biennial sessions.
2d. By fixing a salary per session
for members and clerical depart
ment.
3d. By restricting local legisla
tion.
4th. By reducing number of House
from 175 to 80 members.
Then, how could the account be
made to stand? If continued as pro
vided under present Constitution,
and making the average expense of
a session that of 1876, we find the
coat, for two sessions, or two years,
5222,386.19 to which may legitimate
ly be added $3,000 per session, for
printing, stationary and incidentals,
making for the two years $228,386.10.
Reduce members of the House to
80; fix salary of members at $l5O per
mssion; clerical work of the House
at 13.000
Clerical work of the Seuate at. 2,000
provide for biennial sessions; in
crease the Senato one member; then
the cost for two years having one
session, would be
Pay of 125 Senators and Representa
tives u-w 18,750 00
Pay of Clerical Dep't Senato and House 5,000 00
** pages porters, doorkeepers and
attendance, 1,500.00
“ Printing, stationary and inci
dentals ... 3,18*.10
For one session two years., $28,386.00
If this be practiced, and I shall be
lieve so until shown the contrary,
on the above basis, the saving can be
made of one hundred tnoumnd dollars
per annum, in the item of Legislation _
Will it be said that one hundred and
BUy dollars per session is inadequate
compensation for a member of the
Legislature? It is $5 per diem for
thirty days, and with local legisla
tion cut off, will not thirty days be
amply time for the legislation on
general subjects? Oan not the work
of the clerical department be per
formed by the expenditure of the
sums named? I undertake to say it
can. But, says one,if you reduce the
House to 80 members, each county
will not have a member; true—where
is the necessity for it ? Take the two
counties of Echols and Muscogee—
Echols has one representative, Mus
cogee two ; on what basis is this rep
resentation had ? By the report of
the Comptroller General above re
ferred to, the aggregate value of the
whole property in Echols county,
in 1876, was $239,341; total number of
polls, 1876, 367.
Muscogee for 1876. had an aggre
gate value of whole property for 1876,
$7,282,796.00; total number of polls
for 1876, 1,782. Now under the sys
tem in our constitution, 367 polls in
Echols county have one representa
tive, while in Muscogee, there is
only one representative to 891 polls.
In Echols, $239,341 of property has a
representative. In Muscogee there
is one representative to $3,641,398.
Why this uifference? is it equitable
or just? We see that under the pres
ent constitution, representation is
neither Uxed on population nor
property, but counties. But why
counties? Now I lay down this
proposition, that as to counties, no
difference is required or should be
made in legislation. Take the two
counties of Harris and Talbot;
a surveyor’s compass is re
quired to ascertain the dividing
line. The people are of the same
blood, pursuing the same occupa
tions, cultivating similar land and
have the same wants; what would
now fit oue would also the other, and
vice versa. They are alike citizens
of Georgia, and shoufd have tho same
rights. Under our present Constitu
tion they have not a representation
fixed on tbe same basis of popula
tion, polls or property. It is not tbe
counties that need representation ; it
is the people—and the people in the
smaller counties are entitled to rep
resentation just as much and to the
same extent as people of larger
counties. It could reasonably be
suggested that Georgia be divided
into assembly districts on the basis
of population, and the eighty mem
bers distributed accordingly. Then
every Inhabitant and community in
the State would be represented ulike.
But, says an opponent, “there is a
necessity for some legislation;”
that towns, villages and companies
are to bo incorporated—the conven
ience of the people in holding courts
are to be consulted.couaty Hues ought
sometimes to be changed. Well, what
better tribunals could such matters
be referred to than the counties
themselves? Tho grand juries of
each county are familiar with tbe
necessities requiring such action;
they can provide better for their lo
cal wants, than the body of the Leg
islature, and when aided by the ap
proval of the judge presiding, it is at
least presumable that in their action,
the local rights of all will be judicial
ly protected and fully ascertained. I
respectfully submit that such sub
jects are not matters of interest to
the State at large. Let them, under
proper restrictions, be ascertained
and determined by those who have
an interest in them. I propose to
oonsider other desirable changes In
another and concluding communica
tion. Very respectfully,
W. A. Little.
Annual Inspection Columbus Fire Depart
ment.
OFFICE BOARD OF CONTROL COLUM- i
BUBFIRE DEPARTMENT, [
COLUMBUS, May luih, 1877. '
THE Companies composing
this Department will as- yj2|KE3V
serable on Broad street (at the"~"
usual inspection grounds) be- —Nm?—SIS' ,
tween Randolph and Bt. Clair street*, this
Thursday at 4 p. m. in the following order, and
upon the signal being given from alarm bell as
follows:
2 taps of bell, Columbus No 1.
3 a <• Young America No. 5.
4 • •* •• Rsscu eHoak and Ladder No. 1.
6 “ *• ** Central Mechanics No. 6.
6 ** " Washington No. 2.
The line will then be formed by the Assistant
Engineer facing to the east; where the Depart*
"ent will be inspected by his Honor the Mayor
and Council. After the inspection, the contests
for prizes will take place in the order agreed
upon by the several loremen.
W, H. WILLIAMS,
Chief Engineer.
GEO. R. FLOURNOY,
Secretary.
inyOtd __
Lumber! Lumber!!
H. C. Cliappell Sc I3i-0.,
Dealers la Lamber,Colbert, M. A G. R. R.
AdrPrices furnished on application.
rayß tf
L G. STRUPPER’S
GRAND OPENING!
BTBOPPEB ha, jut flttcd up hi.
Ice Cream Saloon
As handsome as any la the Bouth, and is bow
prepared to furnish the public with
ICE CREAM, SHERBET, SODA WATER,
and all other similar refreshments.
and Parties supplied at short
notice. ap2o lm
EXECUTOR’S SALE.
EORGIA MUSCOGEE COUNTY.—Under an
VJT order ol the Ordinary of Muscogee oounty
will be sold within the usual hours of sale, on
first Tuesday in June next, by C. 8. Harrison, in
front of Abbott A Newsom s store, in Columbns,
Ga., the bouse and lot on Jackson street, witn
ten feet alley to Oglethorpe street, adjoining
property of Downing, McGehee and others. Bold
as the property of Mrs. Mary E. Hardaway, de
ceased. Terms: one-third cash In thirty days;
one-third first of January next; one-third first
January 1879. Mortgage to be given by purcha
ser. Taxes for present year t* be paid by pur
chaser. R. a. Hardaway,
May Bth, 1877. Executor.
my 4 w4w
FINE SHOES !
Ladies’ & Misses’ Newport*
plain and with buckles.
iiiXOALS A\D SL.IPPEKS,
in new and tasty styles.
BURTS’ Fine BUTTON BOOTS
Z" 1 ENTB’ BROWN ltfl 1
OXFORDS, (the 1
handsomest SHOE out.)
Also, a full line of Spring work in all popular
styles; ALL at reduced prices.
A heavy Stock of
Brogans, Plow Shoes, and
Staple Goods for Whole
sale Trade.
For anything in the Shoe or Leather line, Call at
“THE OLD SHOE STORE.”
Wells & Curtis,
73 BROAD STREET.
Sign of the Big Boot.
DIL J. M. MASON, D. D. sT,
Office over Enquirer-Sun Office ,
COLUMBUS, GA. f
CURES Diseased Gums and
other diseases of the Mouth;
cures Abscessed Teeth: inserts (TVTr*i
Artificial Teeth; fill* Teeth with UAJ
Gold, or cheaper material if desired.
All work at reasonable prices and guaranteed
apr34 dly&wfim
GROCERIES.
J. J. Whittle. Oko. M. Yaumkouuh j no . T. McLk.
J. J. Whittle & Cos.
HAVE OPENED A NEW
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL GROCERY HOUSE
XTeldox* Central Hotol,
WHERE WB WILL KEEP CONSTANTLY ON HAND A LA ROE AND COMPLETE STOCK
STAPLE ana FANCY GItOCERIEH, Conl,tlng to p*rt of
Boots, Shoes and Staple Dry Goods, Bacon, Lard, Si
gar, Coffee, Cheese, Flour, Syrup, Bagging & Ties,
riBACOO, WHISKEY. BRANDY nd WINES, of all gradaa. SALT. CORN, TEAS of all Bran
MAKKREL aud SOAP: together with a full lii> of ail other gooda ko|>t ih a Srat-chwa Grot*.
Honaa. ■
**-OUB GOODS are all NEW and FRESH, aud were bought for the CASH, and we wIU be able
SELL THEM AS LOW AS THE LOWEST.
SWWe aoUclt the patronage of the City and surrounding country,
J. J. WHITTLE & CO.
net 2*2-9* od Ai w t f
MILLINERY.
Ladies’ Emporium of Fashion
2VE 3R,S. X-.EE,
TAKES occasion to notify the Ladies of Columbus and adjacent section that ahe has Just returi
from New York with oue of the Large.t aud Most Elegant Stocks of
Spring Millinery Good:
EVER It KOI Cl RT TO TIIE CITY, CO.YSISTIVG OF
Fashionable Hats and Bonnets, Laces. Ribbons, Flowers, Trimming
"Jewelry, Comets, Cloves. Hosiery, Childrens’ Clothing, L
flies’ Underwear, Parasol*,, Fans, and all other arlieles in n
line. Thin Stock in Elegant and Complete, and will be sold
PRICES TO DEFY COIPETITION.
P*~ Call and examine and you will buy.
MRS. L. A, LEE.
apr tf • *
Millinery! Millinery!!
At 100 Broad Street.
Handsomest Line of Millinery and Fancy Geot
Parasols, Fans, Hats, Bonnets, &c, &c.
EVER RROFCiIIT TO THIN CITY, AT
Mrs. Colvin & Miss Donnelly’s,
ami which are offered at extremely low tig tires?
HATS, BONNETS, RIBBONS, Ac., of the latest and moat Fashionable Styles, and guaranteed
please the most fastidious.
These goods were selected by Mrs. Colvin in persofa—who has juat returned from New Yr
and can be relied on as tbe best. aprß lx
DRY GOODS.
NEW STOCK ! LOW PRICES !
SPRING 1877!
See My Prices!
ALTESE SUITINGS, 10c. BEST LONDON CORDB, 10c.
ill HUMMER bILKs. 65c. to $1.25. VICTORIA LAWNB, 15c.
Good HEMMED STITCHED HANDKERCHIEFS 12*c.
Large Stock SILK SCARFS at 25c. Large Stock SILK HANDKERCHIEFS at 25c.
Good LINEN DAM\SK TOWELS, 20c.
TWO BUTTON Undressed KID GLOVFB, 50c. TWO BUTTON KID GLOVES worth $1 only (
MIBSEB TWO BUTTON KID GLOVES. 50c.
Good STOCK of FINER GRADES.
CHILDREN COLORED HUSE, 15c. to 60c. ALL LINEN COLLARS, 10c.
ARE ASKED TO CALL AND SEE THESE GOODS. -No Trouble
SHOW THEM.
J. ALBERT KIRVEN,
AO. OO ItROAR STREET
WAREHOUSEMEN.
Planters Warehou.se
0
GEO. P. SWIFT. GEO. P. SWIFT, Jr.
GEO. P. SWIFT & SON
SUCCESSORS TO SWIFT, MLRPHY & CO.
COMMISSION MERCHANTS
Columbus, Georgia.
Liberal Advances on Consignment.* of Cotton, and Speci
Attention given to Sale and Storage of Same.
aprl d&wtf
The Great Fertilizer
FOR COTTON, FOR CORN AND ALL CROPS!!
WHANN’S
Raw Bone Super-Phosphate!
FOR SALE FOR CASH OR COTTON OPTION
BY
W. A. SWIFT,
Centennial Wagon Yard, Columbus, Ga.
dec.l6 eod&ly
Hirsch. <So HCeclit
AUCTIONEERS AND COMMISSION MERCHANT*
160 Broad St., Opposite Rankin House, Columbus, Sa.
£lonfignments solicited of every diseription and liberal Cash Advances made and settled promx
Oorrespondlenoe Solicited.
Keferehces, by Permissions
Chattahoochee National Bank, - National Bank of Columbus, G
Eagle and Phenix Manufacturing Company.