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Himts flntr %mXmzi. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. ~~ FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 15, 1855. FOR GOVERNOR. herscuel V. JOHXSOX. FOR CONGRESS -Ist District—James Li. Seward, of Thomas. 3d. “ James 11. Smith, of t’psou. Cih t( Hotvell Cobb, ot Clarfee. Congressional Convention, 2d District. We suggest that the Democratic Congressional Conven tion for the Second District be held at Americus, on Wed nesday, 11th July next. The Supreme Court will be in session at that time in Americus. What say our Demo cratic cotemporaries to this suggestion ? Ihe time and place ought to be agreed upon at once. wtwtd. How Know Nothingism is viewed by Ameri cans in Europe. We have just received a letter from an esteemed j friend and distinguished Southern politician, now resi dent in Brussels from whiodi we take the liberty of ex tracting a few paragraphs to show to our readers how j Know Nothingism is regarded by patriotic Americans from an European stand point. If we at home are less shocked at its bidious deformities it is because we are in daily contact with the monster and have grown “fa miliar with its face.” lie writes as follows : Brussels, May 23J, 1855. My Dear Sir : * ****** Whither are you all drifting in the United States ? Surely, not into the haven, or rather, not upon the breakers of Know Noilung sm ? If I thought so, I would blush for our country, and shudder for the con sequences. Os this mid-night conclave, my dear sir, I have more horror and loathing than fo* any other party or sect that has ever sprung up in the United States. First, because it is a secret political order, and, second ly, because it is politically and religiously proscriptive ; for which there is no excuse in our free country —every man being at full liberty to think, speak and publish just what he pleases. It is, too, in violation of the ge nius, spirit and actual letter of our constitution ; which prescribe liberty of religious belief and worship to all. I feel it, and liberal hearts of Europe all feel it, as a step backwards in the ‘‘Grand Republic;” and its com plete success in the United States would east more gloom over the already stricken hearts of Republicans, than any event which has ever happened since the foundation of our Government. The question is fre quently pressingly asked me: “Can it be possible that this last great resting place for the oppressed—this last hope and stay of our etrickened hearts—this land to which we could ever turn our wearied footsteps when chased and hunted from every other country because we loved freedom—is this too to be shut against us I Can it be possible that we have been chasing a phan tom ; that liberty is impossible; and that man is born to be a slave ?” My dear sir, if you could observe the sad and haggard countenances of many of these noble forms that have addressed me on thiasubjeet—see their eyes swimming in tears—sorrow and despair depicted upon every lineament of their countenances, you would, like myself, I am sure, curse, from the inmost recesses of your soul, this infamous, hidious and damnable Order; which is not only destined to disgrace our county, and justly, too, if it should succeed ; but which, by its con- i stant success, i9 to subvert our institutions, and liberties, j and insta'l the reign of a proscription but little less (if j any) monstrous and detestable than that of the Spanish j Inquisition, thereby attaching to us, as boasted Repub- j licans, an infamy from which I should have little hope j that we could ever recover. With such loathing do I ! behold this Know Nothing party that I should instantly j lose personal respect for the dearest friend I have on ! earth, upon learning that he had joined them. It is a j party, the idea of which was conceived in the infamous j littleness of a soul incapable of appreciating a generous i or magnanimous act, and, I fear, alike incapable of per- j forming one. Against such a party I would war to the I death—war as I would against the savage—war with- i out quarter and without pity ; for if they succeed, it is ! sheer nonsense to talk about the liberty or independence of the United States ; its sun will have set, and for my- j self I would rather it should go down in blood and in j carnage than in the quiet and permanent possession of | ■ uoh a party. Ido not U3e strong language because I j write privately. I would that every man, woman and ! child that takes the least interest in any poor senti ments of mine could know them ; for, before my God, I would sink instantly into retirement, without the pos sibility of ever being heard of again, in preference to rising to the highest honors of the Republic by the slightest word of approbation or compromise with such an odious concern. I rejoice to see you battling against them. I fear some of our friends put it off to long. The very seeds of the hydra should have been crushed j out in the beginning — they should not have been allow- j ed to hatch in any decent community, particularly in j the South. I early saw that unscrupulous Whig lea- j ders would seize upon it to beat the Democracy. Our friends should have been early warned of the danger. ; In Virginia we are making the fight gallantly and in : the right spirit. If we succeed there, all will be well ; j but if we do not, and the glorious Old Dominion—the j land of Washington and Jefferson-must go under the cloud of proscription, we must hope that it will bo only temporarily, gird on our armor, go to battle in good earnest and stick the closer to and hug our colors the tighter as they are the harder pressed by the enemy, j I never had more hope or confidence iu the Democra- j cy than now. At the North we have been beaten and J crushed it is true, but our colors were kept filing and 1 our noble brethren, purged of traitors and cowards, j showed an undaunted front amid the general over throw. Such sold it rs will live to fight another day—a ; regular army of Democrats around which will eventu ally rally the honest men of the masses, though they may haveheen once deluded, and will gain such a bat tle as Democracy alone knows how to win. Let the South only stand firm and united, and nothing is to be feared from Abolitionists or Know Nothings. She is strong enough to command respect, and if she is only harmonious, and united in council and in action if nee* j tesary. she will receive it, end without difficulty or trouble. Democratic Convention in the Fifth Congre* sioiml District. i A slip from the office of the Cassville Star d<rt and in- j forms as that a Convention was held at Calhoun, in j Gordoi county, oa the 12th inst, composed of dele gates f.-om the counties of the fifth Congressional. D’s triet, fur the purpose of nominating n candidate for Congress. Upon the first ballot Hon. John 11. Lump kin was nominated. The Cmvention n,4>pud aserits j of ra olti'.ions endorsing the platform adopted (Ty the Dctn Jersey at Milkdge*ille, and fceartlh# npp: ov ng the ea ©f Gov. Farther Responses to the Columbus Movement. We never doubted for a moment that the Georgia Democracy, outside of Muscegee, would reiterate our re sponse to the Columbus Movement. In this respect we have not been disappointed in a single instance. They all adhere in a body to the Democratic party, for the present, but are prepared for Southern independence if the necessity is forced upon them by the violation oi the fourth resolution of the Georgia Platform. But we confess that we looked forward with some concern to the responses of the Charleston Mercury and the Mobile j Register. Knowing the high mettle of the able “Edi i tors of those papers, we feared that they wonid mistake I the warning note for the starting tap and lose the race lby dashing off prematurely. But we had no cause for alarm. The old coursers referred to were not to be ! caught by a false alarm. The answer of the Mobile ! Register is so conclusive and to the point that we give !it in sxtenso. It will not detract from its interest when ! we inform our readers that it is from the pen of the gallant Captain John Forsyth—our immediate prede cessor —a man famous in the annals of Geotgia politics as the hottest of Fire Eaters. We commend his re marks to those old friends with whom he fought shoul der to shoulder in the terrible carnage of 1850. It seems that a circular was sent to him also by our very industrious Temperance Hall committee, notifying him of the wonderful fact that the whole submission parly , in Columbus had, under a Know Nothing lead, been j converted into red hot Fire Eaters. lie replies in the j Mobile Register of the 9th, in an article headed Gear- j gin Politics. He gives the resolutions of the Tempo- j ranee Hall meeting in full and adds : “The principles laid down in these resolutions meet | with our hearty concurrence. But they are no new | j principles to us, nor are they new and strange to the i Republican party to which wo belong. Almost simul | taneously with this meeting there was another in Colum | bus of the State Rights Democratic party. The prin | cipies laid clown by that meeting are fully as sound, and ; if possible a little ahead (certainly not behind) in South ern spirit of the resolutions of the Southern party per se. We can see no reason, therefore, tor aoandoning a sound platform in our own party, to run to anew one of no better materials. There is anotber reason why we should not do it. The personal material cf the new part)’ is so curiously constituted, that we comess it does not inspire us with the greatest confidence in tne ear i neßlness and sincerity of this movement. It is made j up of Unionists or Subrnissionists of 1850, both W higs j and Democrats, of men who calleu us ‘traitor to the i Union for advising loyalty to Georgia and toe States, ot ! Democrats who are known to have been disaffected, and of a few Southern Rights men who fought by our side in 1850 —but ore now strongly Buspeoted of the Know Nothing taint. And to join these men, we are iavited to turn our backs upon the great and glorious | party with which we acted in the memorable struggle j of 1850, and which, whether you call it Democratic, j Republican, State Rights, Fire Eating or Secession, is j the party to be relied on when the crisis cornea, because | it is a party whose State Rights them to ! defence and resistence when the sovereign rights of their States are invaded. Wo bedong now to a South ern Rights Party, as good and as true as can be found. “The principles of the Democratic party are in ; their essence, and from the force of necessity, the prin i cipies of the Southern Rights party. “We know of but one mode of fusing all parties is ; 3outh into a Southern party per se. It must be done by the general consent of all tha parties in council as sembled. It is very clear that Georgia is not now in a condition to enter into this political msilanium. A cer tain person by the name ot ‘Sain’ has to have the idea of invincibility knocked out of his head by a few more Virginia blows, before ho will be ready for this general amnesty and sacrifice. Indeed, we greatly apprehend that this Columbus movement is but a ruse of his to bresk down the old State Rights party of Georgia, which alone stands between him and the supreme do minion in the State. But the time may corns when this union will become indispensable. When it does, our highest hopes will have been realixed. Meantime, wo rest on our Republican oars, confident that our present political associates will be foremost in the ranks of Southern defenders and will do their whole duty under the guidance of the sound principles which now animate, inform and control them.” The Democracy and the Questions of Slavery. The Washington Union, in commenting upon a pro position to amend the Fugitive Slave law so as to com pell the master to give a bond of a thousand dollars to give the Fugitive a jury trial in the State from which lie fled should he, on rendition, assert a right to freedom, defines tha true position of the Democracy upon the slavery question in the following pertinent paragraph : It (the amendment) was suggested ae part of anew compromise on the slavery question, with tha view of trying to relieve Know Nothingism from its complicity with abolitionism, and in ail probability it may be subject of discussion in the grand national council of Know Nothings which assembles in Philadelphia on the sth. The Democratic party has no occasion to entertain nny new propositions for compromise on the subject ot slavery. It claims to have brought the federal govern ment back to the only compromises on thia subject which can be safely entertained —the compromises sj the constitution. Its position is unalterably taken upon the great principle of congressional non-interveif tion, and upon the doctrine as to the fugitive aiuve law that “being destiued to carry cut an express provision of the constitution, it cannot, with fidelity thereto, bs re pealed or so changed as to destroy or impair iu eienct.” Senator Mason shows that, if the amendment now suggested had been inserted in the b il, it wonid have been less efficient, if not practically invalid, and on that account would not have received his vot, and probably those of other Southern Senators. Our true policy, then, is to abide faithfully by our present plat form. resisting with earnestness “all attempts at renew ing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the 9Uv ry question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.” Alabama Politics* The Know Nothings of Alabama have nominated Hou. Geo. P. Shortridge, of Shelby county, as their candidate for Governor. Ha is, or was, a Democrat, a Temperance man,\nnd a Kr.ow Nothing. Thomas El. Watts, of Montgomery, is the candidate oi the Bsme party for Congress in the 3d District. It is also report* ed that they have nominated Percy Walker as the can didate of that party for Congress in the Mobile D strict. Legislature. —W T e learn that the Know Nothings have nominated for Senator from the District composed of the counties of Autauga and Montgomery, Daniel Pratt; for the House, Hon. James E-. Belser and Gen. J. H. Clanton. Foreigners and Catholics in Alabama.—lt tnsy not be altogether useless to keep the following facts be fore the people. The population of Alabama, ia tbso. (free,) was 42-8,779, of which 420,032 were oa im*. 7,038 foreigner**, acd 1,109 •uknowa. Ths number of churohes was 5 Catholic against 577 Metho dist, 579 Baptist, or 1,370, of all denominations. Pro bably the whole number ©f Catholics in Alabama is not over 5,000, and the entire foreign vote not over 2,500 or 3,000. What a windmill the Know Nothings are fighting, therefore, in Alabama, in their dread of foreign or Catholic interference! Macon County. —There are two tiekets in this County, on each of which there are two Whigs and one Democrat ; Ticket No 1. S. B. Paine, Thos. Flournoy, and R. H. Howard. Ticket No. 2. Jas. F. White, Jat, H. Cunningham and VP. W. Mason. We have not been able to learn the causes of difference. Know Nothingism probably. Who knows ? Mr. Cobb’s Letter. * The Athens Banner contains a letter from the Hon. Howell Cobb in reply to the circular of the “Tempe toce Hall committee,’’ which is excluded from our • ilumns to day by other matter, We shall publish it in our next i*sue. The letter is an unanswerable reply to the considerations which are urged upon Democrats for abandoning their own party in favor ©f thia new movement. Governor Johuson’s Letter ol Acceptance. We publish to-day the letter of acceptance of Gover nor Jonson. It is a sound State paper. Read it and answer, upon your conscience, whether tne highest in terosts of Georgians are not safe in bis hands ? V> e regret that we have no space for commests to-day. It is, however, so lucid as to require no commentary. The Know Nothing Convention at Philadel phia. The Ohio Know Nothings, assembled in State Coun cil at Cleveland, have adopted a platform which will be presented to the Convention at Philadelphia, and is un derstood to embody the position of the Northern Coun cils generally. The correspondent of the New York Tribune , who is reporting the proceedings of the Con vention for that paper, says, that the arrival of the Ohio Resolutions has inspired the Northern Know Nothings with renewed zeal, and that they will make the prin ciples avowed in those resolutions, the sine qua non of a national organization. Wilson, the Abolition Senator from Massachusetts, who also represents tha Know Nothings of that State in the Philadelphia Convention, lias made a speech in which he throws sorr.® light -upon the Northern con struction of the “Union” or “Third Degree.” Slavery shall be extirpated, and yet the Union shall be preser ved b*eau33 the South shall be forced to submit. No difficulty, Mr. Wilson thinks, in preserving the Union in that way, and thus he and his Abolition brother Know Nothings find no trouble in reconciling their de nunciations of the South and her institutions, with their oaths to maintain the Union—Hear what he says in his speech before the National Convention : lie was for the abolition of slavery in the Diatriot and in the Territories ; for the restoration of freedom to Kan* gas and Nebraska ; for severing the national government front all connection with slavery. This was the only na tional position, and on this we can carry the free States like a tornado ; but if Northern men wavered, all was lost at the North, and the South goes for the winning party. He went for the Union. So did his State. They responded to the sentiment of Andrew Jackson—the Union must be preserved at any cost. He was for peace, but he did not shrink from war, personal or political, it necessary to vindicate his opinions. He told the South that the North would overvote them on these questions, and they would submit. We have submitted, and your turn is now to come. Ours is the future—yours the past. Here are the Resolution* of tha Cleveland Conven tion referred to : * FIUNCIFLBS OF THE AXf® RI CAN PARTY OF OHIO. 1. The unlimited freedom -of religion disconnected with politics ; hostility to ecclesiastical influences upon the affairs of Government ; equality cf rights to all nat uralized emigrants who are thoroughly Americanized and owe no temporal allegiance, by reason of their relig ion, higher than that to the Constitution. 2. No interference with the rights of citizenship al ready acquired by foreigners, and the protection of law to ail who honestly emigrate from love of liberty ; but the exclusion of foreign paupers and felons, and a refusal to extend the right of suffrage to all who come here after until they shall have resided 21 years in the United Slates and complied with the Naturalization laws. 3. Opposition to all political organizations composed exclusively of foreigners, and to Foreign Military Companies , anil to all attempts to exclude the Bible from Schools supported by the Government. 4 Slavery is local—not national ;we oppose its exten sion in any of our territoies, and the increase of its polit ical power by* the admission into the Union of any Slave State or otherwise ; and we,demand of the General Gov ernment an immediate redress of the great wrongs which have been inflicted up u the cause of freedom and the American character by the repeal of the Missouri Com promise and the introduction ot Slavery into Kansas in violation of law, by the ftfree of arms, and the destruc tion of the elective franchise. 5. In humble imitation of the wisdom cf ‘Washington we oppose all intervention in the affairs of Foreign States; yet on all proper occasions we will not tvithhola our sympaty from any people aspiring to be free. G. We support American industry and genius against the adverse policy o! foreign cations, and faciiiuta to in ternal and external commerce by the improvement of Rivers and Harbors and the construction of National R tads uniting the various sections of the Union. 7. The Union of these States should he made per petual bit a faithful allegiance to the Constitution. 8. In State policy we zealously advocate Re trench meat and Reform, a modification of the present oppres sive system of taxation, and a liberal system of Public Schools. The correspondent of the New York Herald, writing from Philadelphia under date of the 10th say* : The absorbing topic here is the platform—a measure re plete with so much difficulty, that its early solution is most anxiously, and, I had almost written, impatiently, awaited. To the fuii extent efmY observations—and they have been ceneial as weii as critical —1 am inclined to the belief that no platform can or erected upon which the entire party can or will stand. The distinctive dogmas of the North and South—the very antipodes of each in positive demands —can Raver be harmonized and converted into a unity of sentiment and opinion, und the effort now being so sedulously made by the intelligent committee appointed in this behalf must fail, as ail similar ones have done, in the proposed reconciliation of such uncongenial,’incongruous and opposite principles lam aware that the hope is held out to the ear, and sought to be impressed on the heart,that the thing itself is not only perfectly practicable, but that considerable progress has positively been made towards the attainment —and in*proof *U3 stated that tha great and disturbing question of slavery has already found an impreg nable constitutional defence, and in terms net to be misun derstood and misinterpreted ’Tis true, the plank of the l platform on inis vexed question has, in the committee, and at the suggestion of the District of Columbia, found a consti tution basis, and lor the time being rests secure by a iarge vote. But what of that ? Does that plank suit Massachu setts and New r England generally, and perhaps one or two of the Western States 1 Who will afirm that it does ? If it suited, why, as is now being made, was an effort instituted vesterday to convene a caucus on to-morrow evening to take into consideration the threatened encroachments of “the siave power,*’ and to enunciate the New England ulti matum on the subject L Kelv upon it, no compromise can or will he made, and the oyshoi of the whole business will be, that all the dissen tients to a. national constitutional paity will have leave to quit, whilst those iu its favor, being freed from all such en taDgling affiances, and aided by the national men of New England, of whom “more than seven thousand can be found who have no; bowed the knee to Beal, ’ will constitme the great constitutional, conservative American party. The deliberations of the Convention will present no stri king or interesting features until the report ot the platform Committee, when may be expected a k mosl able, eloquent and angiy debate. The South is most ably represented, and I bat record the common sentiment when I make the statement. The North is aieo ably represented, bat not generally bv men of euch marked ability as characterise ia® general Southern delegation. . , ..., A day or two at moat, and the great body will have em barked in the war of angry words. The strife 13 lnevitaD.e ani must result in the entire excision of all malcontents arm lactions from the body. The dividing question must De met and the issue jointed. “Ye cannot serve God ana Mammon.” Know Nothing State Convention in Alabama* It ia said that this Convention has nominated the Hon. Geo. D. Shortridge, of Shelby county, for Governor. The Mail says. Shortridge is, and has always been, a democrat, as was his father (Hon. Eli Shortnde,) before him. He is ptobably forty one or two years ot age, and has resided in the State from early boyhood. In central and western \labama his popularity is very great. In the east, he is comparatively unknown. He is said to be a very pleasant and effective speaker. With industry he would be able to travel over a greater portion of the Stae, before the eiec ion-at least over those parts in which he is least known. We believe that if he were nominated he would do this ; and that being the case, we should have very strong hopes of his success.” His position upon the questions likely to be involved in the campaign are thus indicated in the Mail: “We have not known much of the views of Judge Shortridge, on matters of State policy, but were inclined to set him down as a very strong advocate of State aid.— From the most reliable documents, however, we ascertain that there are very few who can be called State aid men, at all, who are so cautious a9 he. He presents—we think we are permitted to say—this idea, with much force: that what ever system may be inaugurated.it should be commenced on a very restricted plan, and only very gradually enlarged as it proves safe and efficacious. He seems to tavor with considerable emphasis of preference, the loaning of what ever cash can be spared from the Treasury, at any time, to the endorsement of bonds. On the subject of temperance, it may be remarked that Judge Shortridge is a decided temperance man; and yet he is opposed to the introduction of tnat issue into the can vass. We suppose he thinks as most do—that in the pres ent state of public sentiment—all attempts in that direction must provo abortive. Like Judge Shortridge. we believe that no proposition of so grave a character should be intro duced as a mere incident of a canvass; whenever it is made at all, it should be as the great question of that day and contest. But for one, we are satisfied that we have all heard the last, nearly, of prohibitory schemes, for many a day. There can be in Alabama, at least at the present time, nothing practical in such an issue. Governor Johnson’* Letter of Acceptance. Milledgevillk, June stb, 1855. Ilis Excellency, Hersehel V. Johnson, Desr Sir ;—The undersigned were appointed a Com mittee by the Democratic Convention, assembled in the Capitol, to-day, to announce to you the gratifying results of its action, in the very great unanimity with which you were nominated for re-election to the office of Governor of the State of Georgia, approving of your administration, and to request your acceptance at your earliest conveni ence. in the performance of the pleasant duty we earn estly desire your compliance with the wish of the Con vention, and” feel fully aware of the exciting contest that awaits you, but we have an abiding confidence in your entire ability to bear in triumph the standard of the De mocracy, which has this day been entrusted to your keeping, and we think we can truly say, that they that are for us, are more than they that they are against us. Assuring you of the great gratification the performance of this duty affords each of us, we are very truly, Your ob’t servants, • LEVI B. SMITH. E. J. McGEHEE, JOHN E. WARD, R. 11. D. SORREL, MILLEPGEVILLE, GA. ) June sth, 1855, ) Gentlemen : Yours, of the sth inst., in behalf of the late Demo* cratic Convention, informing [me of my nomination, by that body, “for re-election ,to the office of Governor of the State of Georgia” has been duly received. 1 have delayed a reply, for two or three days, in order that I might carefully examine the resolutions adopted by the Convention. Having done so, I cordially approve them. They are eminently suited to the circumstances by which we are surrounded. They breathe the right spirit. They meet, in a becoming manner, every question that is rais ed by recent political developments, and constitute a basis of action upon which,all sound National men. North and South,can stand and co-operate to uphold the Constitu tion. The platform is sufficiently sectional to protect the rights of the South and yet sufficiently national to main tain euch an organization as is best calculated to preserve the integrity of the Union. It wiil not suit those \vho,et>* chewing all affiliation with the sound men of the tree State, prefer to array the South, as a section, against the North. But it must commend itself to the adoption of all those, who, forgetting mere party names, and rising superior to mere prejudices against men, are Sincerely anxious for the people of Georgia to act as a unit, upon principle. Thus considered, it ie a most happy concep tion ; and if the voice of patriotism and duty shall be obeyed, the resuit of the pending canvass will evidence a unanimity, in this State, which will teli with salutary ef fect, upon abolition fanaticism. No issue is now pending which demands, as a means of self preservation, that the people of Georgia should lead off in the formation ot a sectional party. Such a one may arise. The rejection of the application of Kan sas, as a slave State, into the Union, may force it upon us. But in that contingency, the 4th Resolution ot the Georgia Convention of 1850, proclaims the action to which we are pledged. “Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof and therefore it were better to defer a sec tional organization, than to jeopard Southern unanimity by attempting it prematurely. In the ranks of the Northern Democracy are to be found the only reliable friends of the South; and they are many. They have faithfully adhered to eur cause in Congress. They have voted for the Nebraska-Kansas bill, when every Northern Whig opposed it. It is true, they have been defeated in their recent elections North and West. The united cohorts of Freesoiler# and Abo litionists, under the black banner of Know’ Nothingism,” have elected to the next Congress a controlling majority. But, thou_'h our Northern friends have fallen before the assassin blade of those conspirators, they have not re nounced their principles. Shall we then desert them is the hour of their defeat ? Shall we turn our backs upon them because they have been overcome in their struggle for us ? If we do, to the sin of ingratitude we add the crime of political suicide. If we stand by them, we can sustain them ; and with their co-operation, the South may maintain her rights in the Union. But if we cut loose from them we leave them to the tender mercies of Know Nothingistn and place ourselves in a hopeless mi- | uority. > That Georgia should be “one people and one party,” | there can be no question. But why m;;y not this be ac complished upon the platform adopted by tho late Demo cratic Convention ? It its principles are sound and com. mend themselves to true States Rights men and to every friend of the Union —if they are those to which the peo ple of Georgia, of all parlies, have pledged themselves in the must solemn torin, then it is the part of wisdom, i j patriotism and policy, that all should unite in their sup- i i p >rt, and thus preserve our alliance with the sound men j iof the North. Whatever course inay le preferred by ; : some, the great mass of the people of Georgia—Whigs j and Democrats—like those of Virginia, will unite, and if j we fail to become ‘‘one people and one party,” the fault \ will lie at the dcor of those who refuse to cooperate wiih 08. When appear, that our .alliance with the true i men of the North is unavailing; when a tangible practical arise, such as the rejection of Kansas, on ac count of a pro-slavery Constitution; when all hope of maintaining Southern rights, houur and equality, under ! the auspices of the National Democratic party, shall have ! fled, I shall be as prompt as the foremost, to go into a ; sectional organization, in order to redeem the pledges of ! the 4th Resolution of the Georgia Platform of 1850. I Upon this point, we are already “one people and one par tv;” and the Resolutions of the late Democratic Conven- 1 cion invite “cordial and fraternal concert of action among ail those who concur, in sentiment, upon those quesnons” j which they involve. Let us then preserve intact the in- j tegvity of the National Democratic party. It is to-day ! the only organized party, in the union, worthy of respect arid confidence. It h:s vindicated its principles and meas ure® of adffroistrative *od financial policy; ard if fahhh* to it* mission, it will maintain those great we inscribe upon our banner in the present its triumph, the Republic will prosper. S SVIXt dwcord, taction and fanaticism will achieve If these reflections need additional support, it .1 found in the rise progress, and principles of“Know® mgism. Having its origin in Massachusetts 9 a common ground for the union of the abolition'.*® treesoilers of all parties. Ensconced behind the irl battery of secrecy, it has not only routed the fritnd!B Somh in the free States, but it assaults tome of p-.® sacred provisions of the Constitution and some I® rights most dear to freemen. The crowning glory I Protestant Reformation was the right of private jud ® in matters of religous faith and doctrine. This''® i powerful eieniant in the Revolutionary struggle 1 when victory was achieved, it was guaranteed bv tv.® j letter of the Constitution. Our forefathers complain,® I fh© Declaration of Independence, that George the® i had “endeavored to prevent the population of those j® j for that purpose obstructing the laws for natural® J foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage J 1 migration hither; and raising the eonditicnlbwf new J proprialioue of land.” Hence the framers of the b-1 tution were careful to empower Congress to adopt !*“J form rule of naturalization;” and the first Congress! I assembled in 1790, under that Constitution, compjSfJ the sages, who achieved our independence.fixed the'j of two years residence for an alien, prior to his sdro jl to the rights of citizenship. In 1795, it was increased five years. In 1798, under the administration of John Adams, it was increased to fourteen. In 1802,*® Jefferson and the Democracy c ime into power, it duced to five years—the term sanctioned by Washinrfl —and lias so remained to the present time, thus 8 oeiving the sanction of all the Presidents, but Adams. 8 the long list of illustrious Republicans, whose wue-B patriotic deeds adorn the pages of American his or, 8 Another grevianee complaintd of, in the Declaration* Independence, was the imposition of “taxes without 8 consent’'—"taxation without representation.” Hence® framers of the Constitution provided that “represent® and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the State* * * * according to their respective numbertl It is the honor of Know Nothingism, in this age of yl iigtenment, to rebuke the wisdom of nnr fathers, bv'soJ ing to undermine the principle of religious toleration, 1 proscribe men on account of the accident of birth, reduce them to the degradation of serfdom, by cernpeliil them to endure the burdens, without enjoying the pr.d leges and immunities of the Government. This ser.scifj crusade—the offspring of fanaticism, abolition and dtnu gogeism—challenges the cooperation of every true fries of the Constitution to defeat and rebuke it. It is frnugj with consequences the most dangerous; and its trinrrp | will be the signal for riot, blocd-shed and revolution. The fact that I did not desire to be nominated, but w! anxious that the honor should have been cast upon *:■ other, more worthy, does not diminish the sincere grg! tude with which it is accepted. If elected, I shall arldr?! myself with unreserved devotion to the advancement of afl the interests ol Georgia. Possessing, in rich prolusion! the elements of greatness, she cannot fail, tinder tit! guidance of wise counsels, to attain to the highest perity, distinction and power. If public education b! properly fostered, and her exhaustless resources developed! if her internal improvements be judiciously aided and be! agricultuve rescued from the improvidence which ha! slain her forests and impoverished her prolific soil; if lie! labor and capital be directed by an intelligence that v! elevate and reward the worthy mechanic and tradesman! the future that awaits her, will triumphantly vindicated! title to the appellation of the “Empire State of the South. 1 ! Whether in private or public life, it wiil be my plesnir! to promote, to the utmost ot iny feeble ability, this desin l b!o object; and it will be the sweetest reward of this, nyl highest ambition,'if I may, at the end of my career, truth! fully indulge tho reflection, that I have, in any degree,l been the humble instrument of so glorious a consumma tion. Aecept, gentlemen, my cordial thanks for the friendly terms in which you have communicated the action of tha Convention, and permit me to add assurances of the high consideration and respect with which, I have the honor to be, Your ob’t serv’t. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. | ‘ Levi*l3. Smith, E. J. McGcliee, John E. Ward, R. H. i D. Sorrel, Committee. Seizure es a Magssine Ship. The revenue cutter McLtllatid, Capt. Ottinger arrived in port yesterday, havi> g in charge the h*’k Magnelia, freighted with arms and amunition lor the Kinney Expe dition to Central America. On the 29th nit. at 6 o’doik r. M.,Capt. Ottinger teceivd ordeis from the Government by telegraph, to sail for St. Joseph’s Bay for the purpow of seizing two of Col. Kinney’* magazine ships, the “Magnolia” and the “Amelia.” At 71 o,clock *. at., the cut ter was under way to execute the aider, from tho Secretary of the Treasury to the Collector of rho Fort. Arriving at St. Joseph, the cutter found that one of the birds had taken wing, the Amelia having put to sea some live days before for pats unknown. The Magnolia was also petting ready for sea, and had there boon twelve hours delay, the two would have given the cutter the slip But there she Uy quietly at anchor, in fancied security, and unsuspicious of cap ture, when the McLelland rnr.de her unwelcome appearance. Capt. Ottinger went on board, placed Lieut. Moriison ot the cutter in command of her and conveyed her to this port. While we write she i3 coming up the Bay, and wiil go, we suppose, into the hands of the United District Attor ney. This Kinney expedition has truly had a “hard road to travel.” —Mobile Register, Bth. Kentucky Politics. Louisville, June 10. Charles Morehesd lias been nominated as the America candidate for Governor of Kentucky. Barnvm'e Baby Show. —Barnum’a celebrated baby exhibition is said to consist of 100 single babies and 4‘J twins, triplets and fat children. Ot the total number then* are seven sets of triplets and eleven sets of twins. As the children are brought in, they are all neatly att red and are labelled “twins,” “triplets,” dec., as they chance to be. More Filibusters. We understand that a filibustering party, having anew destination, i? in progress of tapid organization in the South. This party purposes to go hence to Matarsorss.— Their particular field of operation is not known, but their design is said to be to take possession of some or.e of the Mexican States, to confiscate the lands and personal estate and so to reimburse themselves for their “services in the cause of freedom.” The expedition is under the com mand of a ‘distinguished southern gentleman who has heretofore held several positions of trust. We have not heard of their organization elsewhere, but we are assured that 300 men men are ready to embark from this city.— Sixty of this number left Louisville yesterday. The” ex peditionists are said to have the sympathy, and expect ti e support of a strong party in Mexico. * The expedition has so far been organized with the rntst absolute secrecy, a 1 ? none of their movements have heretofore transpired. We are unable to inform our readers as to the preci.-e objects of the new fillibusters, but we think that the statements made above are reliable. Should tho expedition ‘ucceed in reaching Matamoras, there is every probability of their being able to carry out their plans against the Mexican go vernment. What Uncle Sam will do in the event of their success, remains to be teen. —Lonistille Courier, June 6. Cotton. — Thi Rivers —The arrives of yesterday 1 amounted to between three and four thousand bales- - | quite an item in such particularly tight times. The cotton ! all from the Bigbee and Warrior—three steamers i being from the former and one from the latter river. The ! P Daimau got down with a very targe cargo, consisting j of no less than 1863 bales cotton. ! Tbs Daimau reports a fall of about six feet in the Bg • bee at Demopolie; bnt another rise was anticipated, as | heavy rains had occurred. Advices to Ist inst, from the highlands, w here the Warrior takes its rise, report a great deal of rain—sufficient to keep the* river up for two or • three weeks. Dispatches from Selma, bearing date Thurs day, state that the Alabama has fallen two feet, whbh leaves it navigable for only very light craft.— Mobile Ad-., Ofb inst. Accident on the Stvtc Rond. —On Tuesday last a Freight Train was coming in when about Far miles from Chattanooga, astick of Timber fell off a Platform Car un der the wheels throwing the whole of the Cars and tender off. It was a complete “smash op” and the sup* rstroe ture of the Road snfferrad considerably abont there. Tbe Sngtneer was*somewhat-hart, which, we believe, was the only damage done to any p-?r?ca.- C knit cut on a G<r~ Z e ‘*v