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(Times onto SfiriitteL COLUMBUS, GEORGIA’ __ WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE* 20, FOR OOVtR.VOR. iicitsaicii v. ioii^so^i. FOR CONGRESS -Ist District—James L. Seward, of Thomas. 3d. “ James M. Smith, of Upson. 4th *• Hiram Warner. sth “ Jno. 11. Lumjikini 6th “ Howell Cobb, ol Clarke. Congressional Convention, 2d District. We suggest that the Democratic Congressional Conven tion for the Secoud District be held at Americas, on Wed> nesday, 11th July next. The Supreme Court wilibe in session at that time in Atnericus. What 9ay our Demo eratic cotemporaries to this suggestion ? The time and place ought to bo agreed upon at once. wtwtd. The South and Foreign Population. There were two million two hundred and forty thou sand five hundred and thirty-five foreign born popula tion, in the United States, in 1850. Two hundred and thirty-two thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine of them resided in the Southern States. Two million and seven thousand six hundred and ninety-six of them resided in the Northern States. Bear these facts in mind. Several years ago a war sprung up in the Northern States between a portion of the native population and the foreign born population. The questions at issue j involved the rights of the foreign born population to j the full exercise of citizenship on account of their foreign i birth and peculiar religious faith. Out of this contest sprung the political party commonly called the Know Nothing order. The avowed objects of the order were the repeal of tho naturalization laws and the exclusion of foreign born citizens and catholics from office. The contest between the order and tho foreign born and catholia population is a fierce and some times bloody one. It now rages with great violence and will proba bly continue to wax warmer and fiercer for many years to come. The South is called on to take part in it and we propose to consider upon which side it is the inte rest of tho South to allign itself. It is a very grave question find should be considered dispassionately. - And first ot all, we ask, what interest the Southern States, in their separate capaoitv, have in the contest ? | We answer, none whatever. There aro in the Southern i States, 37 natives to 1 foreigner. The foreign element is, therefore, too week in the Southern States to excite j the fears of the most timid. In Georgia there 130 na- ! tives to 1 foreigner. Georgia is, therefore, clearly bo- j yond the reach of foreign influence. There is no cause j then for strife between the sative and foreign born I population in the Sothern States, as separate sovereign ties. But the Southern States are members of the Union, j and as members of the ‘Federation have an interest in j whatever concerns the well being of their sister States. I But have they the right to interfere in a contest in ; their sister States involving the rights and priviliges of i a class of tho population of the Northern States? We ‘ have steadily and indignantly repelled all Northern iu- i terferenee with tho rights and privileges of a class of j population in the Southern States—the African slaves [ How can we then consistently interfere with the rights and privileges of the foreign population of the Northern States ? If we have a right to interfere in the one case, the Abolitionists have an equal right to interfere in the oilier ease. But it is said that Congress alone has jurisdiction over the naturalization laws. Grant it; but naturaliza tion neither gives nor does the waDt of it take away the right of suffrage. In some of the States unnatu ralized foreigners ara allowed to vote, and in ali, the j qualifications of voters aro in the hands of the State : Legislatures. Upon this aubjeot wo have heretofore ! written at length and will not repeat ourselves. We \ take it for granted, therefore, that a sister State has no j right to inierfefe in contests between the citizens of - State as to the status of its population ; and i that the South is vitally interested, on account of her ! slave population, in the universal reeogr.iti ,1 of this | principle. But suppose we concede the right of interference, ! on which 6ido ought the South to align itself? Who are the Northern Know Nothings ? Who are I waging this war of proscription upon the foreign born ! population ? How do they stand affected toward* the j South and her institutions? By their fruits ye shall I know them. In every instance where they have sue- j cecded in electing & member of the order to Congress, j with one solitary exception, that man is a violent Free- j soiler, opposed to the Fugitive Slave law and to the ! Nebraska-Ivansaa act; and pledged to reject Kansas if ; she applies for admission into the Union, with a consti- ! tutiou recognizing slavery. Further, the great body of them have 6eceded from the Philadelphia Convention, because the Grand Council recognized existing laws on the subject of slavery aud pledged the order to their observance. The Northern Know Nothings are, there fore, proven to be Abolitionists. They are our unre lenting enemies. Wo ought not, therefore, to give them aid and support. That is clear. But who are the foreigners and catholics they are ! attempting to proscribe ! How do they stand affected i towards the South ? We will not pretend that they i are a!! pro-slavery men. In New York they have gene- j rally voted for William 11. Seward. It is but justice to j them, however, to add that they supported him not be- j cause he was an Abolitionist, but in spite of his aboli- j lionism. He sustained the eatbolio population of New I York in their ellorts to obtain a portiou of the eduea- i tionsl fund of the State, and, therefore , tkey voted for j him. Butin every other Northern State, the mass of; the foreign born and catholic population are not only I Democrats but friends f the South. There is no ques- j tion about the truth of tins proposition. support i Douglas, Shields and Cass, and their noble compatriots. ‘ it is to the catholic and forcigu vote that we owe the return ot 21 Nebraska-Kansaa men to the next Con gress : nay, just in proportion to the strength of the foreign and catholic vote in a Northern State is the delegation of these States in Congress friendly to the ‘ Soath. We need hardly instance lowa. Michigan, Illi- j nois and California. By giving the foreign and catholic population cf the I North aid and sympathy in their struggle for their ’ dearest rights, the South can hind to her 2,000,000 of ! people in the Northern States with hooka of steel. ! Add these to the Northern Democracy, who have pro* ! ven trne to us, and it is almost certain that the tide 1 of fanaticism will be rolled back, the rights of tlie South will be protected in the Union, and the dreadful conse quences sure to follow a dissolution of the confederacy be averted. One more remark and we cioso. It i now univer- i eal!y admitted that the South has bat few friends at the j North outside of the Democratic party. That party is j irrevocably •ommittad against the Know Nothings, Jfj we aid the Know Nothings ia The struggle, wo not only alienate the two million foieigners resident in the Nor thern States from os, but aid our worst enemies in crushing onr only friends. Whatever hopes Southeru Know Nothings may have had of forming a great and controlling national party, true to the South and the constitution, have been dispelled by the action of the Philadelphia Convention. The order is severed in twain and never can be reunited. The Northern councils, which clung to Southern affilia tion, will be dissolved, or be absorbed in some other organization. It is, therefore, useless, it is folly,Jt is madness for Southern Know Nothings to keep up their organization. They are powerless for good and ; their continued existence will serve only to excite di visions and heart burning at home. Southern union is of the last importance to the South. Why alienate foreigners at the South from our cause ? The South will need every arm that she can command in the fast approaching contest. Let us then quit quarreliug about nativities and religions. Let the only contest ba who shall go furthest in the defence of our native land, j and all will yet be well. Why oppose the Columbus movement then ? We j have heretofore opposed it because we regarded it as a sham. We could not sso how men who belonged to a secret, oath bound, national organization which had j exhibited the most unrelenting opposition to Southern ; interests iu ail its manifestations in the Northern States, could be trusted with the lead ofaSouthern party. It, however, they shall disband their councils, organize ’ a sectional party, and bring their membership to a fighting | line, we will cease all opposition to the movement. We blame no man tor excess of zeal tor Southern Rights. We j cannot join such a party now. We do not think the exi j izeneies of the time demand it. We are airaid it will build up in the South another Union party. But if Kansas is re jected, or tho Fugitive Slava Law repealed, we will go for a Disunion party eo instanti, and we believe the whole South is prepared to follow in that lead. I The Meeting at Temperance Hall Saturday 16th. We made one of a very respectable uumber of per sons who met at Temperance Ilall last Saturday, to witness the second demonstration of the “no party” party. The meeting was respectable in numbers as weli as material, but neither large nor enthusiastic.— Mr. Martin, a first rate fire-eater, opened the meeting with a resolution proposing to postpone the contempla ; ted Convention at Milledgeville, to the Bth day ofAu- I gust. The people had not not responded as vehemently | to the movement ae had been anticipated, and the com mittee of correspondence craved a little longer time for | getting up steam. A fw counties—very few—had | been heard from and the Convention, if held on th | ith of July, might be a rather slim demonstration of “we i the people j” the Convention was accorffinly adjourned ; to the Bth of August, with the earnest hope that the people might become a little more spontaneous by that time. The chairman was requested t appoint a utle gation to represent the people (party ?) in Muscogee on the floor of the Convention, and nominated the follow ing gentlemen; John 11. Howard, Win. 11. Mitchell, R. M. Gunby, Wm. Dougherty and Janies Johujon. After the appointment of the delegates, Mr. Martin was called on for a speech, and responded with as much of his Southern zeal as his audience would bear. We sincerely wished that his hearers were all cf the stamp of a few, who made the ceiling ring again whenever he i uttered some of Ins most ultra Southern views • but un i fortunately for the speaker, his audience was principally j I made up of those who had not yet learned to applaud ! ; such sentiments. Mr. Martin could make a glorious • Southern Rights speech, we have no doubt, it he had a i fair field. ! Mr. Win. 11. Mitchell was next called out. We had never before heard Mr. M. in a public harangue aud we listened to him with curiosity as well as pleasure. He was a fine talker we knew, and we found that he ; was equally felicitous as a speaker. He too was one j cf our staunchest, truest, hotest fire-eaters in 1550. ; He is a fire eater still and has into this i movement, hoping to find in it a fire-eating party, hut ’ we suspect that our friend has by this time discovered his error. His associates are men whom ho fought in 185$. He has not changed his views of Southern Rights; neither have they. Yet they are attempting to act together. The attempt is hopeless. Mr. Mitchell was for a Southern party out and out. Beverly Thornton, Esq , was the next speaker. lie was for war if necessary, Lot loved the Union. Had found Whiggery rotten, and, having to abandon it, where should he go ? lie never had believed in the Democracy, and embraced this as the great Republican movement of the age. Mr. Thornton is a good spea- j ker and made a very fair speech. Hon. G. E. Thomas also addressed the meeting. The most notable feature, however, in the speeches, i was their want of congruity. There is no harmony, no definite conceptions of Southern policy, in the move ment. It has no head, there is no sympathy between its members, and it is sure to fail. The speeches over, the crowd dispersed, without having accomplished much good or harm, * The Democratic party of Georgia charged with Disunion. While the Knew Nothings and their confederates in this district are charging the Democratic party of Geor gia with a renunciation of their Southern Rights princi ples, their co laborers in other parts of the State are ac tively engaged in a reiteration of the stale charge of disun ion. The Southern Watchman, a Know Nothing paper ‘ published at Athens, Ga., in an article headed, The ] Democratic Resolutions, uses the following language: , “Unfortunately for the delegates to that convention— : many of whom reprsented constituencies of one dozen in number, or less —the People are on the other side, ; and they can find but few sympathizers with them in ! their unnatural coalition with foreigners in their bitter and vindictive warfare against the liberty and union j oj these States , and upon the Protestant religion j —to establish which was the heaven directed and heaven inspired mission of the early emigrants to these j Western shores.” i in the face of each a charge preferred by a Know ! Nothing organ, how can Southern Rights Democrats j th row the weight of their influence against the Deinoe | racy and in favor of the Columbus movement which j ia confessedly the movement of the Know Nothings ? Accident at Nashville—Several Lives Lost.— j We learn from S. 11. Hill, the dilligent agent of I Hamden a Express, that about 150 feet of the suspension bridge at Nashville, T* nn., gave way on the inst., precipitating passengers, horses and wagons into the 1 Cumberland river. Several live.! were io.-t, but the number is net ascertained. Death of Edward E, Powers. W e have received, from a private source, the melancholy intelligence of the death of this valuable citizen. He died in the city ol Chicago, on the 10th inst., from an attack f cf dropsy. He was one of our oldest apd most respected ■ eitixaeiL The Columbus Movement. The Chronicle Sentinel publishes Mr. Toombs’ anti-Kaow Nothing letter, *y* the Constitutionalist Republic , and compliments it highly. It also quotes approvingly the concluding portion of it, and tacks on the following comments: “It is to carry out the idea, so happily expressed, of unit ing the truly national and conservative men of all sections of the Union in a great National, Constitutional party, that we so cordially approve of the Convention proposed to be held in Milledgeville on the 4tli of July. Let the people read, deliberate and reflect, and then taka their position on this great question. They must eilher take position with the democracy, and affiliate with the Van .Burens, Dixes, Kings and their freesoil associates, or they must unite with those men at the South who propose to repu diate ail freesoil associations, and stand by the true nation al men of the North, the real and reliable friends of the South. People ol Georgia choose ye, between these two organizations.” This is another remarkable instance of two great minds aiming at the same result, differing vary widely as to the means of accomplishing it. The Chronicle $ Sentinel is iu favor of the Colurn- ‘ bus movement. Mr. Toombs gives uo sympathy or countenance whatever to it, and on the contrary, kept ! sedulously aloof from the schema from the time it was | broached. So far lrorn it, Mr. Toombs gave his full ! approbation to the programme set forth in the Reso lutions reported by Judge Iverson, aud adopted at the Democratic meeting, at Columbus, held three days be fore this Sectional movement of certain old line Whigs, Know Nothings, Disunioniats mid Ultraists. which has taken the fancy of the Chronicle. The Resolutions of the Democratic Convention are in full harmony with Judge Iverson’s Resolutions, espe cially that feature that recognizes the sound National Democracy of the North as worthy of our confidence, and its organization worthy of being sustained. Each one to his taste. The Chronicle is welcome to follow its own propensities, which lend it towards this mongrel combination of factions. We have said this much simply to prevent the false impression being made that in such a course it will meet with any sym pathy or co-operation from Mr. Toombs. The Chroni cle may carry out its ideas in that way. But Mr. Toombs contemplated a very different mode of carrying out the idea he “so happily expressed .” One word as to “the Van Burens, Dixes, Preston Kings and their freesoil associates.’’ When the Chronicle can show that they are on the noble, pa triotio and constitutional platform laid down by the Democratic party of Georgia in Convention, then the people of Georgia may perhaps be called on to affiliate with them ; but not till then. — Constitutionalist <J- Republic. Letter from the lion. A. B. Lonstreet, on Know Nothlngism. W* find in number of the Nashville Union American, a letter on this absorbing question, from this distinguished native Georgian, now President of the University of Mississippi. Tbe name of Augustus B. Longstreet ia endeared to the people of Georgia by many ties in the history of the past. It is a name which we were taught to revere in early youth as ayn onnious with all that was bold and fearless in the char acter of the advocate, with all that was parental and dignified in the 3ge instructor, and with all that was pure and honest and upright in the minister of the gos pel. The old men of Georgia have been accustomed to love him as a brother ; the young men, soatterred throughout the State, who, from his Sips, have heard j the lessons of wisdom, continue to revere him as a fa- j iher. There is no man in Georgia who will dare stand j up and say that A. B, Longstreet speaks from impure ; motives. The indignant frowns of an honest people j would paralyse the sacriSigeous effort. Judge Long- ! street has beau foroed from his retirement to come out ; and speak upon this question ; but having come out, he ; has met the issue with that boldness and honesty which i characterizes the man. He speaks to the people in the i voice of warning wisdom, and tells them to beware of ; an organization, which must lead to religious intolerance ‘ and persecution. The circumstances which lead to the publication of ■ this letter, arose from an attack made upon the Judge ! by the Memphis Eagle $ Enquirer, charging him • with preaching onti-Know Nothing doctrines. After alluding to the editors of that paper who have j aasiled him as the head of the Mississippi University, : he prceeds to condemn the order in the terms to b© ■ feuad in the extracts below. Let every Georgian j read them carefully and ponder over them well, wheth- ! er he be Know Nothing or auU-Know Nothing.— Cert- ‘• siiiutionaliat Republic. “In July last I had just heard of a new organization in j the country—secret in its movements, and going under ’■ the name of Know Nothings. Its principle*, I understood | to be, opposition to Catholics and Foreigners, so be planned ! in the dark, strengthed by oaths and manifested at the ! ballot-box. It filled me with alarms I saw in it the elements of rapid expansion and awful i explosion. I exhibited them to the class that graduated in ! l ht month, and forwarned them to have nothing to do ! vv hh it. Had I been inspired, I could hardly have fore ? shadowed its history more accurately than laid. Os my j prediction nothing remains to be fulfilled, but the outpour • ing of more blood. My forecast in relation to it, ought to j ensure respect for my judgment in and about Oxford at j ? hut it is that very forecast, which is raising a buzz j of discontent against me in this vicinity now. w This is : the sin which brought out against me the recondite Presses which 1 have named above. It is called dabbling in politics;'’ but its true name is “ Unpalatable, Truth,’' 1 I his is the sin for which I am soon, perchance, to be sacrificed. They that stoned the Prophets of old, are yet j ’ hiive, and why should I expect a better fate than theirs ? ‘ : fc> -h Id° oot know that a better use could be made cf i my old carcass, than the offering of it up on the altar of j this Amencan Bard. An incense might arise from it ) j tr,al wo “id do more to purify the Church and the State, \ from this modern abomination, than any thing which can j emanate from my poor frost-covered brain. The public lias now the sum total of my political sins, public and pri vate. 1 shall speak at large of the new order, in an appeal to my Church at some future day, if I may be allowed to do so. lam committed against it, and I shall oppose it for ever—not in the class room, but every where else— not as a partisan, but as a Christian. This’the patrons of the University should know. For all the honors and emolu ments of earth, I could not be induced to assume a position of neutrality in regard to it. If ail experience be not a falsehood, and all history a fable, it will throw this country into ceaseless convulsions, if it be cot crushed, and that j speedily. ’ In my view, every man who has a scruple’s influence, i should rise against it—now—immediately, ere it be forever i too late. Indeed, it allows no neutrality. With ail its professed Americanism, it assumes an absolute dictator* i chip. It will allow no man to question its purity or its : policy. It gathers within its pale, men of dignity, talent ; aQ d piety, preachers end teachers, and with them, the most depraved, abandoned, desperate, God-defying sin* ners upon eaith; binds thorn by oaths in the bonds of fellowship and sals them ad at work in politics and noth ing but politics. I find n Christian brother among them— J re3d to him II Cori, vi. 1 i and cn. and I implore him to come out from such connections : and it addresses me in tones of despotic authority in this wise: “Sir, my name :s Politics —you are a Clergyman, and Clergymen should have nothing to do with Politics!’ “Eight,’* cries my brother, “old men vou’il ruin yourself if yoa meddle with politics I” I g a y to him “your oaths are against the laws of God and your Church.” “Sir,” it responds, “do yon thus denounce the pious of my order—have you no res pect- for the Church or your ’pl&oc ? J denounce the da&vrv vi th* ham* utitf tbv J r#rirove ! the Saints and the sinners denounce me! The Saint shields the sinner, and the sinner tho Saint. If 6uoh a combination is not enough to make the Church and State both suddsr, I know not what would. On me the new Order bears willi intolerable pressure. It rises before me like the ghost of Banquo, at my every step in the pathway of duty. I am a preacher : If I preach upon the sanctity of oaths, it regards itself insulted, and attacks me accordingly. If 1 preach to Christians to come out from the wicked, it in sults me for assailing Know Nothings. If I preach that the love of Christ is not bounded by State lines, it charges me with attacking the article of its creed against for eigners. /am a teacher: If 1 teach that unlawful promises ere not binding ; 1 shall be charged with justifying the ex posure of Know Nothing secrets. If I set the lesson to my pupiis wherein J. B. Say says that every accession of a man to a country is mi accession of treasure: lam to bar published to the world as indoctrinating my pupils iu anti- Know Nothing politics. As lam ever to be gored by this young mad buil, I had as well take it by the horns at once. Let the order keep its hands off me, the Church, and the Constitution, and I will never disturb it.” * ***•!<** if* “A word to the good people of Mississippi and I have done. You have a University of which you may justly feel proud. For harmony and kindly feeling amoDg the Faculty, for good order, good morals, gentlemanly de meanor, study and progress among the students, and for ardent attachment between preceptors and pupils, you may fearlessly challenge a comparison with any other kindred institution in the world. For its age, it has n>t its equal in point of patronage and rank in the United States. In these respects, it stands at the head of 103 out cf 1 lis Col leges in the United States ; and of these above it, a largc majoritv are over forty years older than itself, and three over one hundred years older. And this rank it has at tained through more adverse fortunes than probably ever beset an Institution before. Fear not that it will ever be a school of polities. Your sots graduate in politics before they come to the University. It is now in its palmiest days, and this you see is one of the objects of Know Nothing vandalism It has, already, I fear, thrown a fire-brand into its peaceful halls. 1 ap peal lo you to come to the rescue. Rise up as one man against ir, when it invades the sanctuary f literature, in stead of requiring your Professors to kneel in its presence. I am sure there are yet more than ten thousand Chris tian* in and about the State who hare not yet bowed the knee to Baal. 1 call them to its help! Honest yeoman ry, and farmers of the land, who always mean right; and, when not deceived, will always do right, come ye to its succour ! Honest, well meaning Know Nothiags, who in a thoughtless moment have been drawn into the order, come out of it, and rally to the support of your University. I regret having been constrained to an attitude which may perchance injure the University for a time ; but be the fault on the head of Know Nothings, not mine.— Look at their fruits already scattered through the land, and surely you will approve of my opposition to it If yon do not your children will. “By their fruits shall ye know them.” What are they? Most desperate and dangerous agitation—Churches rending asunder—pastors and flocks at variance—Christians losing all confidence in each other —Saints and sinners in close'embrace--Preaches of the same church getting but half congregations and half sup port-one looking on approvingly, while another is abused I —Teachers tottering—their pupils in midnight cliques— friendship severing—rage taking the place of love--father against son—brother against brother. These things now are; and they proclaim, trumpet tongued, what is coming, if the monster be not crushed at once. And all for what? In honest truth to get in the outs, and get out the ins. This is the true object of the order. Well, it must take its course tili reason resumes her seat. Nations, like men, run mad at times, and nothing but time and blood letting can cure them. Still, while there is hope, ail good men should strive to relieve them. My course is taken—carefully, thoughtfully taken, iam no Catholic. Put Methodism and Romanism on the iieid of fair argument, and I will stake my all upon the issue; hut l am not such a coward as to flee the field of honorable wariare, for savage ambush fighting; or such a fool as to believe, that a man’s religion is to bo reformed by harrsss ing his person. Nor am I quite so blind as not to see, that when the work of crushing Churches is begun in the coun try. it is not going to stop with the overthrow of one. All Protestantism almost will be against mo—two thirds of my own church (I judge) will be against me—the Trustees will be alarmed for the interests of the College—my colleagues ol the Faculty will be uneasy—my beet friends will be ptuned; but I have an abiding confidence that nothing will be lost by my counra in the end. It will be madness in men te withdraw their sons from the able teaching ot my colleagues for my fault—to attack the Colega to injure me ; but these are days of madness, and this is the way which obnoxious Professors are commonly attacked. Be it so. I have done my duty, and I leave tire consequences with God. And here sign my name to what I deem the best le gacy that I could leave to my children; a record proof that neither place, nor policy, nor temporal interest, nor friend ship.nor church, nor threatning storms from every quarter, could move their father for an instant from principle, or awe him into silence when the cause of God and his coun try required him to speak. AUGUSTUS B. LONGSTREET. Tine Philadelphia Know Nothing Convention. We have received and will publish in our next issue, the : Platform of Principles, erected by the Southern branch i of the Know Nothings, and also that promulgated by the ; Northern seceders, with appropriate comments, which wo ! have already prepared. The crowded state of our col ; umns prevents their insertion in this Issue. The New York | delegates, alone of the Northern States, stood by the ; South, and their action is repudiated at home. - The Know Nothings uot yet Disbanded, While the Georgia Know Nothings are attempting to gull the people by loud and lusty calls for the dissolu tion of the Democratic aud Whig parties, while they themselves maintain an oath bound connection with the most rotten and unreliable of all national parties, their brethren across the Chattahoochee have regularly i nominated candidates for all the higher offices in the j State. Geo, D. Shortridge is their candidate for Gov- j ernor. Geo. D. Stewart ia their candidate for Con- I gress in the Mobile District. Julius C. Alford is their ; candidate for Congress in the Eufaula District. Thus, j 11. Watts is their candidate for Congress in the Mont-*j gomery District. W'ould it not be better for the Geor- 1 gia Know Nothings to suspend their siege of the Geor- , gia Democriiey until they had conquered their Know ! Nothing brethren in Alabama and broken their party ; connection with a corrupt and Abolitionized National \ party ? . | General Quitman.— This incorruptible old soldier appeared in Jackson, Mississippi, on the Gth inst., and I addressed the people. He condemned the conduct of the administration with regard to Cuba, but still ad heres to the National Democratic party. Mississippi Democratic State Convention. —The Democratic State Convention assembled at Jackson on the 4th instant, and adjourned on the sth. It organ!*- | ed by the selection of Cos!. Wm, R. Caunon as Presi- j dent, and the usual number of Vice Presidents. Some 1 thirty odd counties were represented, but the attendance ‘ whs net so genera! as at the last, or generally a? eueh ; Conventions. j The present Slate officers were all re-nominated, to wit: For Governor, John J. Mcßae ; Auditor, Madison McAfFee; Treasurer, Shields L. Hussey ; Secretary of j State, A. B. Dilwortb • Chancery Clerk, J. T. Simms. Col. Jefferson Davis addressed the Convention on Tufsday evening, by invitation. The New York Sun intimates that the Kinney expedi tions have sailed for Centra! America, without waiting for j the steamer Massachusetts, and thus by taking an other ves- | sel have eluded the government. The Washington Un- ’ ion gives an official denial to the assertions of Capt Gra- : him, owner oi the steamer, that members of the cabinet have given him to understand by letters that the govern ment knew nothing objectionable to the expedition uf'Ccj Kinney. _ The Revolution in Mexico. . New Orleans, June 14. Fheeitv of Guacaxuato is m the possession of the iupur* Vitoria and patelle have s&c- joined tue kteurgeniit. (COMKUNICATtD.) The [Columbus Movement—lt^Objects. Messrs. Editors:— l here is not a man in the comtnuai ty who desires, more than 1 do, to see the Southern a political unit; to see them one people and one party - And to effect this object, I attended the late meeting Temperance Hall. When I went there, I was with th j meeting in the professed purposes for which it was called. ! When 1 left there, 1 was opposed to them, thoroughly op j posed to them in every means by which they would effect tho end proposed. And I must say, that from what I saw and heard, I could not doubt, that while they professed to desire to unite the people, [the real object was to divide them, as far as the polls are concerned, and that the end desired was to form anew party under a more popular name than Whiggery or Know Nothingism, and in the j ranks of which, certain political aspirants might obtain a j position which they couid not hope tor under the old de mocratic organization. I have no doubt but that the great majority of those, who have committed themselves to this new movement, are sincerely desirous to unite the people of the South for tho defence of Southern rights; but while I accord to the masses this honesty of purpose, I nixat | frankly say, that I do not, for a moment, accord to the j leaders of the new movement, the same frankness and straight-forwardness. They know, full well, that they strike down, by their effort, the last hope of presenting to the north the moral tpectacie of a people who are willing to offer party spirit as u sacrifice at tho altar of patriotism. A tew years since, the Democratic party belitved that the time had arrived, when their allegiance to the South de manded that they should resist the encroachments of anti-slaverylpower upon the constitution of the country ;they proposed to resist the admission of California, even to a disruption, not because they believed that the admission ot California.in itself was per se ground for dissolution, but because they regarded it as the shadow thrown in advance of the events that were to follow. Overruled in this, they have receded a step and agreed to make the line of the op position their fighting line; and,'doing this, they had a right to suppose that they would find aid and comfort from the party upon tho terms of whose treaty they had placed themselves. But, instead of being supported by those who claim the paternity of this platform, they are told that they must go one step further, and abandon those of their north ern allies who have warred in defence of this veiy plat form, to an extent so fearful as almost to involve the po litical destruction of those at the North who have advo cated it. And at this juncture is presented the anomalous picture of a party, professedly desiring to unite the people, | while they arc using the most active measures to separata them. The Democratic Platform and the One People and On* Party Platform, are, as I understand them, ‘identical in al l things, except that the one people and one party movement proposes to dissolve al! present political organizations , with the North. And for this very difference, some of the | old line Southern Rights men have joined them. But if this be the best reason that can be given for abandoniog*the Democratic party, it requires but little attention to the ex ponents of their doctrine, to find that the difference ia meaningless. Mr. Martinjwho offered the resolutions at their late meeting in Temperance Hall, and who seemed to be prepared to address the meeting after due ’consideration, and might, therefore, be ’regarded as an exponent of its views, expressly disclaimed any wbn to be sectional, but said that he expected to unite with the conservative men of the North. Now, as we contend that the conservative men or the North, in Congress, are ol the Democratic par ty exclusively, (for we! know of no. Northern Whig member who is not abolitionized,) I cannot, for the life of me, see where they expect to find the elements of a con servative party at the North outside ol the Democracy.— Then why, for this .cause, divide the Stalest the time when they say “union is indispensable.” Is it not apparent that men, not principles, control the movement? If their object is to unite the people, if the times require a patriotic sacrifice for the safety of the State, “are not the leaders of the Southern movement lalse to their allegiance when they tail to unite for the enforcement of their own avowed prin ciples,merely because the banner on which they are inscri bed, is in other hands than their own? It strikes me in this light, and I feel that my views wiil be endorsed by every reflecting mind that gives the matter a moment’s conside ration. The proposition to unite the people is a good one, but the idea es effecting such a union by nominating an apposing candidate and arousing the foil spirit of party, is so anomalous and unsound that I cannot believe that its practicability will be relied on by any one, or that the movement will be sustained by others than those who have projected it for their own indvidual ends, and each as may have been duped by the ostensible purposes of the party without critically examining the means by which it propo ses to attain its object. j if there is a sincere desire to unite the people, the demo ! cratic platform, as promulgated at Milledgeville, ia nation al enough and sectional enough for any and every man, ! who has no other end in view than his country’s good. It | is national because it is Constitutional and it is sectional for the same reason—for the South asks only that the Consti t ition be administered in the spirit in which it wa3 framed. I believe, Mr. fEditor, that the Demcratic platform will hold a large majority of the people of the South. It may bo otherwise, but I doubt it. Should.l be mistaken, how ever, and this new movement should control the numerical strength of the State, I have only to aay that the best of them will not be in advance of the writer in his advocacy SOUTHERN RIGHTS. Knoxville, Ga., June 13th, 1855. • Editors of the rimes 6$ Sentinel: • Gentlemen:—l am not in the habit of noticing aneny • roous seribiers for the newspapers, but, in justice to myself, ; I am compelled to contradict the statement, made in your ■ paper of this week, that I bad, in a speech delivered in this : place a short time since, “denounced the Democracy,”— I that is, the Democratic part}* generally. I did denounew the abolition Democracy of the North— such men as Sum ner, Hale, &.c.,—but I spoke in the highest terms of praise oi Fterce.Cass, Dougias, &c., and staled that they deserv ed iQe gratitude oi the South. I also endorsed Pi tree's adsainietratton, and insisted that the National Democratic party, while it existed as a party, constituted the main re- j liance and support of the South, but had been demolished in the battle oflast fall with the North and West, on the Kansas Bill; and the South being left without any nation* ; al party to protect her, should now re-unite without di*- | Unction of party, in the defence of her perculiar insittu | t:ons is proposed by the Columbus IResolution®. It •* I true, that I denounced Mr. Stephens’ course on the Calif©** i nia question, and on the Compromise question, and hi* at ! tack, iu his lato letter, npon Gen’l.iPierce, bnt l hire yet tv ! iarn that the Compromise Bill was’a democratic measure, or that Mr. Stephens is a leader |of the Democracy. Mr Norman is equally clear of the charge of “uenocnciug tb democracy.” The Know Nothings in tbte county w:d b* surprised, doubtless, to learn from your correspon.eo! th* : Jones, who, be says.wgs beaten for Justice cf the lase .t'’ Court, ir z their ewdukst*, or UuJany