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<L\mts attfo COLUMBUS, GEOKGIa7^ _ WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 27, FOR GOVERNOR. HERSCIIEL V. JOSIYSOW for congress -Ist District—James h. Seward, of Thomas. 3d. u James M. Smith, of Upson. 4th *• Hiram Warner. sth “ ‘Jno. H. Lumpkin. Oth “ Howell Cobb, oi Clarke. Congressional Convention, 2d District. We suggest that the Democratic Congressional Conven tion for the Second District be held at Americas, on \V ed needay, 11th July next. The Supreme Court will be in session at that time in Americus. What say our Demo cratic cotemporaries to this suggestion ? Ihe time and place ought to be agreed upon at once. wtwtd. Democratic Hally ! There will be a Mass Meeting of the Democratic Party of Muscogee county at Columbus, on Saturday 7th July. Gov. Johnson has consented to be present and ad dress the people. Other distinguished gentlemen will be invited and are expected to attend. The citizens oi Mus ogeo and the adjoining counties, without distinction ol parties, are respectfully invited to bo present. WILLIAM TEN NELL, J .1. F. BOZEMAN, M. J. WELLBORN, {. ALFRED IVERSON, f Committee. M. J. CRAWFORD, TENNANT LOMAX, J Columbus, June 26, 1854. The “No Party” Party, and the “Spoils.” An intelligent lover of liis country makes no vaunt ing boasts of superior concern for her welfare. When we hear loud professions of disinterested devotions on the one hand, and senseless denunciation on the other, an iuvoluntary and uncontrollable and contempt for the self constituted, all sided, and protruding ignorance of the blatant pharisee, cuts off so much as a feeling of opposition, even which otherwise might bo aroused to scourge with, at least a monosyllabic epithet, such miserable aud pitiful tools of either their own lolly or duplicity. There are those, who, affecting to despise “Party” and “party machinery,” and doubtless a lew persuade themselves that it is not mere affectation—throw them selves outside of party contests, vauntingly proclaiming themselves superior, and immeasurably above the “tricks” of party movements. Such are seen period ically, the leaders of a “band of patriots,’* who gra ciously condescend to mingle with the “vulgar crowd,” and for the nonce honor them, and “the country,’’ with their wisdom, and pure and disinterested co-operation, as leaders in the crusade. During certain epochs, “patriots” spring up like mushrooms of a night. These “patriots are almost alwaye without a party, that is to say, having been rout ed upon their own issues, and which, no longer having vitalityjthey, suddenly become disgusted with man’s ava rice and want of principle. Like poor human nature, days of repentance comes when adversity overwhelms them. In retrospeoting their own career, the ghosts of so rnanv well devised plans, miscarried ; the remembrance of ineffectual schemes, secretly, and most admirably con cocted j beating hearts, sick, at last, with hopes de ferred ; finally, the chagrin of defeat, the desertion of position ; the isolation of their proselytes ; the sad crushing consciousness, that they have no longer an abiding place, and “lost in loos itself,’* the world ground reflects their own despair ; betrayed by their bitter de nunciations and accusing knowledge of plans other’s and motives. The truth is now, as when Junius utterred his phillip ics against this phariseeism “ Professions of patriot ism are become stale and ridiculous .’’ Never was this nearer truism than at the present time. Men disap pointed in political aspirations, without hope—but in the tuinof otheas, endeavoring to butld up themselves by warring udon those above them, use the very accusa tions which their own consciousness suggests as being guilty of themselves. This, as we have said, is especially trne of the pres ent times. The Whig party, as a party has plunged into the Serbonian bog of Know Nothingism. By the merest ehiohanery, they are endeavoring to strengthen themselves with the outside cry of party corruption, and disaffection to the South. They have cast about iu every direction for an anchoring plaoe ; have invoked every breeze to fill their sails, and with the most un blushing effrontery and presumption, avow themselves the only true champions of public good, and sectional safety ! What a picture do the opponents of the De mocratic party present ! At first it had the “dry rot,” and the South was being sold to Aboltionism. This tu sion of all the sound elements , God save the mark understood better the duty of patriots and Southern men, and so invoked a “Union of the South for the safety of the South.’’ Hardly had the words died upou ther lips, than a “national” movement was made in Philadelphia, and these “saviours” of the South cry Hosannah, to the god of Know Nothingism’. We do not say that every individual of the fusion movement was so false to his professions, but the body of the “party’’ which was in fact “no party,” nor can be above a faction, as long as the Democracy maintains its organization. How stands the “no party,” “people’s party’* now ? Some of its warmest adherents avow its exclusive sec tional character ; others, equally as ardent and attach ed to the bantling declare it a “Union National Move ment,” in other words, the offspring of Know Noth ingism, whose great mission it is to preserve the Uniou at all hazards, to keep down the “Irish,” to encourage a religious iutolerance, and, in the absence of any other hope at present, especially to worry the Democrat ic party. O ! what a pure party, and what noble ends it has in view ! Such preachers of ptlitical purity, pa triotic aims, disinterested devotion and self-sacrifice, have not been seen for many a day ! If ever there was a party smelling after the flesh pots, this “no party” is by its acts, self-confessed. — Their short race will soon be run. Good meD, and true, will ere long see into what hands they have fallen. Many have trusted them, but shorter what tergiversation trickery, promises, threats, rewards, contradiction—have they not been guilty of ? O 1 what a pure party is this, which calls upon the “people*’ the “dear people” to put down corruption and cut off this “wild hunt after the spoils.’’ A Case or Poisoning. —We learn that an entire family residing in the lower part ot the city, were poi soned the other day—Mrs. Malcoro Persons, her three children, father and sister. A negro the cook, belonging to Mr. John Walker, is strongly sus pected. At laet necounts three of the family were bet-. ,er * *wo are still dangerously ill. The negro has runa- ( way, ‘ ■ , : i How the Democracy voted on the Nebraska- Kansas Bill. Id a speech delivered by 11. K. McClay, Esq., at Americus recently, we find the following paragraph : Nav, out of forty Northern Democrats in the House of Representatives, there were but twenty-one who voted lor the bill, and the party was only kept from open rupture, by the formal announcement of the Union newspaper—the or gan of the administration—that the Kansas bill was no test ofpartyalliar.ee. I give all honor to the twenty-one na tional men -who voted with us upon that occasion, but I do not consider for that reason the party to which they belong, demands my support. When a prominent and respectable gentleman like Mr. McClay attempts to form public sentiment, it is a pity be does not first verify his facts. In this instance Mr. McClay mistakes the facts and does very great in justice to the Democratic party. The facts are these. There were 87 Northern Democratic Representatives in the last Congress who voted on the Nebraska-Kansas bill. On the passage of the Nehraska-Kaneas bill, 44 Northern Democrats voted lor the bill and only 43 Northern Democrats voted against the bill. Now if the majority rule is to determine the question of sound ness of parties the Northern Democracy are sound on the Nebraska-Kansas act. A majority of the Northern Democrats in the House voted for the bill, and it is, therefore, apparent that if the question bad been left t to them alone, we should nave had the bill without the I help of a single Southern vote, Whig, Know Nothing and what not, was oast against the bill. In this state 1 of facts, is it r.ot prepostrous to attempt to form anew party, out of the elements in opposition to the Democ i racy, with any hope of success in a canvass in which i the Nebraska-Kaneas bill is the main issue? Our friends in the Northern States are all members of the Democratic party, taking the vote on the passage of the Nebraska-Kansas bill as a test of soundness, and if we wish to sustain and strengthen them and thereby pre serve our rights in the Union, we must join the party to which they belong. They will not quit their old party to gratify, the prejudices of Southern men. They love the Democratic party as much as Mr. McClay hates it. They have nothing to gain by quitting tlieir time honored party. Their rights are not attacked. But they say to Southern men, “we, the Northern De mocracy are the friends of the South •, we alone voted for the Kansas bill; we are attacked for this vote by Northern Whigs, Know Nothings and Abolitionists ; | come to our aid ; with your help we can put them down.” To such an appeal Mr. McClay and his friends | say “1 have been a W T hig from my boyhood. I can | not call rr.yself by vbur name.’’ Is this reply salisfac i tory ? We leave the people of the South to give the answer. The Corner Stone upon the Col tun bus Move ment. We have denounced the Columbus Movement as a sham. The proof upon this point is cumulative. The Chronicle Sentinel regards it as a national organiza tion. Mr. Jenkins denies that it is a sectional party.- We have yet to find the first friend of the Movement outside of Muscogee County, of any prominence, who agrees with the chief authors of the movement as to its form, character and objects. We, therefore, pre dict that the Convention of Bth August will split asun der, and that all tho sound elements in it will fall baak upon the Platform of the Georgia Democracy. Our neighbor of the Corner Stone, has d : scovered the no tional tendency of the Movement, and, in an article headed The character of the Columbus Movement , indulges in some very pertinent remarks lo which we desire to call the attention of the public. “This movement bears sectionalism upon the face of it. The country wants sectionalism and demands it. The sectionalism of the movement is its life and its soul, and gives it all its strength —without its sectionalism it is worse than worthless, and shall we demoralize and de stroy it by calling it national ? Why shall we call it national ? To catch national mon ? they are the very men we are opposing. To de coy men into it by falsehood and deception ? Such a course is unworthy of the cause. To get numbers ? the more men the worse, if they are to pervert the move ment to any other than its real object. We would not give a straw for the movement if it is to be made a mere machine to catch upon any and every pretext, voters to beat the Democrats, either for State or national offices. We want it for the purpose of binding together the people of the South, not to turn this man or that party out of office and put others in, but to defend the South against the North, to assert our rights as equals, and to defend them as becomes free and brave men—aye, to defend them if need be, to the death—and to this end, and for this purpose, we had rather start with a few honest, earnest men who are agreed upon the one great point and determined to pursue it, and to sac rifice everything to it, than lo start with thousands who merely wish to make the organization subservient to their own personal advancement. “We repeat it is sectionalism and sectionalism alone, which can give this movement power or value. If any man wants a national organization let him go to the De mocratic Party. It is not only the best national organi zation that exists, but is the best that can be formed. It can and will grind to powder any other national organ ization at the South, as it ought to do—sectionalism is the only thing that is, or ought to be stronger than it. It is stronger than a national Democracy—because it is the only thing which can save the South. The feeling is strong among the people, and is growing stronger every day.” Spoken like a man and a patriot, brother Bethune.— It presents the true issue before the country. We op pose the formation of a sectional party, at this time, because we believe we can more surely accomplish the admission of Kansas by adhering to the national De mocracy under whose lead the Kansas act was passed. If we fail of our object we are pledged and so are the Georgia Democracy to go into a sectional organization. The Corner Stone believes the time has now arrived for a sectional organization. It is an honest difference of opinion as to a question of policy. But the idea of forming a national organization, co extensive with the Union, to crush sectional encroachment , out of the rotten materials opposed to the national Democracy is so palpable a piece of hurnbuggery as to be unworthy of a moment’s consideration. Such, however, we be lieve, will be the effort of the Convention of the Bth August. We warn Southern Rights men to guard against this iniquity. Opposition to the Democracy is the life and soul of the Columbus Movement outside of the 2d Congressional District. Georgia Delegates to the Philadelphia Know Nothing Convention. — A Philadelphia paper repre sents the following named gentlemen as delegttts to the late Convention in that city, viz; Jacob R. Davis, F. H. Cone, Washington Poe, Joshua Hill, C. Leitner, of Columbia, B. J. Head and J. J. Word. Know Nothing Statistics Corrected. The Know Nothing presses of Georgia publ.th to the j world .that there are in the State Depart.! ent 12 1 Americans aid 46 Foreigners in office ;in the Treasury Department 139 Americans and 27S Foreigners ; in the ; Interior Department 33S Americans and 500 Foreign- | ers; in the Post Office Department 11 Americans aod j 80 Foreigners. This is all false. The Washington Union of June 19th, pub iehes a j denial of three statistics, which has appeared for tho j earth time in that paper, and yet the Know Nothing papers reiterate their oharges. The facts are thus set forth by the Union : 1. The Post Office Department employs in Washington 100 persons. Ol these, 88 are native bom Americans and 12 foreign born. Os the 12, five wore appointed before the present administration cam© into power—leaving seven ap pointed by the present Postmaster General. 2. The Interior Department employs 798 person?. Ol these, 604 are native and 88 foreign, and 106 whose birth place is unknown. 3. The State Department employs at Washington oo persons. Os these, 30 are native and 5 foreign born. 4 The Treasury Department employs at Washington and in the custom houses, light house? and coast survey, 2,093 persons. Os these 1,845 are native, 227 foreign born, and 26 whose birth place is unknown. It appears from the.-e records that in the four department? named, there are 2,567 native, and 332 foreign born citizens employed. A similar statement from the other depart ments Would not increase the proportion of foreign born ap pointees. What we have given is sufficient to stamp the charge as a gross falsehood. The foregoing refutation was procured by the Union from the records of the four departments in September last, and adds that it is “now enabled to state authori tatively that the oharges made since that time have not increased the relative proportion of forein boru citizens in office.” Lumpkin, Ga., June 2?. Messrs. Editor : At the urgent request of his friends, James Clarke, sen., Esq., has kindly furnished us with the enclosed copy of his speech for publication. You will please do us the favor to insert it in your next paper and oblige, Very Respectfully, Your obedient servants, BENJ. MAY. JAMES GRAHAM. MARTIN BURKE. JOHN A. TUCKER. JOHN B. RICHARDSON D. W. C. THORNTON. Speech of James Clark before the Mass Meet ing of Stewart County, of the 19th of June. Mr. Chairman :—This meeting has been called for the investigation of subjects of vital importance to the South. A meeting ot more importance in its bearings never has as sembled in our county. Hence, the necessity of grave and mature councils and a free interchange ot opinions upon those questions which we shall this day be called upon to decide. In these deliberations, a full participation of all parties are invited The occasion demands it. In this solemn hour this bickerings of party animosities should cease. They are unfriendly to truth. We should meet here not only as Georgians, but as American citizens, and as in habitants of the greatest and proudest Republic in the world , not only as friends to the constitutional right? of the States; but as friends also ot the Union of the States. Whilst we adopt measures for the vindication of our rights as a South ern State, under the Federal constitution ; anxious regard should be had to the preservation of this great confederation oi State* 5 , “as the palladium of our political safety and pros perity.” Discarding all partial or selfish views, we should consult together in the spirit of au enlarged and enobling •patriotism. Under the influence of such sentiments, our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country, will be at once our watchword and our aim ; and we shall be prepared to act with all true men, whether at the North or South, or East or West, whose object is the public good, and whose solemn purpose it is to live and labor as well for the pres ervation of the Unton as for the preservation of the consti tutional rights of the States. For, fellow citizens, let it ever be remembered, let it never be forgotten, that in the idea ol the preservation of the con stitutional rights of the States, and in the idea of the preser vation of the constitutional union of the States, there is no incongruity, no antagonism, but perfect harmony. As long ns the Union, as framed by our fathers, under the great charter of our national and States and individual rights, ex ists and continues to perform its constitutional functions ; our i ights as States w iii be preserved. The truth is, we are parts and parcels of one great system, of one unbroken con sistent political whole. Without the States are preserved in the full possession and enjoyment of all their constitutional powers and privileges, the Union cannot be maintained.— So without the Federal Union, within the limitations and restrictions of the constitution, is supported and permitted freely to put forth over all portions of this extended land hor conservative and protecting power, the States have no assurance of permanent safety. It is from the same instru ment that they derive rights and powers. Whilst on the one hand, power is communicated by this paper to the Federal Government, by this same paper powers and rights are reserved to the States. By supporting this National Government in its constitutional exercise of power, that line by which rights and powers are “reserved to the States respectively and to the people,” is kept plain and distinct. Thus it is alone, by the preservation of the Union and the rights and immunities of the States and people which com pose it, that the beauty, unity and harmony of this compli cated system of government, under which we have enjoyed so many blessings, can and wiil be preserved. These, fellow citizens, are my principles, and I shall in the approaching contest affiliate and act with that party which for the time being, is the most willing and the best able to carry them out. lam no party man ; I never have been, except on important occasions to effect important ob jects. The constitutional rights of the States and especially of my native State, have always, to me, been dear ; but the security and preset vation of this Union,has been my earliest, and I trust, it will be my latost desire; and I can have affini ty with no party or men that will rashly take measures for the security of the one that may unnecessarily endanger or destroy the other. What is the object of the present meeting ? It is to de liberate upon the resolutions commonly called the “Amal gamation Resolutions of Columbus,” and to organize anew party in Georgia, of which these resolutions shall be the Platform. To the leading object of this movement l am utterly opposed. The complexion of this meeting and of many of the men and circumstances that gave it origin, are such as may well induce every reflecting conservative man anxiously to inquire/* Watchman what ol the night 1” Does every thing around us betoken safety to the dearest interests of the American people ? Are there no baleful influences abroad ? Union men of 1850, you who aided in the elec tion of that great Georgia Convention from whom eminated the Georgia Platform, beware! When you behold a great meeting headed by a motly group of Fire-eaters, Disunion ists and Know Nothings, and every order of Ktraism and of discord ; when you behold the bitterest political enemies suddenly converted into fast and loving friends, all joining in fraternal concert in the formation of anew party ; send ing their letters missive to every portion of the State, and ! moving heaven and earth to disquiet and unsettle the public i mind, and organizing a great sectional and geographical I party. I say again, beware; I sound the alarm. It is for i the people to hear and to heed. | I object to this movement because it wholy premature. j Whatever may be the necessity of such a movement in a ! future and darker period of our history, now, is certainly ; not the time. It is admitted on all hands that this is an at- I tempt to form a great Southern party. It was the same ! movement and headed by many ot the same men which in I 1850 met with such signal rebuke. It is an attempt, 1 re peat, to form a great sectional geographical party. This appears most distinctly in the preamble to the resolutions, j and also in one of tho resolutions published to the world. Well might the “father of his country” at the conclusion of his eventful and illustrious public life in his Farewell Address to the American people warn them against “par ties characterized by geographical discriminations” as dan gerous to the Union. The dangerous tendency of these sectional factions, “he who runs may read.” Oppos.tion and jealousy of section against section, in which strife and hatted are engendered and strengthened,and inflamed, whose criminations and recriminations are float ed upon every breeze.are but the living,moving firebrands that produce the dissolution and ruin ota people. Their facili ties of intercommunication are but the strife of enemies face to face, whenever the expression of reciprocal scorn and abuse are succeeded by blows. VV henever that day arrives when part£ hatred shall de stroy all sympathy and commerce between the North and South ; when the South shall have no friends at the North and the North no lriends at the South, and in which noth ing better than suspicion and distrust shall dictate their language and their conduct to each other, then we may well say, “farewell! a long farewell to all our greatnesr!” the glory will have depar-ed from Ureal, the Union and prosperity of these States wilt go down in darkest night.— Human nature is the same in every age, whether we view it as illustrated in a quarrel face to face between man and man, or in a great organized quarrel of the States North and South of Mason and Dixon’s line. The tendency is either case is to the violent collision ofoposing forces and to the shedding of human blood. Fellow citizens, I agian repeat, that this Columbus movement which has been sent into the world with such a mighty sound of trumpets, is premature. It is a reckless jumping ahead of the GeorgiE Platform and of the spirit ol the pieamble and addiess which accompanied and illustrated that paper. Whenever the time arrives, as anticipated by thejGeorgia Platform, when Congress shall refuse to admit a Territory into the Union on account of slavery, or shall, by its unconstitution al legislation, usher into actual existence any of those wants mentioned in ths fourth article of the Georgia Plat form efdrpgd possibilities existing vvfaojy iq the future; then, and not till then, shall I be prepared “to resist even (as a last resort) to the disruption of every tie that binds us to the Union.” The time may come. The aggressive action of the Federal Government made the subject of warning in this article of the Georgia Resolution, may come. Con gress may become reckless and regardless of its constitu tional powers and may infringe on the rights and safety of the South. Heaven only knows. But should such a time, big as it would be, with awful and tremendous impost,ever come, as a Union man of 1859 and standing.upon the Geor gia Platform. 1 for one would be prepared tor action. 1 say further, in such an event, the people of Georgia will stand together as one man. But until that time actually arrives, 1 forbear, and hope for better things. “Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.” “The Empire State of the South” in her sovereign capacity, has taken a firm, de termined and noble stand. Expressing her attachment to the Union and her estimate of her constitutional rights as one of its members. She utters from the halls of her capital the solemn alternative that would press upon her, should those rights be invaded. Here was tne utterance ofa voice which carried moral power and influence to every portion of the land. And here let the whole people of Georgia unitedly stand ; reproving every partial and impartial display of hot haste and offensive suspicion ; and seeing to it, that we do nothing calculated to hasten any of those events which we hope may never come. i again repeat, that this movement for the formation £, a Southern party, is premature —fraught with mischief arid danger and“that continually.” Where is the inducement? What valuable purpose can be now attained? Has not Georgia already, and in the most solemn and imposing manner, taken position, and uttered her determination. Can we, in this way add to the force of these great resolves ? Can we augment their influence, by perpetually talking about what we intend to do? Fellow citizens, the resolu tions of the Georgia Platform a;e lies Judicata of a wholepeople. No mere party organization can add aught to thvir moral power; and nothing under heaven, I trust, will,or can shake their validity, I again ask, then, what useful object to the country can be accomplished by this movement? Note is the most unseasonable and unfit time for such agitation before the people. We have no reasons I now to complain or to sound forth the harsh and offensive j notes of apprehension and suspicion. At this hour we have reasons to congratulate ourselves that it is as well with us a? it is. For the last seven years the South has been regu larly gaining ground and increasing her influence in the confederacy. For the last seven years, by the fidelity and zeal of our own servants, and the co operation of our nor thern friends, and by the intrinsic justice ol our cause, the South has made regular advances in the vind cation and establishment of Southern Rights. When the “Wilrnot Proviso,” that degrading badge of Colonial inferiority, was attempted to be forced upon us, the South ralied her forces; many of the choice spirits of North came up to the rescue, and the unhallewed attempt was cloven down. When the territorial bills of Utah and New Mexico were introduced, the South asked that they should be admitted into the Union free from all slavery re strictions; it was granted,and the right of Congress to leg- J islate, or dictate legislation, on the subject of slavery was abandoned. When a strong fugitive slave law was reques ted to reclaim our fugitives lrom service, and make the pro vision of the Constitution available in our favor, wo were told to frame a law to suit ourselves. The law was pre pared by Southern members of Congress, with most strin gent provisions, and triumphtly passed, by the aid ofa re spectable Northern vote. When the repeal of the Missou ri Compromise, with its odious restrictions, which had de graded and insulted us, for more than thirty years, was de manded, an act of Congress was passed fully recognizing the sovereignty of the Territories over slavery, and abol ished the disparaging restriction, of which we. had such just right to complain. And last, not least, to complete the magnificent climax of Southern progress,the great territo ries of Kansas and Nebraska were organized under the broad shield of that local sovereignty on the slavery ques tion which is the inalienable right of the South. In all these demonstrations of advancement in the establishment of Southern Rights, many eminent and patriotic Northern men stood by us, “side by side and shoulder to the wheel,” and wielded a most effective balance of power in our fav vor; at a time too, when nothing elsec iuld have secured our triumph. These very men, although many of them may ho temporarily beaten down by Northern fanaticism, are still alive and active, and in the full possession ol their laculties, and as much our friends novy as they ever were before, and prepared to make every effort to roll back the torrent which has swept them down, and to regain that po sition in the councils of the nation, whi#Ji will enable them effectually to serve us in those great questions of a coming day, upon the decision of which in our favor, we have sol emnly proclaimed that our continuance in the Union will depend. Is now the time to withdraw from them our en couragement and favor? Would it comport with the noble chivalry of the South? The time was when the voice of that ancient Commonwealth, that contains the bones of Washington and Patrick Henry, was heard with profound veneration in every portion of the land. Where is the pat riot that does not respect, even now, what, on important occasions, the ‘‘Old’Dominion” may now do. The late triumphant e’ections in Virginia show, that, whilst she is the last that wiil desert a fallen friend, she is also the last one that will ever cringe or truckle to the base bought vic tories of an arrogant toe. I again repeat, is now the time, by invidious local and sectional combinations, to lose the support of our North ern friends? At this particular juncture, having reference to the shadows that are cast before us, would it either bo po litic or wise? Tho question of the admission of Kansas in to the Union, with a constitution sanctioning slavery, must, very shortly, be met in Congress. In the determination ol this question there is wrapped up our weal or woe, so far as either depend on our continuance in the Federal Union. If this territory is not admitted free from all manner of restriction in relation to slavery, we stand pledged before the world, that let others do as they may, Georgia must not, will not, cannot remain in the Union. Who does not desire the preservation of this Union ? Where is the man who does not desire the preservation and perpetuation of this mighty and growing Republic,the last hope of humanity throughout the world? And yet by the destruction of the nationality of our party, at this mo mentous period, by proclaiming a wholsale distrust of Nor thern fidelity; by cutting off all affiliation with Northern parties and Northern men, we shall inevitably lose that Northern support which, in the time of final trial, when the Kansas question is brought before Congress, will, under the irrevocable Resolve already made by Georgia, as certainly force us out of this Union as the seasons will continue to visit us, or as the year will continue to roll around. Bare with me, fellow citizens, and permit me here for a moment to enlarge. Admission of Kansas is the para mount question ot the day. It is paramount, not only on account of the great principle involved, but because it in volves a contingency that may remit in the dissolution of this Union. How would we stand on this question, under the auspices of a party exclusively sectional and Southern? Let plain, stubborn facts be met for one moment face to face. Suppose the present project embodied in the Colum bus movement to succeed here, and to succeed in all the Southern States, and a great Southern party were formed, and that the Kansas question, which involves so much, were to become exclusively a question between the North and the South; how and where would we stand? What would be the result? With no Northern votes in our favor, we should be inevitably defeated, “horse, foot and drag j oons.” Being a minority in Congress, we are powerless to carry any measure except by the aid of Notthern votes. What folly, then, what desperation, so to frame our party that this indispensable Northern support will be lost in the great and tremendous hour, upon which is suspended the destinies of the States of America as a united people. But you ask what shall we do ? Many of our patriotic citizens have lost their old party affinities and attachments, and are now anxiously enquiring what is b/st for them to do. New issues have been formed, new events in the his tory of the country require, in some sense, anew modifica tion of parties. You desire a stand in the approaching contest, where, as Georgians and American citizens, you can, in favor of your count-y, exert the most effective in fluence It will not do to join the Know Nothings, for of them you know and can know but little. “Shadows,clouds and darknes rest upon them./ By joining them you may blindly launch your hark upon a dark and perilous sea of mischief, without a shore. It will not do to reconstruct the old national Whig party; for that party at the North ha? become the stronghold of Abolitionism and every oth er ‘ism.’ that can imperil the best good of the country: and I have already said enough to show that it will never do to enlist under the Columbus banner; for that banner will be tattered and torn, and may become the miserable insig- | nia of the defeat of the South and the ruin of our country. The question, then, again occurs, whither shall we go that we may, most effectually, serve our country in her greatest time of need? In answer, let me suggest to you, a word of i council, which has the best evidence that it is honest, be- 1 causo it is the council by which your humble speaker will be guided. If there can be found already in existence in i the Stats any well organized party, sufficiently national ; to preserve and encourage our Northern friends,and which, j at the same time, recognizer the great principles of South- j ern and States Rights: if there be any party, whose action j will preserve intact the rights arid immunities of the States, j and at the same time maintain and secure the Federal Un- ! ion; ii there be any party amongst you, {which is able to i command Congressional majorities in your favor, on issues | involving your dearest interest as a people, and which will insure, for the great offices of the government, the election of men that wiil “never leave nor lorsake u?,” in the name ! of every thing that is sacred, let us, a? once , give our ad hesion to that party. But, you ask, can such a party be found? I answer that it can; itexists here, in this paper , [holding up the Demo cratic Platform;] it exists in the great Democratic party, as remodeled, and purified and perfected, by the late Demo cratic Convention. It is national ; it therefore embraces and encouragesoiur friends at the North, who have stood by us in cur tunes of need. It is in le.vor o! South ern Rights, for it stands on the platform of your own sov ereign people in Convention assembled. It is a well or ganized party, having active affinities with every State of this confederacy; and capable of bringing to bear upon any measure, a combined influence which nothing can resist.- As many of the old party issues have„passed away, this party is sufficiently liberal in its principles, to accommodate every man in every portion of the State, be he whom ho may, that is not a hot-headed disunionist per ee. If Union of the South ever was important, it is especial ly important now. This union can he effected now on the Democratic platform, as lately published, wiihout compro mitting any principle which we may holdfdear. Here, wo shall find all the valuable principles of the Columbus Flat form, and clear ol their offensive and dangerous geograph ical features; here, we shall find a party already well for med to our hands, and a party , with that meral power, and those extensive and imposing national affinities, which time and habitual concert of action, and a long line of il lustrious service to the country, alone can give. With our adhesion, with a general Union of the South, under the banners of this great party, the rights of the country and of the whole country in the Union and’with the Union,can and will be preserved and perpetuated. To the Platform of the Democratic party, as lately re- vised and published, 1 subscribe my name and give in my adhesion; and in the name of this party, fellow citizens, I invite you to do the same. in conclusion, permit me to offer as a substitute to the resolutions already read, the following, as the senso ot this meeting: RESOLUTIONS. Ist. Resolved, That the Democratic Platform, as revi sed by the late Democratic Covention, contains all that can he desired by the South for the vindication and securi ty of Southern Rights. ‘2d. That this is a platform on which every citizen of Georgia and every Southern man may usefully and honor ably unite. 3d. Resolved, That the nationality of this party, gives it strong claims to the support of those who, with the Fa ther of his country, believe that the Union of these Sates, is the Palladium of our political welfare and prosperity. 4th. Resolved, lastly, That the Columbus Southern Union Resolutions, this day read, contain a sectional and geographical provision, which makes this platform such as no conservative or union man can sanction. Retaliation upon Massachusetts. —The Charleston Standard says: “When the government of Massachu setts shall have established that the clause of the con stitution in referenoe to the return of fugitives from la bor, declares a right, but confers no power of enforce ment upon the General Government; that with respect to this clause of th 6 compact she is still sovereign, aud that she trespasses upon the rights of tho State but does not contravene the powers of the General Government, —we will be prepared to meet her. If she insists that the act is an indignity to us in our organized political capacity we will be able to repeal it; and if reduced to tbe necessity of retaliation,—of confiscating property of her citizens in payment of the injuries occasioned by her confiscation, nnd of rending, if needs be, tbe strue ture of this Union, —it will be a source of especial satis faction to us to find that action forced upon us by the sovereign action of the State of Massachusetts ; and we will tell the Commercial Journal if he have interest in the action of that State, that so soon as one slave shall have escaped to that State,fvvhose restoration shall be pro hibited by the provisions of the law in question, that instant will the property of every citizen of Massachu setts within the limits of the State whose rights are injured, be liable to answer for the outrage, and the law of confiscation in that event will be no violation of our Federal constitution.” Slavery in the Dutch Reformed Church.— ? The question of slavery has been troubling the Synod of the Reformed Dutch Church, in session last week at New Brunswick, New Jersey, for the first time in the his tory of that church. Rev. Thornton Butler appeared from the Classis of North Carolina, stating that it had seceded from the German Reformed Church, and wish ed to connect itself with the R. D. Synod. The com mittee on correspondence recommends its admission. It was discovered that three out of pasters in the Classis were slave owners, and this provoked a warm discussion. Finally the Synod was relieved from its embarrassing situation by the withdrawal of the appli cation. Mercer University. —W 7 e learn from the Tempt* ranee Banner of the 16;h inst., that the final examina tion of the Senior Class of this institution took place on Tuesday and Wednesday of last week, after which the honors were cor.fernd as follows: Ist honor upon F. E. Wimberly, and 2d upon G. M. Fatterson and A. S. Worrell, and the 3.1 upon J. A. Simmons and B. F. Walker. There are eighteen members in the graduating class. The commencement day occurs on Wednesday the 25th day of July. Sudden Death in Staunton , Virginia. —On Mon* dao afternoon Dr. Jos. Addison Waddell, an old and j highly respectable citizen of Staunton, died quite sud* i denly. lie was in the 65th year of his age. lie was | a son of the “Blind Preacher,” whose eloquence was | immortalized by Wirt in the “British Spy.” Dr. | Waddell was a physician of great eminence in his pro | session, and a man of pure and elevated piety. Through [ the whole of his long life he enjoyed the highest con* ! fidencc and respect of all who knew him. More Rich Developments. The last Lauderdale Republican contains a communi cation from Mr. C. W. Henderson, one of the most highly ! respectable ci.izens of that county, giving a full exposition > of the introduction of the Know Nothing Order into East Mississippi its signs, passwords, grips, objects, dec., &c. — Mr. Henderson was President of the “Marion Council,” j and speaks from his own personal knowledge. The Order ’ was first introduced into Lauderdale by Gen. W. S. Patton, formerly of that county, but now of Jackson. The Grand President or Priest of East Mississippi, is Wm. S. Rag” land, “an uncompromising, influential Whig, who has avowed to some of his confidential friends, that the object oj the Order was to de feat the Democratic party .” The name of the Grand Priest of the Order of “Stars and ! Stripes” of Mississippi, John, of Jackson, figures eonspi ; c-uously. From this document, it appears that all the ; Democrats who have been inveigled into the Order in Lauderdale county have abandoned it. We have no doubt but many high toned, honest Whigs will follow their ex* ample, and thus leave it without a corporal’s guard. We never saw a Humbug collapse faster than this Know Nothing trick. Let the light be spread before the people. The secret organization will see it only to despise it. The corrupt demagogues who originated the scheme to advance their own selfish ends, w hen the mask is torn from them will writhe and die like the animalcuhe in a drop of putrid wa ter, subjected to the influence of a solar miseroscope. Mississippian.] Correspondence of the Charleston Standard. Equestrian Statue of Jackson and Washington. Washington, June 10,1855. Clark Mills, the American artist, has changed very much in his personal appearance, since he fiistcume here from Charleston to make the equestrian statue of Jackson. His labors of mind and body in producing this masterpiece, has turned his locks gray and blanched his cheek. But he is still fuil of enthusiasm and hope. In erossiug the street yesterday, he espied us, and as usual, hauled up his quiet little “carryall” and stopped for a chat. He has de eded upon his eonception for the grand equestrian statue of Washington, for which Congress has liberally appro priated ; but its execution will be delayed until the inau . guration at New Orleans, ou the Bth of January, 1856, of the Statue of Jackson--a copy of the one here. After studying all the published memoirs of the Father of hie Country, and gathering every tiadition and recollection of him, our artist has chosen to represent W esh ngton n the most trying and exciting eeeue of the Revolution, whf&n American troop# at tvere waveHfijr