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(Limes ants Smimtl COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 6, 1855. FOR GOVERNOR. IIERSCIICL V. JOHNSON. FOR CONGRESS -Ist District--James L. Seward, of Thomas. 3tl. “ James HI. Smith, of l pson. 4 t h <• Hiram Warner, of Jleriwether. sth “ Jno. 11. Lumpkin. (ith a Howell Cobb, ol Clarke. Congressional Convention, 2d District. We suggest that the Democratic Congressional Conven tion for the Second District be held at Americus, on Wed nesday, 11th July next. The Supreme Court will be in session at that time iiv Americus. What say our Demo cratic cotemporaries to this suggestion ? The time and place ought to be agreed upon at once. wtwtd. Democratic Hally ! There will be a Mass Meeting of the Democratic Party of Muscogee county at Columbus, on Saturday 7th July. Gov. Johnson has consented to be present and ad dress the people. Other distinguished gentlemen will be invited and are expected to attend. The citizens of Mus cogee and the adjoining counties, without distinction of parties, are respectfully invited to be present. WILLIAM TENNILLE,') J. F. BOZEMAN, M. J. WELLBORN, I ALFRED IVERSON, f Committee. M. J CRAWFORD, TENNENT LOMAX, J Columbus, June 26,1854. Northern Aggression and Southern Retaliation. We have long desired to call the particular attention of our readers to the 14th resolution of the Platform of the Georgia Democracy recommending “to our next Legislature the adoption of such retaliatory measures as their wisdom may suggest and shall be in ronfoimity with constitutional obligations, in view of the action of the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Vermont, and the threatened action of other Northern States, virtual ly repealing the Fugitive Slave law, and denying to the citizens of the South their constitutional rights.” This subject has often been incidentally alluded to in the Southern press but has never received that delibe rate and general attention to which it is entitled.— Some four or more years ago it was brougt to the notice of the Alabame Legislature by Governor Collier, but no action was taken in consequence, we presume, of the soothing effect of the Compromise measures. Some ef fort was made about the same time to bring the subject before the Georgia Legislature by Thomas C. Howatd, now of the Atlanta Intelligencer , but nothing was done from a similar cause. A learned and distinguished citi zen of this place discussed the subject in our columns immediately after the passage of the obnoxious laws of Vermont, referred to above, and we very unexpectedly got into a controversy on the subject with our neighbor of the Corner Stone. At the recent Democratic Con vention of the State of Georgia the subject was brought to the notice of that body by A. Nelson, of Fultion, and the 14th resolution was, in consequence, unanimously adopted. Since then, a remarkable letter from John C. Calhoun, to Percy Walker, of Mobile, Ala., on the sub ject, has been given to the public. In that letter, Mr. Calhoun, speaking of abolition agitation and action, says:—“l regard State laws, in tended to embarrass tho reclamation of fugitive slaves as unconst tutional, insulting and dangerous. Nay more! the right to hold our property implies the right to hold it in peaee and quiet; and therefore the toleration of so cieties, presses and lectures, intended to call in question this right, and to overthrow our institutions, is such a violation not only of international laws, hut also of the federal compact, as we cannot acquiesce in without ul timate ruin. There is, and can be but remedy short of disunion, and that is to retaliate on our part, by refusing to fulfill the stipulation, in their favor, or such as we may select as the most effectual. Among these, the right of their ships and comrneroe to enter and depart from our ports, is the most effectual, and can be enforced. ’’ “That the refusal on their part would justify us to refuse to fulfill on our part, is too clear to admit of ar gument. Nor is there any impediment from the power of Congress to regulate commerce among the States.— The right of tho States to adopt laws to protect their health, their internal policy and peace and safety, is paramount to the right of Congress to regulate com merce.” The stand taken by the Georgia Democracy and tho publication of this remarkable letter ofoneofthe brightest intellects and the profoundest constitutional lawyers this couutry every produced, has attracted public attention to the matter in every part of the Union. It has been discussed in every part of the country. The universal opinion of the sound and portion of the American people is, that the unjust, oppressive and un constitutional legislation of Vermont and Massachusetts, whereby the people of the South are robbed of their property, places those commonwealths outside the comi ty of States and will justify the South in passing ex treme retaliatory measures. Vermont and Massachu setts, by their legislation, have willfully renounced their allegiance to the Union. “By the legislative coun- | tenanee (they have given to the the theft and robbery of Southern property,’’ says the Louisville Journal , an extremely national journal, ‘‘by the immunity (they) promise to the thieves and robbers, and by the official exaltation of the more prominent of the aiders and abet tors of those thieves and robbers, (they) knowingly vio late all sense of propriety and justice, and hurl a pre sumptious and vindictive defiance against the whole South.’’ These sentiments are common to the South ern people: nor are they extravigant. JSlave stealing has become so common that many persons do not look upon it with that abhorrence which it ought to excite in every just mind. Suppose then that Massachusetts should pass a law forbidding her officers and citizens, under heavy penalties, from aiding or abetting in the capture of Kentucky mules, whether strayed or stolen, in her State limits ; that armed mobs turned out to resist, evcu to death, their capture: that those of her citizens who engaged in these mobs were applauded by the people of the State and eleoted by the public voice to high office, what would be thought of Massachusetts by the civilized world ? She would be denounced from Nova Zembla to Terra del Fuego as a piratical State j and her citizens would be hung as pirates upon appre hension by all civilized States and people. Well, sub stitute slaves for mules, and how is the ease altered? ! Instead of lessening the outrage upon the slave holding j States, it aggrivates it, in as much as one of the terms of the Union was the speedy delivery to his owner, by | the Several S'ates, of‘“fugitives from service or labor.” j There is some diveisiiy of opinion as to the sorest and most effectual modes of retalia ion—none whatever, so far as we know, as to the policy and necessity of it. j A writer in the Spitii of the South objects to Mr. Calhoun’s plan of directly prohibiting the introduction of Northern shipp ng and commerce into our port* on the ground that it would bring the State and Federal authorities into collision. He, however, suggests tho propriety of the passage of laws by the Southern States making it a good plea in bar to a suit in law or equity, or to a bill of indictment for pergonal injury, that the plaintiff or prosecutor was a citizen of those States in civil suits, that the consideration was merchandise pur chased or manufactured in those States, The Louisville Journal suggests that the Southern States might, by way of retaliation, pass a law declaring that, after a named day, nothing of the groth or product of Massachusetts’ soil or labor imported into the South, should be deemed the subject of larceny or rubbery, and that the stealing or robbery of no such thing should be punished within the Southern States respectively. Either of these remedies would, we believe, either cure the New England States of their fanaticism, or drive them out of the Union. The measure suggested by the Louisville Journal, though abhorent to the moral sense, is in strict conformity to the laws of Massachu setts and Vermont on the subject of slavery, and would probably prove in the end the most efficacious. If generally adopted by the Southern States, it would act as an embargo upon the foreign commerce of the of fending States. Most of their factories would be stop ped in year. Their capital and labor would be trans ferred to other States. They would be forced to fulfill their constitutional obligations to the South or see grass grow in the streets of Boston. As to the propriety of such legislation we quote and adopt the following remarks from the Louisville Jour nal : “Every man of intelligence will at once exclaim that such legislation will be a plain violation of the spirit of the Constitution, which so olearly contemplates a free inter communication between the citizens of the different States for the purposes of commerce. Granted : it is clearly so; it is as fiagraDt a violation of the spirit of the national compact as could be devised. But, in the estimation of Southern men, it is not at all more so than 1 the similar legislation of Massachusetts as to their slave property. Will she appeal to the moral sentiment of the South against an infraction of the Constitution, which, with honorable men, should be deemed as invio lable as its plain unambiguous letter ? They will taunt her with her own dereliction not only as to tho spirit but as to the plain letter of the Constitution. They will tell her that she attemps to deny to Southern men the plain right of transit through her territory for their slave property, and attempts by her legislation to disable the Federal Government from fulfilling a duty in the restitution of such property, expressly enjoined by the Constitution in the plainest and most indisputable man ner. llow fat Southern Legislatures will suffer them selves to be controlled by the mere spirit of the Consti tution, when not tied by its express language, she can judge by the conduct of her own Legislature, when guil ty of a wanton aggression and not Rtimulated, as the South will, be by a thirst for retaliatory revenge. By taking away the protection of her laws from the owner ship of slave property, and by inciting her oitizens to j the theft and robber) of such property, Massachusetts repudiates the duty es comity which she owes her sister States, and outrages the moral sense of the South just as grossly as if she had done the same thing in regard to cottou or tobacco. In the estimation of Southern men, there is no difference between the two. In a mo ral point of view, they consider the one as muoh as the other a violation of her duty, as a party to the national compact.” The Fourth ol July. The National Annivesary was celebrated by our gal lant military companies wi/h much spirit. After pa rade, the Columbus Guards, Capt. Semmes, the City j Light Guards, Capt. Colquitt, and the United Rifles, Ist. Lieutenant Wilkins, commanding, repaired to Temperance Hall, where a large %udience had already assembled, composed of both sexes. The exercises were opened with prayer by Dr. Higgins, pastor of the Presbyterian Church. Capt. Semmes then introduced to the audience, Pri vate M. 11. DeGraffenried, of the Columbus Guards, who entertained the audience in a most felioitous ad dress and read the Declaration of Independence with much force and spirit. Capt. Colquitt then introduced the orator of the day, Private J. A. Fox, of the City Light Guards. The address of Mr. Fox was very happily conceived, abound ed in beautiful thoughts, beautifully expressed, and was delivered in a most captivating style of oratory. The large audience frequently cheered both the speakers, and thus gave evidence that the spirit whioh animated their revolutionary sires still glowed in the breasts of their descendants. The ceremonies were concluded with the benedic tion. The United Rifles. The organization of this volunteer corps gives evi dence of an improving state of feeling among our mil itary men. W’e had supposed the two old companies had absorbed all the sons of mars in Columbus. Wo are glad to find that we are mistaken. The appearanoe and spirit of the United Rifles give assurance that there is abundant raw material in the city for another company. The following offioers of the new corps were elected recently : Capt. Ist Lieutenant F. G. W 7 ilkins ; 2d Lieutenant J. D. Baldwin*; 3J Lieu tenant T. P. Larus. Know Nothings nt Barnesville Ga. A private letter under date of Juue 30th says : “At this place we have a counoil of Know Nothings, crack ed up for its numbers. About the 23d, six of the mem ! bers applied for dismissal cards. Five were granted 5 one was refused. It was soon fouud out that the gen j tleman retained was joined by ten more members and such was the dismay of the Brotherhood that they took the responsibility of refusing dismissals to all the mem bers. The father of one of the young men thus held i in “bonds” hearing what was done, walked up to the j village and notified the Secretary that he had come to have his son’s card or the records and would not leave | until he had one or the other. This notice brought ’ the card in short order.” Oveiby not Coming Down. —There is a very er i roueous and unfounded report being circulated through some portions of the country, that Mr. Overby intends j withdrawing his name as a candidate. The report is utterly false. No such idea has ever entered bis head. We have the following expression from his own mouth : “There is but one party under IleaveD that coaid get me down and that is the Prohibition party.’* No doubt 1 many would willingly circulate and have tho.e who hear | believe the report, but we are happy to say, Mr. Over- j by is a man that never “takes water,’’ (spe kng after < the manner of men.)— Tempsrcnce Banner of last ‘ Saturdy. 1 —— \ Gov. .Johnson in Columbus Gvernor John cn ? will address the people of Columbus at Temper, noe Hal] j, ou Saturday, 7th inst., at 11 o’clock. The who® O'ra- ii m unity are respeotfully invited to att< nd. ° Burglary.—' The Jewelry store of Mr. Boeuffclet, on Drayton street, was forcibly entered, on Saturday afternoon, by burglars, and robbed of various articles of value. The entranoe was made by forcing one of the baok windows, in the absence of Mr. B. No trace of the offender or the goods stolen. — Sav. Jour, tj* Cour. 2nd. A. 11. Stephens’ Speech. We commence to-day the publication of the speech of A. H. Stephens, delivered at Sparta. The ballanoe will follow in due season. Rain and the River, — During the last ten, days all this section of the oountry has been visited by abundant rain. The corn crop is placed beyond danger and will be unusually abundant. It is feared that the cotton i crop will be injured if the season ia prolonged. Our river ia again in boatable order. Difficulty Settled. —We are pleased to learn that the difficulty pending between Messrs. E. C. Bullock and Henry C. Hart, and whioh was likely to result in a duel, has been settled npon terms honorable to both parties, From Washington.—What’* in tho Wind I—Resigna tion of the Commissioner of Patents—Removals, Etc. Washington, June 30,1855. Messrs. Davis, McClelland and Wilson were closeted yesterday for a long time. Wilson, you remember, was decapitated for Know Nothingism. Judge Mason, Commissioner of Patents, has positively resigned. Mr. Shugert, chief clerk of tho Patent Office, will receive the appointment. I was informed that eighteen heads were taken off’ to day at the Treasury Department. Washington, June 30 1855. The long contemplated resignation of Mr. Mason, Com missioner of Pateuts, it is said, has taken place. He will leave next Thursday for more lucrative pursuits. Mr. Blake, the new Commissioner of Public Buildings, has given bonds in the sum of $60,000, and appointed Mr. Roche, the retiring city collector, as his clerk. Mr. Crampton, the British Minister, it is understood, has taken umbrage at the administration for preventing the departure of recruits for the Crimea. Five clerks and one messenger attached to the Treaury Deparment were removed this morning, on political grounds. Washington, July 1, 1555. During the month of June, about twenty clerks, mes sengers and watchmen have been removed from the de partments for political reasons. ; Mr. Waldo, Commissioner of Pensons, has not yet de | cided as to the acceptance of the Connecticut Judgship to which he was recently elected in Connecticut. Tho Pension Office commences issuing eighty acre bounty land warrants next Tuesday. The total number of applications received for land war rants up to the present time is 182,000 ! the total number of warrants issued, 7,550. The net amount in the Tresury subject to draft is $lB.- 430,712. Personal Intelligence* A letter from Havre, dated June 1, says:—General Dix and famiiy were at Geneva on the 25th of May, journeying, by easy conveyances, to Nice. Mrs. Dix has been alarmingly ill, but she has improved slightly, and I will not despair of her recovery while there is room for hope. They talk of leaving for home in the Arago, on the 4th of July. Ex-President Van Buren and his son return, I under stand, in the Pacifio. Mrs. Van Buren remains at Vevny, with the children. Orson Hyde, one of the Mormon saints, is now in St. Louis, for the purpose, it is said, of marrying twelve more wives to whom he is affianced. The Weather in New Tork. New York, July 2. The weather in this city is intensely hot, and the ther mometer indicates a temperature of 95 deg. State Temperance Convention. —This body wiP mett at Marietta on Wednesday the 10th. After it shall have adjourned we will know whether Mr. Overby will run the race through, or decline in, behalf of some other candi date. Clerical Resignation. —We regret to learn from the Milledgeville Recorder, that the Rev. C. P. Cooper, the esteemed pastor of the Methodist Church in Milledgeville, has been compelled to resign his charge on account of ill health. The Milledgeville Recorder and the Macon nomina tion. The Recorder warmly espouses the cause of Judge An drews, and suggests that the Convention called in behalf of the Columbus movement to meet in Milledgeville on the Bth August, be converted into a great mass meeting, and that “all the friends of Southern Union and Americanism be represented on that occasion, and in the spirit of pa triotic concession and conoileation unit© their efforts.” Incident in the History of North Carolina. At the late Commencement ol the University of North Carolina an address before the Literary Societies was de livered by George Davis, of VV ilmington. His theme was “ The Early Times and Men of Lower Cape Fear.'’ The Speaker recited, during the cowre of his oration, the fol lowing thrilling and ever memorable incident in the history of the old North State. In speaking of the position of North Carolina in the great struggle lorAmerican Freedom, he said: “In the first of the year 1766, the sloop of war Dilli gence arrived in the Cape Fear, bringing the Stamps. Now look what shall happen! She floats as gaily up the river as though she came on an errand of grace, with sails all set, and the cross of St. George flaunting apeak, her can non frowning upon the rebellious little town of Brunswick, as she yawns to her anchor. People of Cape Fear, the issue is before you! The paw of the Lion is on your heads —the terrible lion of England! Will you crouch submis sively, or redeem the honor that was pledged for you? You have spoken brave words about the rights of the people have ye acts as brave? Ah! gentlemen, there were men In North Caroliaa in those days. Scarcely had the stamp ship crossed the bar, when Col. Waddell was watching her from the shore. He sent a messenger to Wilmington to his friend Col. Ashe. As she rounded to her anchor, opposite the custom house at Bruns wick, they appeared upon the shore, with two companies of friends and gallant yeomen at their backs. Beware, John Ashe!—Hutjh Waddell, take heed! Consider well,’l brave the perilous issue you dare! Remember i that armed resistance to the King’s authority is treason ! In his palace, at Wilmington, the “Wolf of Carolina” is already chafing against you; and know you not that yon der, across the water, England still keens the Tower, the Traitor’s Gate, the scaffold and the axe? Full well they knew; but They have set their lives upon a east, And now must stand the hazard of the'die. By threats of violence they intimidated the commander of the sloop, and he promises not to land his stamps. They seize the vessel’s boat and hoisting a mast and flag, mount it upon a cart and march in triumph to Wilmington. Up on their arrival the town is illuminated. Next day, with Col. Ashe, at their head, the people go in crowds"to the Governor’s house, and demand of him James Houston, the stamp master. Upon his refusal to deliver him up forth with, they set about to bum his hou.-e above his head. Ter rified, the Governor at length complies, and Houston is conducted to the market house, where, in the presence of the assembled people, he is made to take the solemn oath never to execute tne duties of his office. Three glad hur rahs ring through the old market house, and the stamp act falls still-born in North Carolina. (Cheers.) And this was more than ten years before the Declaration of Independ ence, Dine before the Battle of Lexington, and nearly eight before the Boston Tea Party. Ihe destruction of the tea was done in the night by men in disguise, and history bla zonsit, and New England boasts of it, and the fame of it is wo’-ld-wide. But this other act, more gallant and dar ing, done in the open day by well known men.jwith arms in their hands and under the King’s flag—who remembers or tells of it? When will history do justice to North Car olina! Never, till some faithful and loving son of her own shall gird his loins to the task with unwearried industry and unflinching devotion to the honor of his dear olu mother. From the Chronicle k. Sentinel. SPEECH OF MR. STEPHENS, Delivered in the Female Academy at Sparta on the 22 d June. Written out by him and published at the re quest of several of those who heard it. , Fellow Ci\izens—Ladies and Gentlemen: Upon the invitation of some of the people of your county, 1 appear before you to-day, to speak upon the questions which now engage public aitention. This announcement is notice quite sufficient, without further exordium of the topics up on which your hearing is solicit'd. “Know Nothingism,” or Americanism,” as it is now styled, is the subject But before entering into its consideration, as I intend to do, l feel it to be duo, no lers to you thaw myself, to say some thing in reply to certain rumors which have b 3n put in cir culation in your community about me,and what I have said on other occasions; the country is now lull of such and other like rumors; they have all doubtless been u-ed, if not originated, with a view to prejudice your minds against me. It has, for the instance, been reported, as I have been in formed, that 1 said “I would rather go to Hell with a Ca tholic on on my back, than to Heaven with a Know .Noth ing.” All 1 have to reply to this is, 1 never said it! — Again, it has been reported that I said that there was not “an honest man belonging to the American party.” To this I have simply to reply, I never said it! On the con trary, you have all seen it from uuder my own hand, that some of the best men in the State, in my opinion, and the best friends I had on earth, were in the order. How could I then, with this declaration, say or assert that no honest man was in the order? Nor do I look upon such men as a “scurvy set,” as is intimated by Melancthon, an anonym mous writer from this place, in the (chronicle i* Sentinel. I look upon them as good men,but “unwittingly” misled ; with honest motives, misled. And all that I have said and shall say today to all such, who may hear me. is with the viev\ r of showing them their errors, and not ‘for personal offence. I have, and would talk to all such not only as ! friends, but brothers; and I would act towards them just as I would towards a brother suffering and even rolling in frenzy, under some fell bodily disease, caught from the un seen malaria that floats through the atmosphere in the seasons of plague and pestilence. It is with this -spirit I have spoken and shall continue to speak on this subject, let my Jriends think of me as they may.’ But again, I see it slated in an article published in the Chronicle <fc Sentinel, over the same signature of Melanc thon, that the wiiter had understood that in my “speech at Crawfordville, I had said, that all or nearly all the preach ers in the Georgia Methodist Conference were Know No things,” and that I must consider them all as belonging to ; the same “scurvy” set. Now, who Melancthon is may be ; known to you or some of you. He has not made himself j known to the public in these assaults against me. He cho- | ses to “shoot,” not “spout” at me in the dark, as I said in j Augusta. But I believe it is sufficiently conceded by the ! “knowing ones,” to warrant me in assuming that Dr. Pen- ! dleton, of your place, is the author. I shall 60 consider 1 him. He may be present, for aught I know. If so, I say ; to him, and to you, that this report, as the others, is utterly ! without foundation. In my speech at Crawfordville, 1 did : uotsay one word about Methodist preachers,or the General j Conference. In Warrenton, where this report has been circulated as it has been here, (being now given to the world to make a lodgment where the refutation may, per haps, never go) I gave the same denial Ido now. 1 stated in Warrenton, as 1 do now, that while I had made no men- ‘ tion of Methodist Preachers, or any other Protestant de- i nomination in my speech at Crawfordville, or speech else- ! where; yet I believed that many Preachers of all the de- i nominations were members of the order, but for the honor of Protestantism and for the sake of religion and good j morals, as well as their own sacred calling, I trusted they j did not give countenance to that general system of equivo cation, deception and lying which marked the progress ol the Order, and which was bringing truth tnto disrepute,and Christianity itself into disgrace. And does Melancthon or anybody else deny that such \ has been the general effect of the Institution wherever it has ! taken foothold? I have not sail, nor do I now say, that all ; the members of the order do thus equivocate and deceive. I have, and do distinctly affirm that many do not, but that great numbers do; and that from the rise of the order, this system of deception and evasion, or call it what you may, has marked its progress. Can any one deny it? You all know it is true. And if I but tell you what your conscien ces assure you is true, and anybody takes offence at it, it is not mo but the truth that offends all such. Let us look at this thing a little, and consider it calmly and dispassionate- < ly, in cool judgment—for Ido not wish to address you in the language or tone even of passion. Is there a parent ‘ here, a father or mother, in this large assembly, who would not chastise a child for such prevarication, equivocation and deception as that practised by thousands of this Order? and : which may be considered one of its leading charac teristics, at least up to the present timo. If you should in such case “spare the rod,” you would most certainly “spoil the child.” The brightest gem in the aggregation of vir tues which adorn human character, is truth. The parent who neglects this principle in the tender years of his off spring, may not be surprised to see those, who should be a stay, a solace and an honor in his old age, bringing his grey hairs down in sorrow to the grave. Is there a master here who would not punish his slave lor such deception ? Is there a ‘Know Nothing’ master here who would not ? You know there is not. And if there bo one of the Order here who has thus deceived his neighbor, he knows that for a like offence against himself, he wouid punish his slave —yea, he would whale him. Fellow citizens, you may put down Cathodes by such means—you may put down foreigners by such means—but by the same means you will bow Dragon’s teeth broadcast in the land. t Another matter of difference between Melancthon and myself, which I may as well here notice,relates to the Jac obin Clubs. I stated that the Society which afterwards was known as the Jacobins, was organized under the spe cious name of“the friends of the Constitution.” In this he undertook to correct me. He says their first name was “the friends of the Revolution.” I gave my authority, Thiers, the French Historian. He produces the Ameru can Encyclopaedia as his, and says that “analogy is very much against the statement of M. Thiers.” I think veiy differently. Apart from his being a Frenchman and one of their greatest writers, the circumstances, facts and events of that period, go far, in my opinion, to sustain him. This Society was instituted on the 6th November, 1789. This was soon after the Constitution was formed, which Louis XVI swore to support. Revolution had not then shown its head. It was not until the 21st September, 1792, after the imprisonment of the King, that the “Proclamation of the Republic” was made. That is when the Revolution was openly avowed. The same society which at first, as we have it in Thiers, styled themselves “the friends ofthe Con stitution,” may then have assumed the new name of “the friends of the Revolution.” This may, indeed, be consider ed by many as a matter of no great importance, but I al lude to it to show that, even in this very small matter, both by weight of authority and “analogy” I was light. And yet, after all, perhaps more importance should be given to | ll than at fii>t might appear proper. It shows with what I specious objects men may set out sometimes and what dif j lerent results they accomplish. “The irienes ofthe Con j stitution” was quite as specious a party name for good and | , ™ e v.renchmeu at that day, as “Americans shall rule America is lor good and true citizens of this country at this time. But it is said again and again, by Melanthon and others, that our people can never do ass renchmen did that the standard of virtue is too high with us; and that I have done great injustice to my own countrymen in sup posing it possible that they could ever be the perpetrators of such outrages as the Jacobins were. If any person has j been offended by my reference to the Jacobin clubs—or by any remark I made about them which is considered harsh m their application to similarly constituted secret political I i societies in this country, let me ask him to hear and consid jer what Washington said of just such societies—this will j be particularly appropriate at this time, as his great name, I 111 *ny opinion, has been most impiously invoked to give aid ; and comfort to the present organizations. The‘Know No ! things’ are not the first secret political organization at tempted to be instituted in this country. An association ol this sort was founded r in Philadelphia during the Ad ministration of Washington. The reason or “motive as signed for it,” says Marshall, in his life of Washington, j trom wnich book I read, was, “An anxious solicitude lor the preservation of freedom, the very existence of which was menaced by a ‘European Confederacy transcendent in rower and unparalelled in inquity.’” How very like the reason or motive which is now assigned for the present as sociation; then people were asked'to organize in secret against a “European Confederacy transcendent in pow er and unparalelled in inquity .” Now they are called op 2V n „." a ? < r t( i° r 2&Diz,e; against “Foreign Influence,” and the Church of Rome ol “transcendent power and un paralelled iniquity.” The organization thus constituted “on i the model, Marshall says, “of the Jacobin club in Paris ” appointed a ‘ corresponding committee to give moreexten- j sive operation to their labors, and through whom they W ?u- communicate with other societies, wliich might be established on [similar principles thronghout the United states. l hus the machinery was set going—on the Jaco model—that is secresy— with associations and corresponding committees—spreading their net work ! and spider meshes all over the land, under the ver y specious ‘ design _as avowed, of preserving freedom, the very exist ence of winch was menaced or endangered by a “ Euro pean Confederacy, transcendent in power , and unvoral elled in iniquity.” Now what I aTk you to do is to hs ten, and hear what Vi ashington said of fthese secret volit teal societies started in Philadelphia in his dav and wh I* he was President. He did not fail to bring S existence KSSSiJU, ZyT™ ‘ Dd * tte “ Uon -Our anxiety, analog from the licentious and open re. sistance to the ljyvs in the western counties of P nn -1 vanio has been inoreased by the prooeedin ga of'certain self-created sccieties relative to the laws and administra tion of the government : proceedings, in our apprehen sion, founded in political error, calculated, if not intend ed, to disorganize tur government, and which, by whis pering delusive hopes of support, have been instrumental in misleading our citizens in the scene of insurrection.” In a letter to General I*ee,of the 26th August, 1793 which I have before me, he uses these words : “That.these societies (alluding to the same) were insti ted by the artful and designing members, (many of their body, I have no doubt, mean well, but know but little of the real plan,} primarilary to sow the seeds of jealously and distrust among the people of the govern ment by destroying all confidence in the administration of it; and that these doctrines have been budding ever aince, is not new to-any one who is acquainted with the character of their loaders, and has been attentive to thir manoevres. I early gave it as my opinion, to the confi dential characters around me, that if these societies were not counteracted, [not by persecution, the only ready way to make them grow stronger,] or did not fall into dises teem from the knowledge of their otigin and the views with which they had been instituted by their father Genet, for purposes well known to the Government, they would shake the Government to its foundation. Time and cir cumstance have confirmed me in this opinion, and I deeply regret the probable consequence?, not as they will affect me personally, [lor I have Jnot long to act on this theatre, and sure I am, that not a man among them can be more anxious to put me aside than I am to sink into the profoundest retirement,) but because I see under popular guises the m st,diab jlical attempts to destroy the best fabric of human government and happiness that has ever been presented to the acceptance of mankind.” This letter and these sentiments I commend to the sober consideration of every one who bears me. Have 1 ever said anything stronger or harsher against the dan ger to be apprehended from these secret political societies that we now have, than the Father of his Country said against very similarly organ : zed bodies in his day ? He ‘‘deeply regretted the probable consequences” of them in his day, not as they would “affect him personally [and so I can say with perfect truth as recards myself,) but because lie saw under popular and fascinating guises, the most diabolical attempts to destroy the best fabric of human government and happiness that has ever been presented to mankind ! Fellow citizens,if this language is harsh or strong,it is not mine. It is the language of him who was “first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” Lis ten to the words, then, as not coming from me—hear them as the warning of one who, though dead, yet from the grave speaketh. But it is said that the same objec tions will apply with equal force to all other secret socie ties, such es Ma?ons, Odd Fellows, Sons of Temperance, &c. Not so. The objections I urge, apply solely to te cret political societies. When men pssooiate for objects of charity or other purposes, which relate only to thtni sei, nobody else hrs’ -my interest in knowing their coun cils ; but when they combine to adopt measures which may affect the live?, liberty or property of others, all others whose righ's may be affected by their councils, have a right to know what they are about, Political so cieties are thoce which seek to get control of the Gov ernment, by which every man’s life, liberty, and proper ty may be affected. This is a distinction that Washing, ton made himself. Ftr at the close of the war of tho Revolution, several of the officers—he amongst the num ber—formed a society known as the Cincinnati Society. It was an association of friendship and charity ; and by means of which, lh< ‘e who had been so long together in the scenes of war, might be annually brought together in some fraternal way to enjoy the blessings of peace. It had nothing to do with polices So far from it, and so averse was Washington to all such political societies, on the bare suspicion being entertained that it might become an engine in political conte-ts, that upon the first meet ing of the Cincinna i Society, of which he had been cho sen President, he recommended its di&bandonment, which was virtually done. Mr. JefF.rson also recognized this line of distinction betwen bare private assoei itions and political societies.— This he did in a letter of his which I have before me, written on the 6th March, 1822. To this letter I ask special attention. It wr • written in answer to one pro posing to him to become a member of a society for the civilization and improvement of the Indian Tribes. The society had a charitable object ; it was not 6<cret either ; but when looking intoj its constitution, he discovered a “maohine ol gigantio stiture.” It looked in the details of its operations towards a connection with politics. It was this which caused him to refuse it liis countenance ©r membership. He says : “That the plan now proposed is entith and to unmixed ap probation, I am not prepared to say, after mature consid eration, and with all the partialities which its professed object w’ould rightfully claim from me. I shall not under i take to draw the line of demarkation between private as sociations of laudable v ews and unimposing numbers, and thc -e whose magnitude may vitalize and jeopardize the march of regular Government. Yet such n line does ex ist. I have S’ en the days—they were those which pre ceded the Revolut ‘on, —when eveu this last and perilous engine became necessary, but they were days which no man would wish to see a second time. That was the case when the regular authorities of ihe Government bad combined against the rights of the people, and no means of correction remained to them but to organize a collateral power which, with their support, might rescue and secure their violated rights But such is not the ease with our Government. We need hazard no collateral power which by a change of its original views and assumption of others, we know not how virtuous or how mischievous , would be ready organized, and in force sufficient to shake tho established foundations of society, and endanger its peace and the principles on which it is based. * * * * It will be said that are imaginary fears. I know they are .? at pre: mt; I know it is impossible for these agents of our choice, and unbounded confidence,to harbor machinations against the adored principles of our Consti tution as for gravity to charge its direction and for graved bodies to mountg upwards—the fears are indeed imagi nary ; but the example is real—under its authority as a precedent future associations will arise w T iih objects at which we should shudder at this time.” (Now mark what follows.) “I he Society of Jacobins in another country was instituted on principles and views as virtuous as ever Kindled, the hearts of patriots It was the pure patriot ism of their purposes w’bich extended their association to the limits of the nat’on and rendered their power within it boundless ; and it was this power which degenerated their principles and practices to such enormities as never before could have been imagined. Yet these were men and we and our descendants will be no mere. The pres ent is a case, where, if ever we are to guard against our selves; not against ourselves as we are , but as we may be ; for who can now imagine what we rnay become un der circumstances not now imaginable ?**>:* vireuiiifciauces doi now imaginable ? * * *. * | * h . ese considerations have impressed my mind with force so irresistible, that (in duty bound to answer your polite letter without which J should not have obtruded an opm j ion; I have not been able to withhold the expression of | them. Not knowing the individuals who have prrpo.ed j this plan, 1 cannot be conceived as entertaining personal , disrespect for them. On the contrary, I see in the print ed list persons for whom 1 cherish sentiments of sincere j friendship;—and others, for whose opinions and purity of ! £ ur P;* e * have tbe . hi g h t respect. Yet, thinking as I do, that tnis association is unnecessary—that the govern ment is proceeding to the same object under the control ot the law; that they ar e compel* nt to it in wisdom in means, and in inclination ; that this association, this wheel wit in a wheel, is more likely to produce collision than lam KnrniT * “ . ma^nitude of dangerous example, lam bonnd to say, that as a dutiful citizen, I cannot, in conscience, become a member of tins society ; possessing 8s Undoes, my enfre confidence in the integrity of its views. * , , ‘ e P ea > therefore, my just acknowledgments ■or the honor propc and to me, I beg leave to add the assurances to the society and yourself of my highest confi. denoe and consideration.”— Thos. Jefferson. In this l e |ter it will be seen Mr. Jefferson ackr.oiclcd g’es a line of distinction between private associations and political societies. And especially su. has may rival the (government in their magnitude and power. lie thought too, that such might be restored to in times of Revolu;l>n, but only in such cases. He refused to commit himself with the one prop->sed, though it possessed his entire confidence in the integrity of its views, bare'v because of tbe danger that might result from the concen trated power of suchaa organization and because of the example. What he says of the Jacobins I would espe cially conmend to the calm reflection of all who boast so much of tbe high standard of virtue in this country, which