Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

(Limtz avfo ftmtincL (•QLUMBFS, GEORGIA FRIDAY MORNING, JU..Y 20 1855. FOR GOVSRNOR IIERSCIIEL V. JOMLON, iOR CONGBESJ- I*t I>itiictJa*nes jL. Sewa and, of Thomas. 2j f ** M. J- Cranford,of 31 uscosee* 3J. “ f James JH Smith, of fpson. • Hiram Warner, of Meriwether 3th “ Jno. I/. Lumpkin. 6th “ lloxvell Cot b, ol Clarke. --- - ii “Nullificat uu in Georgia.” In the ‘ace of the “C Vnmbus movement,” and when the Know Nothing pre of Geotgia were in full crj upon the Democratic patty as a submission party, be Oause it refused to cut otl all connection with those good and true men at the North who stood by the South ot. the Nebraska Kansas act, Governor Johnson wrote us ns follows; “1 predict that in less than 30 days the Know Nothing press will be down on us in full cry as dit unionists, in order to frighten Union men.” The ink was hardly dry before the Savannah Republican raised the cry. It was not echoed back by the Know Nothing press in other parts of the Staie—the Columbus move ment waa not theu dead—but every act of that party since, gives assurance that the Governor’s prediction will be verified before the canvass ckses. Upon nr other supposition can we account for the nomination of such a man as Garnett Andrews as the candidate of the party for Governor of Georgia in this crisis in our affairs. Tins by the way. The caption ot tins article heads a leader in the JiurnaloJ Commerce , of July oth, in which not only is Governor Johnson taken to task for his letter upon the Georgia Platlorm, but the solemn resolves of the peo pie of Georgia in Convention ussembled are treated with sovereign contempt; the right of Georgia, in any event, to dissolve the ties that bind her to the Union is emphatically denied ; the “proclamation” is insultingly Jung in her face; and she is told that if she dares to go out of the Union, ‘ the faithful States” must “bring her back, peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must.” Brave words, gentlemen, very brave words. God for bid that Georgia should ever be driven to the alterna tive of pulling her r-Boives into exeeu.ion. But if Con gress shall, by a reckless disregard of constitutional obli gations, fo.ee her to dissolve the ties that bind her to the Union, there is not power enough in ail the States Coimjiied to whip her back inio the Uuion, She bas within her limits 150,(HO sons capable of bearing arms, not on • of whom would hesitate to oppose the world in arms at the command of her sovereign power. Execu tive proclamations have no terror for Georgians. They have heard tho thunders of Washington before, but the Treaty was executed, Tassels was hung, and Worcester was inoa-oersted in the walls of her Penitentiary. These silly threats, Georgia and her people despise. But we deprecate more than we fear armed legions the false lotfic by whiuh so respectable n paper as the Jour nal of Commerce attempts to build up a central despot ism in these States, around which the sovereign States of this confederacy shall play as planets around a sun ; and to them we propose to devote a small space. These arguments we shall notice .and refute in their older. The Journal of Commerce assumes that the United States a> e one people and not a federation of States. It attempts to establish this old federal heresy by asserting Ist, that the Declaration of American Independence was “the act of the people in their united capacity.” The editor is siugularly ignorant of the facts of this eventful period in our history. Does he not know that the delegates from each of the old thirteen acted under instructions from their own people ? Does ho not know that the “declaration” was delayed for a conside rable space of time because the Pennsylvania delegation were not agreed os to tho propriety of the measure ? But it is useless to waste words upon this point. We copy from the proceedings of Congress: Monoxr, July I, 1774. “A resolution of the Convention of Maryland, passed the 28th of June, was laid before Cougress and read,” containing the following instructions to their deputies in Congress : “That the deputies of said colony , or any three or more of them, be authorized and empowered to concur with the other uuited colouies, or a majority of them , iu declaring the united colonies free and iude pendent States,” &c. It is clear then that the Mary land deputies acted for Maryland alone under instruo lions from Maryland alone 5 and the idea that they oould set for any “other colony 5 ’ is excluded by the fact that they were to concur with (not to act for) the other uniteJ colonies. They were also instructed to declare the united colonies “free and independent States. >f This also is the language of the declaration. These words imply a preservation of State boundaries and States rights. If the object had been to make a con solidated people, the delegates would have been in structed to declare “the united colonies a free and in dependent State, empire or nation.” And the facts correspond with this view of the subject. The States were independent of each other and each for itself en tered the confederation that was afterwards found, as we shall hereafter show. The Journal of Commerce next trios to prove that the United States are one consolidated people because, it says, the articles of confederation are styled “articles of confederation and perpetual union/’ and “the repre sen tatio* 8 soletnly plight and engage” the faith of their respective constituencies “that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the union shall be perpetual.’’— Well what of it? U not the “perpetual union” refer red to, the uniou of the States as confederates? and nut ;f the peuple as a consolidated mass ? The ques tion is too plain for comment. And now to recur to the first preposition. If the Declaration of Independence made the people of che United States one people , by what authority do the representatives of the several States in these artio!--* of confederation plight and engage the faith of tbcir respective constituencies ? The words imply that eaoh separate delegation acted for their own States ex* olusively. And so the facta prove. The articles of eonfederation were agreed to by the delegates of the 13 original Slates iu Congress assembled, subject is the ratification of the Legislatures of the several Sta Us. Eight States ratified them on the 9th July, 1778, but all did not ratify them nntil the Ist March, 1781, nearly three years afterwards. Up to this time I. is clear that the United States were free and iude* pendent States and that the people of the United States were not one people The perpetual onion then form ed, was 6itnply a confederation of States. And this is B ill more clearly manifested from tne fact that the pres* ent constittntiou was adopltd by each State for itself.— The constitution went into operation on the 4th March, i7B9.it having been ratifi and t>y 11 States. Two States. North Carolina and Rhode Ifilaad. ratified it afterward* w , , and were admitted into “the more perfect Union and so far were oar fathers from holding that the United States were one people at that day, that they extended the laws, passed before their admefiou, over those new members of the Union by special acts. So far the argument cf the Journal of Commerce is wholy destitute of plausibility. But says the Journal , “the peoplo of tho United Slates, in Convention, adopt ed the present constitution: “the people, not of the States, but of the United States, —the “one people” — did this aet; and that it might be understood who they were, and in what capacity thoy acted, they described themselves, and declared their object in the first sen tence of the constitution, which commences thus: “Wo, the people of the United State?, in order to form a more perfect union/’ &c. Now it is a eufficieut answer to this argument to say that this language was used before the constitution was adopted. “The constitution had not been adopted, and tho States, in urging it, could only speak of themselves iu the condition in which they then existed, and not in that in which they would exist under the constitution.” The fact that after the constitution had been adopted by the convention that framed it, it had no vitality un til it was ratified by the States separately, each acting for itself, and that even after it was ratffied by’ eleven States it had no power iri the limits of the two that did not ratify it until two yeara had elapsed and then only by their separate ratifications, shows beyond all contro versy that the adoption of the constitution was not the act of the one people of the United Slates, but the sepa rate act of the States. But the constitution itself shows that the people of *he States were united under it as States and not as individuals. The seventh article pro vides that “the ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment cf this constitution between the States so ratifying the same” Yes, between the States, not the people of the States; and between tbe States so ratifying it and not the whole people of the United States. It is clear, therefore, that the union is a federal union of States and not a consolidated government. This view of the American union is still further proven by tho 10th ameedmet which provides that “the powers not dele gated to the United States by the constitution, nor pro hibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to tho people ” Now so far as these reserved powers are concerded, the State* are clearly independent of each other as well as of the Federal Government. So far as they are concerned, the States have the same powers as if theae were no union. No branch of the Federal Government has any right to touch them, or to define them. In respect to them the State is unquestionably sovereign, aud it is as much bound to protect her citixens in the enjoyment of them as any other independent nationality. The Supreme Court of tho United States cannot reach them ; its power is confined to that class of questions which arise under tho constitution, laws and treaties of the United States. Congress cannot decide upon them. The po-v ----t*r of Coagres* is limited by the constitution. They are States’ R ghts and for their maintenance the States alone are competent. And hence the Virginia resolu tions, which are part and parcel of the creed of the na tional Democracy, li -Id “that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise (by the Federal Gov ernment) of other powers not granted by tho said com pact (the constitution) the States, who are parties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound , to en terprise for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authori ties, rights and liberties appertaining to them.” Acting upon this high authority, the Georgia Ccn | venlioa of 1850, representing the sovereignty of the State, adjudged that “the refusal of Congress to admit aa a State any Territory hereafter applying, because of the existence of slavery therein,” was a case of adelibe rate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by the constitution ; aud resolved to resist its exercise even to a “dessolution of every tie that binds the State of Georgia to the Union.” Appre hending the exercise of this unconstitutional power by Congress in the rejection of Kansas, Governor Johnson has expressed his purpose to bring tho subject before the next Legislature and to recommend to Georgia to adhere to her Piatform. For this he is charged by the Savannah Republican , with an anxiety “to pre cipitate the horrors of disunion upon the country.” The Journal of Commerce takes up the cry aud “is reluc tant to believe that the Governor’s chances of re-election are likely to be at all increased, by the utterance of disunion sentiments and the contrivance of plans to car ry them into effectand to prepare the peoplo of Georgia for a bas© abandonment of her solem pledges, we are insultingly told that “the benefits and blessings of the Union would neither be less sensibly felt, nor less highly appreciated, by the people of Massachusetts or of Georgia, if Kansas were to come into the Union with or without slavery.” And for fear that this argu ment would not be conclusive with men whose fathers precipitated all the horrors of war upon the country be cause the peoplo of Boston did not chose to pay a tax of two penoe upon tea, we are threatened with the ar my and navy of the United States by a gentleman from Long Island, whose ancestors, we have no doubt, took British protection in the war of the revolution ! Will the people of Georgia quail before the threats of her foes? Will they abandon a faithful public servant because he has proven true to tbe great trust confided to his hands? Come- op, Georgia Platform men; the Governor is fighting upon yonr line. Come up, South ern Rights men ; your long looked for hour bas come. Georgia has raised the banner of resistance to uncon ! stitutional legislation ; let uo carry it in triumph, or gal i lantly fall with our feet to the foe. There must be no backing now. A firm and unblushing front wiil save our rights in the Union or—out of it. Montgomery Advertiser A State Gazette. Messrs. Brittan and Blue, ths enterprising proprietors of this sterling Democratic paper, havo procured the I assistance cf B. 11. DcWitt, Esq., of Richmond, Va., lin the editorial department. Mr. DeWitt was, for i years, 00-editor of the Richmond Examiner . one of ! the strongest papers m the Union, and, it is said, eoo* 1 tributed much to give it its high character. We wel come him to the extreme South, as a valuable co-laborer iu the Democratic oau*e. Having oontributee to the triumph of sound principles in the old Dominion and participated in the victory of the gallant Wise over the knights of the dark lantern, he has reached Alabama in time to strike many killing blows in the contest now raging there and will be rewarded by a victory more “crowning” than has yet been w'on by the South - ern Democracy. Know Nothing Nominee for Congrtw*. A tclagraph despatch, we learn, has been received in this city, which announces the taot that the K. N. Convention, which assembled in Aroericne or the 18th inst , nominated Willis A. Haw kins of Sumter as the candidate of the Order for Congress. Poor fellow, we arc sorry for him. It will be poor pay for the labor and e?penes of canvassing 18 counties to be left at borne, Decisions of the Supreme Court* We understand that the Supreme Ceurt, now inees eion at Amerieus, on Tuesday last (17th) confirmed the decision of the Superior Court of this county, in the case of The Slate vs. David Wright charged with tbe murder of Alex. M. Robinson. Tbe same tribunal, we learn, has refused also to grant anew trial in the case of tbe Negro boy, belonging to Messrs. Pitts & Hatcher of this city, who v.’aa found guilty of tbe mur der of his fellow servant. They will be re-sentenced, and another day set apart for their execution, by Judge M orrill, at an ad journed term of the Superior Court ou the first Mon day in August next. —Columbus Enquirer. Fourth District. The District Convent”on of tbe American Parly which assembled at Ncwnan on tbe 12th inst., wo un derstand, nominated Benj. H. Hill, Esq., of Troop county, as a candidate for Cougress from tbe 4th Dis trict. The Columbus Movement.—There was attempt last week to get up a meeting of the friends of the Colum bus Movement, for the purpose of determining what should be done with it—but alas 1 if it ever had an> friends the greater part of them took their departure with the nomination of Andrews as the Know Nothing candidate for Governor—there were not] more than fifteen or twenty who attended—not enough to give if the appearance of life, nor even a deoeat burial. The few who weie present dispersed without organizing.— Corner Stone. A Lot or Rich, Ripe Fruit.—We aro indebted to Charles A. Peabody, of tbe Soil of the South, fora basket of peaches, juicy, and sweet, for a basket of pears, mellow and nice, for a basket of strawberries, rater smali for want of water, and anew variety of musk melon which those who helped eat pronounced more highly flavored than any they had ever tasted. It is called the “Christina.” 1 Accident on the Central Rajlroad.—Od the morning of the 18th inst., the passenger train ran ofl the track and several oars were smashed. The engi necr was seriously Injured and several passengers bruis ed. The accident oocurred within 5 1-2 miles of Ma eon. On the same morning two freight trains oame in collision near Milieu. Much damage was done. j Ocean Steamers from Boston. —We see that tbe ; “solid men of Boa-on’’ have commenced a movement : for the building of five first class steamships to ply be i tween Boston and Liverpool direct. Tho Bostonians | ray that if they had a direct line of steamships to So | rope they conld do all the carrying trade for Canada under the new reciprocity treaty ; and that as Boston is nearer to Liverpool by a day’s journey, tho new lino would get all the Southern travel that now goes to New York. Mr. Donald M’Kay thinks he can buikl vessels to cross tho Atlantic in eight days. A coin mit-tee of 36 gentlemen were appointed to solicit sub scriptions for the new line. Democratic Prospects in Upper Georgia.. —We have been shown a letter from a distinguished gentle man in Cherokee, representing the political sky as bright and brightening in ail that region. Lumpkin and Cobb, tho Democratic candidates for Congress, art addressing the people at every point, and Know Noth ‘ ings everywhere, Whig and Democrat are abandoning in disgust file odious order into which they were un wittingly seduced. In Floyd county alone, where a large number of De mocrats had joined the oath-Wound society, over one hundred have withdrawn, and others are determined to foliow suit at an early day. The writer, who is well advised as to the precise state of feeling among the people, declares that by the first Monday in October, not a corporal’s guard will have been left behind, and that we shall sweep thr mountain districts overwhelmingly.— West Point Bea con. Gov. Johnson in Randolph. Randolph County, Ga., July 16, 1855. Messi's. Editors: —l was in Cuthbert on Saturday tht 14th inst, where I had the extreme gratification of hear ing Governor Johnson address the people. He took the stand, which waa erected in a fine grove near the village, about 11 o’clock, and made a lengtbly, able and all con vincing speech. With great power and clearness be de monstrated that the Democratic party was the only orn in the country that took the true ground, by which the Union might be preserved, and the South,at the same time, maiataiu her rights and honor; and that it was the only true, safe Republican party in the United States. As with a pencil of light, he portrayed the enormity, the anti‘Republican, anti'American and proscriptive prin ciples of Know Nothingiam. He sent terror and dismay to the hearts of its advocates. He bearded the beast in its lair, and showed that it was seeking most insidiously to devour our civil and religious liberty. He was inter rupted by frequent and loud applause. The glorious De mocracy and anti Know Nothings left the stand at tbe close ol the speech with their strength resumed, and their faith in the justness and soundness of their Republican doctrines, built up and more thoroughly established. An excellent and abundant barbacue was prepared and par taken ot by the people w ith great relish. At night, by previous a full meeting wae j held in the Methodist Chapel. It was first addressed by | Hon. T. L. Guerrv, our candidate for the State Senate, jHe made a chaste and forcible speech. He was followed ;by Col. Kiddoo, in an earnest, zealous and effective ! speech. Then Governor Johnson again took the stand I and addressed the audience. His appeals were even more , ! powerful, if possible, than ip. the day. In thunder-tones, I ho called upon Democrats inside and out of the dark ian* - • tern order, and upon independent Republican Whigs • i everywhere, to shun it as they would the quicksands and j I pestilence of death. Surely there never were more *io i quent and touching appeals made by any orator, on ar.y * occasion in Georgia than he made to the people, warning j them against threatening danger, sad in favor of freedom ; of speech, freedom of voting and freedom fc ef religious opinion. I would to Goi, every traoioa of Georgia could have heard him ! Fear aud trembling have seized upon the hearts and consciences of the j-ocs of darkness in this country. The tide is turning against them. Tb*ir days are almost numbered. They are beg n;ng to break the chains of despotism, and to come out into the “light and liiiYity ”of freemen. Already some 15 or 26 bare with drawn from them in*this county, and the err is “still they come.” The political heart of South-wesurn Georgia i begins to beat in the piaco--ifs blood h? being'purified.— ] Fresmen wiil b<e free F>*ht3. [COMMUNICATED.] Cuthbeit aiai ns Luvirong. We were amuse f an 1 delighted some day3 ago, by a visit to this beautiful inlaud village. Never has it been our good fortune to witness a commencement or literary exhibition, with so many attractions of nature, art and beauty, crowded into so narrow a Compaq of time and place. This village is situated near the 32 deg. of north latitude, about the centre of Randolph county, and twen ty-five milea from Eufaula, aad takes its name from a dis guished former Representative of Georgia in the United States Senate. The site is picturesque and healthy, sur rounded by a rich and fertile country. A high hill—wash ed on several sides by rivulets, ruuning off in gentle undu lations many hundred yards lo the northward, terminated toward the south and north-east, by steep declivities, and stretching away westward in a level ,broaen by only two in dentations—constitutes the physique natural of this charm ing locality. Os the business part of the town it is noi our purpose to speak particularly. Wo will say, nowevei, that the court house is not situated in the highest part ot the town, nor in the present centre, (suburbs included) b-1 on a level plat of ground in the southern part. It is su;- rounded by a public square of considerable dimensions. On the perimeter of the latter, there are two hotels and many stores. I. reference to the former, we will only soy that our landlord of the “Brooks House” is accommoda ting and polite, and that his tables are furnished with tie choicest products of the culinary art. We understood that the proprietor of the Planter’s Hotel is equally enterpris ing and hospitable. The stores are amply furnished whh select assortments, and neatly kept. We have not ce> n j more polite or attentive salesmen iu any village. In short, f we regard this as one of the finest villages in this part cf I the State. And, considering the politeness and intelligence of its citizens, it bids fair to become the metropolis of arts, the seat of learning of that interesting section of countiy between the Flint and Chattahoochee rivere—the Athens of South-Western Georgia. On Wednesday morning, the 27th ult., to the Commencement exercises of “Andrew Female College,” we enjoyed a delightful drive around tho north-west par of the town —up the Lumpkin road—thence by the *'Bap j tiat Female College,” (a”handsome edifice, and a menu mint of praise to its foundors) through the modern vilage •f Villa Nova: during which we saw many splendid private residence?, of various and beautiful architecture, surround ed and adorned by fine and tasteful flower gardens. But it is by the cultivation of immortal flowers that Cuthbert is winning for herscif a deathless name. The “Southern Baptist Female College” located here, has been in full op eration several years. The Andrew Female College has been in operation one year ar.d a half. The main building —a fine Doric edifice—ht;s ju£t been completed, together with a spacious chapel, the work of which is far enough advanced for conducting the ordinary exercises. These two institutions, devoted to female education, and a spa cious Mala College, now building, •onstitute the materiel of this praiseworthy work. We attended a part of the ex amination of the Andrew Female College, together with the Concert and Senior Exhibition,f and ;*witnessed the ex animation of . Senior Class in Moral Philosophy, with which we were highly pleased. From report, we under stood that ihe same class acquitted themselves in Plane Trigonometry to the delight and admiration of the entire audience. The Concert on Tuesday evening was a giand affair. As the voices of the interesting group, “rolled back the sound of anthems,” or swelled to the national chorus, we couid not help imagining the mother of a Wesley train ing her son in piety, or the Spartan teaching the love ot country. One Temperance hymn by the Primary Class was particularly fine. Wo thought that he- who could not learn temperance from aueh Sips, must be made of “sterner stuff” than ourseh. Tiro melodies of song became inspi ration when wafted from “ruby Hip*,” ana enhanced by cheeks “that have stolen tho deep carnation of the deathlew rose.” The Senior # Exhibitiou was numerously attended There were five graduates who closed their college curri culeitm amid the admiration of a delighted audience, anc gave their last farewell to their school-mates amid shower; of tears. Then followed tha conferring of degrees and Baccalaureate by the President— an ablo effort. After wards a literary address by Maj. Allen, full of sound argu ment and beautiful imagery. Then a financial address by Rev. Weyman H. Potter; in response to which $2-0 were laid upon the Secretary’s table—after which the concourse broke up, better in head and heart, than ? when they came. So it was at least with ANON. Convention in Missouri. Lexington, (Missouri) July 12. The pro-Blavery Convention was largely attended to day. The {speeches were inflammatory, and much ex citement existed. Resolutions were introduced calling upon the Legislature to discriminate against the pro ducts of Massachusetts, Vermont and Michigan.—— Messrs. Atchison and Doniphan were present, but de clined speaking. From Washington. Washington, July 14, 3855. Mr. Waldo has decided to accept the Judgship of the Supreme Court of Connecticut, and will retire from his office, as Commissioner of Tensions, on the first of next month. Mr. Wheeler. Nicaragua Minister, leaves Washington to-morrow for New York, and will sail in the next etcum er for Central America. The Sinr asserts that the government has received in. formation of the kind reception of Major Mordeeai and Capt. McClelland by the British government, and says they have not been refused the liberty of visiting Sevas topol. The Foreign Legion Case at Cincinnati. Cincinnati, July 14, 1855. The United States Commissioner, to*day, in the case of j enlisting troops for the Crimea, held Consul Rowecroft in • the sum of $2,000, Messrs. Turnbull and Hamilton in : SI,OOO each, and Captain Pauhner on his own reeogni i zance, to appear before the United States Court to answer : !to the charge. Captain McKay, the agent of the British j government, was too sick to appear before the Commis sioner, and his friend? gave the r< quired security for him. ; Hew Hampshire Legislature. Concord, July 14,1855. The strong aMI-si.wry resolutions ofibred by Mr. Tap- 1 pan in the House of Representatives, two weeks fiio, were j passed by that body this morning, after an excited debate, j The prO'Blatery democratic resolutions iccrc rejected. j The Liquor Law in Michigan. Detroit, July 13, 1855- In the case of Thomas Gallagher, who was on trial yes terday for selling a glass of brandy, it was proved to have been imported, whereupon the jury rendered a verdict of not guilty, declaring the sale of imported liquors, in any quantity, uot prohibited by law. Destructive Fire. Manchester, N. H., July 16— A fire in th e city hss desiroytd a cotton mill and twenty-two stores and bciid- ] lags, involving a h-es of $250,000, on which th iosuran- j ces were ooiy partial. Five hundred hands have been ■ thrown oat of employment. Another Speech from Mr. Stephens—Know Hottir.g. ism Fzpcsed. After Mr. Stephens closed his speech at Sparta Mr Thomas M. Turner, with the consent of Mr. Stephens organized a meeting of the American Party by call ing A. J. Lane to the chair. He then offered the fol lowing resolutions : migration upon our shores, adding as it dots, more for. eign votes annually, than natives to the Electors or this country—and among them many paupers and criminals —should be a matter of deep concern to every Ann rio: n citizen, whether native or not, including a cembir.a.icn cf all to uni> in bringing about a change of our Natural ization laws, and an’ extension of the period of citizen ship. Resolved. 2. That the Am- tican Party is aitr.it* at an extension not an abridgment of religious freed* m iu this country —that we may bv a wholesome cluck on growirg evils perpetuate to the latest posterity the r ght of both protestants and Catholics to worship God as they please. Rtmlved , 3. That the present rs we’l as former Ad ministrations are reprt hensible in thesght of the • nur ican people for the appointment of so many foreigner to odice, so that now n ail the offices of a certain class in the gift of the P.c.-ideot, more foreigners than natives are incumbents. Resolved, 4. That the ejer ton of the Bib’e fi em the Common School? of New York by a combination of hi erarchs and demagogue*-, headed by Bishop Blights ar.d the public burning ot the Frotestant Bible in Champlain, New York, by the Jesuit Tehnont show the American people th . t the dogma announced in Bronson’s Review, a Catbolio organ printed at Boston, is not without mean ing, viz: Protestantism of every form has not and never can have any rights where Catholicity is triumphant. Resolved , 5. That the Philadelphia platform, as adop ted by a majority of the N tional Council of the Ameri can Party on the subject of Slavery, is not only conserv i ative, nationvl and patriotic, but pregnant with the very | best results to the whole country, and of the South iu i partieu’ar. Resolved , (j. That no American by birth will be de barred from holding office in this country by the votes of .lie American Party on account of his religious opinions, but wo will not bestow our suffrages on any man oho holds civil allegiance to any foreign ecclesiastical or civil power, thus fulfilling tho maxim - ‘'Americans only SHALL GOVERN AMERICA.” (Mr. Stephens then ro c and spoke in substance as fol lows :) Mr. Chairman :—1 had not the slightest objection as I said, to the gentleman’s offering his Resolutions if I eould bo heard upon them. Discussion is what I want. — l shall take up these resolutions in tlicir order. The first set 9 forth no distinct principle o•• specific policy. It is rather a confused embodiment of complaints than any thing else. As to foreign paupers and criminals, they uro certainly no grievance to the people of’ Hancock or the people of Georgia. Towards the latter we have a statute of our own State, I believe, which, if enfor ced, will be remedy enough. But my views as to both these classes are known. So also of the abuse* in the administration of the present naturalization laws.— But this resolution states as as a fact, that the increasing tide of foreign immigration info this country is adding annually more foreigners than natives lo the list of our voters. Where is the proof of this. How can the peo ple of Hancock elfirm this to be true without some proof? The draftsmen of this Revolution seem to have gone up on tho idea that Foreigners become voters as soon as they arrive. But do they not have to remain at least five years, before, under the existing Jaws, they can be natu ralized ? How many < f those who come, die in that time? AHi n the United States in 1850—not voters— but the entire foreign - population, nun. women and chil dren v. ho have come since 1790, was but a fraction over two millions, i have no idea that the proposition hr re stated, therefore, is true in point of fact. But suppose it was. How is refusing t. vote for a worthy foreigner, who may have grown gray in your tn : dst, going to reme dy what you complain ot ? That is the question so fares foreigners are concerned, that the American party pre sents, and the oniy cue ia their internal organization ; and it is the only practical one now for consideration And why mix it up with ethere. Let that question be presented by itself, and stand or fall upon its own merits. Don’t cover it up and hide it in so much rub bish. The 2d. Resolution declares “that the Ame rican Party is aiming at An extension, riot an abridgment, of religious freedom in this countiy,” Arc. Aiming at an extension cf religious freedom, tho! is their object jis it ? $ Another outside declaration ! Bui how is it in* ! side ? Yt';i] the genticum who offered these resolutions, | tell me whether fie h;in not, as a member of the Order, j taken tho following obligation : i “That you will not vote nor give your influence for i any man for any office in the gift of the people, unless | he be an American born citizen, in favor of Americans ruling America, nor if lie be a Roman Catholic,” d’c. Wiil tho gentleman fell mo whether he bus not taken that obligation ? Mr. Turner responded that Le had. A lid aiso this i “You will, when elected or appointed to an official station conferring on you the power to do so, remove all foreigners, aliens or Roman Catholics from < ffieo or place, and that you wiil in no ease appoint such to any office or place in your gift. You do aiso promise axd swear, that this and all other obligations which ycu have previously taken iu this Order shall ever be kept sacred and inviolate.” Has not the gentlemen taken that obligation too ? Will he answer me ! Mr. Turner again responded saying that he had. D. G. Wilde, Esq., interrupted and ouid that he had not. Mr. Stephens.—Theu I suppose you (to Mr. Wilds) are his conscience keeper, arc you? You know belter what he has sworn to do than himself, do you ? ‘lbis is “Know Nolhingism ” is it? And this is ex* tending religious freedom is it ? To exclude one entire 6ect of religionists from ail the offices and honors of the • government. The outside declaration is for extension, ! bm the inside oath is tor civil proscription for exercising } it. How can you defend this double dealing? What I e l se c ' a, i it be called ? And how can you defend or vote tor the Gtli Resolution just offered, after you have admit i ted that you have sworn never to vote for a Roman Cath • olid I lat resolution declares that ‘‘no American by ! birth will ever be debarred from holding office bv the \ votes of the American Party on account of his religious I opinions.” Are not thousands of Catholics in this countre native born —“ Americans by birth?” And does not the obligation say that you w ill never vote for any man “if he be a Roman Catholic ?'■'■ \\ here is the ex* option in the ; inside “ritual- ■ in behalf of American born Catholics l— j And is it not notorious that an attempt was made at the i late Philadelphia Council to permit this exception to be j made, which was denied ? And this is ex lending re* j ligious freedom is it, to say to any man of any denomi- I nation, you may worship ns you please, but if you do not please to worship as tee like, you shall he degraded and \ disgraced? This is the freedom of religious worship | your American Party is about to bring upon u., is it ? :If eo, i warn ail my countrymen to beware of it. It is j ‘he first false step which may lead to unimaginable evils ’ and mischiefs ! It subjects every man's reiigion, and the : leligion of every denomination, to the standard of the will jo! tiie ruti.'Rg majority for the time being! When it is once begun there is no telling where it will end. One de* i nomination will certainly di after another. But co not | tell us m your outride declarations that ; < u are for ex tending religious I reed on i while year who]** internal or ganization rests, injgreni part, upon an exclusion from office iof a.l whose faith does not s juare with the “ittt” \ou get up. But the third resolution alludes to a subject that ts- OHpt'd me when I was up U fore. It is nothing but one Melanethon'stx itemeuts in reply to me, revamped in new ot form. In that piece of his, which I have before me, ho asks : “‘Can he” (alluding to me) “tell how, in the differ ent departments nf the Central Government, there vts 914 foreigners holding office agnint 510 natives? while among the Foreign Ministers, Consuls, Revenue Service officers, Ac., there are but 764 Americans for 1,481 for eigners V , Well new, I can tell him how it is—and it ia juet no such thing. Jn justice to him it is proper that I should stale that he said he did not vouch for the statis tics ; but then it would have fcet-c better Gr him to ha s gotten correct information before making =rch publications. Now I have a transcript from ths Official Register on this