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&inm mttr BentincL • COLPMBPS, GEORGIA WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUG, 22. FOR GOVERNOR. IIERS€II£L V. JolL\>o\. FOR CONGRESS- J <t District--James L. Seward, t Thomas. til I, 4 JU. J • Craw lord of Muscogee* 3d. “ James M. Smilli, of l r p*on. Ith “ Hiram Warner, of Meriwether. sth “ Jno. If. Lumpkin, of .Floyd. Oth “ * Howell Cobb, ol Clarke. 7 tii I,niton Stephens, ot Hancock. ftlh “ A; H. Stephens, of Taliaferro. Adopted Citizens and the Ballot Uox. We give place to the communication of Albert Alonzo not because we believe there is any set purpose on the part of the Know Nothings to resort to so palpable a violation of the law, as he suggests, hut to correct any misapprehensions which may exist in the public mind as to the powers of superintendents of elections This is settled by acts of the Legislature approved December 523, IS3O, and December 22, 1835. “When any doubt shall be suggested as to the legality of any vote offered at any election, held in any election district, in auy of j the counties of this State, it shall he the duty of the j superintendents of such election, before receiving such j vote, to,administer to the persons ottering it, together, with the oath now prescribed by law, the following oath, viz: J, A. IJ., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that 1 have not tiiis day voted at any election, held at any place in this State, for Governor, members of Congress, electors of President ‘and Vice President, members ol the Legislature, or county officers, so help me God :” Prince’s Digest, page 11)4, sec. 18. Again: “That from and after the passage of this act, the oath requir ed by law to he administered to voters at elections for members of the Legislature and other civil officers of this State, shall be as follows: I do solemnly swer or allinn (as the case may be) that I have attained the agio of twenty one years; have paid all legal taxes which have been required of me, and which 1 have had an opportunity of paying according to law ; that I am a citizen of the United Slates, and have usually resided in this county for the last six months, and have con sidered it my home, or place of residence during that period, so help me God.” Prince's Digest, page 197, sec. 53, It will thus he seen that the power of the superin tendents of elections is confined to administering oaths. And very properly : for in the hurry and confusion and excitement of election it would be impossible for them to determine upon the validity of naturalization papers. This duty devolves upon the Courts of the county. If a man takes an illegal oath and thus by fraud and per jury acquires the privilege of voting, he may at once be bound over to appear at the Court to answer for the crime, when, on conviction, he is punished by line and imprisonment. An additional reason for thus limiting the power ol the superintendents of elections may he found in that clause of Magna Charta which declares that no citizen shall be deprived of any right except by the judgment of his peers. If the power were grunt* and to superintendents of elections to pass upon the validity of naturalization papers, and, when in their judgment they are insufficient, to deny the voter the privilege of voting, there would be a clear violation of this great fundamental principle of English and American free dom. The right of every citizen to vote peaceably and without interruption or obstacle, except such as the law interposes, is the great bulwark of American freedom. Neither does it make any difference whether the vo ter be adopted or native. The right of one is as sacred as the right of t lie other. The people ought not to suffer any right to be trampled on by any body, class or clique. This sacred regard for right is the cement which holds our-political fabric together. De stroy the sacred reverence for it, which has heretofore characterized our citizens of all classes, and the splendid fabric which our fathers created with the expenditure of so much blood and treasure will tumble about our ears and crush in one common ruin the spoiler and the spoil ed, the powerful man and the beggar. Let us then stand by the laws as they are and enforce them, no matter how odious they may be to us. If they are wrong, let them lie changed. The man or party that would trample upon them while they stand recorded upon the statue book is a usurper and a tyrant and only lacks opportunity to become a Nero or a Cali gula. Let the people maik such tin n. ‘ihe Louisville Riots and the National InteUigencer. \\ o y vj!l not allow oursdvt.s to be drawn into a par ti.'itn view ol the Louisville riots. We have furnished out readers wiili the facts its reporter! by the Louisville Courier arid leave them to form their own opinions as to which party was in fault. We have no idea that any such bloody scenes will be enacted in Georgia dur ing the coming election. While we utteily condemn the principles and practices of the Know Nothing order, ami will do all that an honest man and peaceful citizen may do to expose their evil tendencies, we have con fidence’ in the virtue, intelligence and patriotism of a large majority of the members of the order in Georgia, find would as confidently appeal to them to aid us in the protection of the humblest citizen in tlie full enjoyment of all Ids rights, as well as in the preservation of the public peace, as to the most loyal and patriotic of our own party. There is, therefore, no necessity for an angry war between us and them ovgr the Louisville riots. Every good citizen, of every party, must condemn riot, muider, and arson, no matter by whom perpetrated. \\ u should consider ourselves and our parly eternally disgraced, it we were to countenance such crimes against the peace of society, or by word or deed ex cite let lings which would lead to such dreadful out bursts of popular fury as disgraced the devoted city of Kouisville on the day of election.’ Rathe than carry an election by such means as were resorted to on that oc casion, we would prefer to give way to our opponents to surrender to them the polls, to renounce for a season the elective franchise, and appeal to the sober second thought of the people for a redress of our grievances ; not lor fear of bodily injury ; not for love of life ; (f r , UlB dvaresl lo “odd we sacrifice to defend our *r.g it to vote peaceably without let or hindrance) hut tor love of liberty and hatred of tyranny. We tire un .ilteiabh * o!,Vi! iced that it it once becomes usual for ejections to be decided by force and violence, that the d-o* of the Republic will have ended. if, iheietore, we decline to make the Louisville riots a party issue’ it must not he smi thied to inability on our part to meet tie is. ue tendered, but a fixed put pose to do all m our power 10 preserve the purity of the ballot box, and to nothuig which will tend, even remotely, to H ,ve unt,nance to similar scenes in uut own happy land He mute particular attention to the following’ article from the National Intelligencer in which that able and conservative Wing journal gives expression to views almost identical with our own : From the National Intelligencer. “The evidently not impartial, and we trust greatly exaggerated telegraphic dispatches from Louisville, re cord scenes of riot, violence and bloodshed, during the election held in that city on Monday, whuh aU true lovers of la tv and order will denounce in the most solemn and emphatic language. “It matters not—to adopt the language of the Balti more Patriot —it matters not that the occasion was one of great political ferment, it matters not who weie the aggressors, the assailants and the assailed are alike de serving of indignant reprobation, since they were both guilty of violating the law by usurping the authority of the Judiciary and avenging with their own hands their real or fancied injuries. It is from such shameful riots as these that our institutions are brought into disgrace. It is not ono city alone which suffers from the effects of sanguinary lawlessness —the whole country shares in the opprobrium. If such outrages are continued—if the majesty of the law is not rendered paramount to the acts of individuals —if, in broad day, and in the midst of a crowded city, we are to settle our quarrels with the Bowie knife, the revolver, and the firebrand, we had better close our tribunals, ignore all government except that of force, and be prepared to try conclusions with the first person wo encounter iu the street. “It is strange that tire people of the United States a people so sensitive of the opinion iu which they are ; held abroad ; who pride themselves on the freedom ; they enjoy, on the tolerance they avow, and especially I on their capacity for self government —should suffer ■ themselves to become guilty of acts which are scini barbarious in their character, and so utterly destruc tive of all those conservative elements upon the per manence of which depends the existence of the Re public.” South Carolina Politics ami Politicians. The Democracy of South Carolina, alarmed at the federal tendencies of Know Nothingism, have resolved to crush it at once and forever in that gallant State, by calling together and organizing a great Southern Rights party, the prime object of which shall be to protect the South against the aggressive policy of the abolitionists. The proceedings of the meeting in Charleston at which this movement was inaugurated are on hand and will be published as soon as convenient. The 4th resolu tion of the Georgia Platform was adopted and the Know Nothing order denounced in the language of the Muscogee Democracy. The Know Nothings of Charleston held a meeting on tho night preceding this grand demonstration of j the people and, doubtless with tho intent to break the force of the blow, renounced all allegiance to the Na tional Grand Council, repudiated tho doctrine of the supremacy of the Supreme Court as asserted in the Philadelphia Platform, declared their devotion and al legiance to the State as superior to jhair love of the Union, struck out the term “Catholic’’ and all semblance of a religious test form the official records and obligations of the order in the State, and cut off all fellowship with the Northern lodges. This is well; but it will not save the bek-agued troops of Sam. He is dead in South Carolina. We shall hear no more of his success iu Charleston or Columbia. His change of front in the midst of battle will prove as fatal on a political as it is known to be oil a martial held. The people will be sure to renounce a party which is compelled to renounce its principles to prolong a feeble existence. War among the Louisiana Councils. It may be known to our readers that a large majority of the Know Nothing Counoils in Louisiana have repu . dialed the Bth or Catholic article of the Philadelphia Platform and are actually running a Roman Catholic 1 for Governor of Louisiana. There is, however, a por tion of the order in Louisiana which adopts the whole of the Philadelphia Platform. They profess to be the | only Simon Pure members of the order of Know Noth’ | ings in the State and denounce their repudiating breth ■ ren with a gusto that we feel ourselves utterly unable |to emulate. Hear the True Della: The members of the three Councils which publish tlioir proceedings in tlio True Della this morning, are (lie only persons really qualified to represent the national order ol Know Nothings ; those who follow the lead ol such pseudo organs as the Bulletin, Bee, Delta, Picayune and Crescent newspapers being, it is said, hungry office hunters, who arc ready to sacrifice every real principle lor which the or der contends, and which every true member has sincerely at heart, for a mess ol public pottage. ‘The-mask is, we are happy to see, about to be torn from the laces of all such wretched pretenders, who, while open ly repudiating the platlonn of the Order as adopted in I liiladelphia, are nevertheless for ever boasting their fideli ty an d loyalty to its organization and constitution, both ol which bind every member firmly to the principle ol the Htli aiticie of ihe platlonn, to which, lor sake of office, the parties referred to are lor the present willing to give the go by. ” ‘Phis dishonest and unfair proceeding wili not be tolerated by the geuine Councils of the Order. Persons at all familiar with the membership of the order, will agree that the description given of the large majority of the order in Louisiana is a very accurate delineation of the concern in every State in the Union: —“hungry office hunters, who are ready to sacrifice every real principle for which the order contends, fora mess of public pottage.” The True Della must draw its pictures from real life. Nomination Declined. We are requested by J. N\ Carter, Esq., to tender i bis thanks to the Democratic party of Talbot county j for the unexpected and unsolicited honor they have I conferred uppon him by nominating him as their can ; didale for the Legislature, and to make known to them | that he most respectfully declines the nomination on account of private and personal considerations. Mr. Carter, however, deeply sympathises with the Democrat ic party in its severe contest with the Know Nothings and tile Abolitionists. Mr. C. urges the Southern peo ple to union at home, to the cultivation of a spirit of l. ve and charity for each other and a determined re sistauce to the encroachments of abolition. We regret Mr. Carter's inability to accept the dis tinguisiied honor conferred upon him. We hope, however that his place on the ticket will be immediately tilled by a good and true man, and that the Democra cy of Talbot will press on to victory. Public Dinner to J. F. Dowdell ill Oak Hntvrry. The friends and neighbors of Hon. J. F. Dowdell have determined to give him a dinner at*Oak lioweiy, Ala., on Friday the dlst inst. It will be a gala day.— Distinguished speakers from all parts of the country have been invited to be present and address the people, w ho are invited to attend without distinction of parties duiioE of the Macon Circuit.— The Know Noth ing Party have nominated Ffi W arren, Esq., as theit candidate for Judge of the Macon Circuit. The De mocracy will run Judge Powers and will-probably elect him. Di fen County. — Hon, F. B. Cone is the K. N. Candidate tor the Senate, and Gocrge O. Dawson, for the House, Sober Second Thought. We respectfully call the attention ot our readers to tlie very able and dispassionate communication over tho above signature. The writer clearly shows that the object of l he Northern Know Nothings in demanding an extension of the period of residence as a preliminary to naturalization is to enable the nat ve abolitionists to exercise a pet.y tyranny over the honest immigrant. It is hardly necessary to say that the Southern people will aid in no such villainy. If they suffer from the privileges now extended to foreigners why do they not alter their State laws and deny to them the privilege of voting? The late Massachusetts Legislature was almost unanimously Know Nothing and though they found time to wander through the State in committees insulting defenceless women and children, and perpe trating other outrages against public decency, they never so much as thought of altering the laws which allewed foreigners to vote. Other Northern Legisla tures have followed the example of Massachusetts, How can such inconsistencies be explained ? But ono an swer occurs to us. These fanatics, and bigots, and demagogues did not want to kill the goose that lad the golden eggs. They had been exalted to high office by an appeal to tho prejudices of tho people against foreigners ; and were unwilling to do anything to cool the publio mind. A law, requiring a foreigner to re* side twenty-one years in Massachusetts before he was allowed to vote, would have broken down their party, and left them at home in tho secluded walks of life, j Now, if these Massachusetts abolitionists will not help j themselves, when they have the power, it does seem to J us to be excessively quixotio for us of the South to get | into a stew over their imagined wrongs, and turn to quarrelling with each other because the Yankees allow the Irish to vote. We hope to hear from “ Sober Seo oud Thought” again. ‘ Westminister Review. —Wo have reoeived through Leonard Scott & Cos., New York, the Westminister Review for July, 1855. The following is its table of contents : Spinoza ; International Immorality • Self- Education ; The Physiological Errors of Teetotalism ; The Decline of party Government ; The Earth and Man ; The Foreign Policy of the United States; Con temporary Liter’ojniß Death of Isaac 11. Bronson. — IVe learn from the Journal <s• Courier that the lion. I. H. Bronson, of the District Court of the United States for the Nor thern District of Florida, died at Palatka, Fla., on the 13th inst., of pulmonary consumption. President Southwestern Railroad. —ylt a meeting of the directors ill Macon, on Thursday, Kith, R. K. Cuyler, Esq., the able President of the Central Road, was unanimously chosen President of the Southwestern Railroad, in the place of its late President, L. O. Rey nolds, deceased. Mr. Cuyler will hold the office until the next annual meeting of the stockholders in Feb ruary next, when another election will take place. [For the Times & Sentinel ] Upper Georgia Politics. Rome, Ga., Aug. 15, 1855. Messrs. Editors: —The country letvveen Dalton and Knoxville is unsurpassed in ‘beauty and productiveness ol soil. As the traveler streams along at the rate of 30 miles an hour, (un the best railroad South) innumerable tilings ol interest meets his eye. Corn and Clover fields in almost endless contiguity present themselves. An occasional con catenation ol mountains, with now and then a peak raising its azure grandeur to the clouds interrupts the oceanic scene. Rich valleys extend alar out till to his vision they melt into the sky. This is the country which clogs our Georgia mar kets with wheat, com, horses, &c. 1 being so much in debted to it for my physical self cannot bo so ungrateful as to pass it unnoticed. The day I passed up the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad, two men and two horses were killed by lig ning in the neighborhood ol Cleveland. They wore being pro tected from tho rain by a shelter when the melancholy af fair occuired. On politics there is but little I have that you have not al ready seen and heard. A candid Know Nothing fixing here gives it as his opinion that there will he some doubt as to which of the political parties (Overby’s excluded,) will carry Cherokee Georgia; that the Know Nothings would have to increase greatly to stand a showing at the coming election. 1 learn .that discontent has shown itself in the camp in this place. In truth a great many have withdrawn from the order, and more are expected soon to bid their adieus. Garnett Andrews’ sublime gen ius for submission, and his love for the Union being an “in stinct stronger than reason, a sentiment purer than reli gion,” as Gen’l Bethune had it, is telling encouragingly for the Democracy. 1 heard an old Democrat say the oth er day that the“Anti-K. N.” boys were not saying much but were in a mighty good humor. So I believe. Silence shows contentment. Not to refer to the various objections that can be urged against the K. N. party, and which have been so fully set forth by you and others', and which will exercise incalcu lable influence against it, the announcement of and recent comment upon the fact that the power of qualifying vo ters is delegated to the Slates by the Constitution of the United States, will tend greatly towards the defeat of a party trying to regulate the sore:eignty of the people of Massachusetts and other Northern States. ‘They will pay about as much attention to it as we should to a request from them to allow our slaves to vote or to free them. Yours, Truly, B. For the Times &, Sentinel. lion. M. J. Crawford. Messrs. Editors: —Agreeable to previous appointment, Judge Crawford addressed a respectable puition of the cit izens of Marion at Glenalta, on Saturday, 18th inst. lie entertained the audience with a speech ol two hours length, which, for wholesome logic and incontrovertible argu ment, we have seldom heard surpns-ed. The earnest and wrapt atiention with which he was honored throughout the whole of its delivery, was proof conclusive thatit car ried conviction, deep and abiding, home to the hearts of his hearers. This is no reckless assetlion, but the honest sentiment ol one little inclined to ofler indiscriminate adu lation, or blind homage at the shrine of any man or petty. However any one may have dithered with him in regard to the subjects discussed, all will.doubtless, have the candor to admit that it was a dispassionate, eloquent and powerful argument. Messrs.-Editors, on the ide of October. Marion will be right side up. Withdraw als from the Know Nothings are safd to be taking place in all parts ol the county. From every portion of the District, which Judge Crawford has visited, the most cheering accounts greet the ears of his friends. To those who think that Judge Crawford h de posed to retire from the contest.with Col. Hawkins, we say lay not ‘the flattering uuction to your souls.” Wherever they have met in discussion, Judged Crawford has raked that gentleman sere and-aft, and however he may wriggle under hit scotching eloquence and irresistible arguments* hi will continue to “pile on the agony” until the friend? <. f Sun are compelled to take the “curbed thing” and bury if. To the lovers of civil and religious liberty throughout the 2nd Congressional District, without distinction of party, we say remember to go to the polls on the lust Monday in October and deposite a vote for your gallant and inconu|- tible standard bearer, whose heart is as true to the South as the needle to the pole. To the Democracy of Muscogee we would say, advance your standard high; rally with one mind and one heart to its support, with hearts buoyed by the recent triumphs ol your lung cherished principles, and with a zeal unquencha ble, remembering, that victory belongs not to the strong but to the viglant, the active, and the brave. AGRICOLA. For the Times & Sentinel. Alteration ol .the Naturalization Law^—The Right flr> Vote.| Messrs. Editors: —There are no doubt many persons I who have been induced to join the Know Nothing order so'ely l>ecaue of their belief that the alteration ol’ the nat uralization laws, and the extension ofthe time for the natu ralization of foreigners, necessarily extended the time ftr them to vote in the several States. 1 have, myself, been under the impression that the alteration of the naturaliza tion laws would have this effect, but such is not the case. naturalization, and the right to say who shall vote, are two distinct subjects belonging to two distinct powers. While Congress was given the power to “establish a uniform rule of naturalization,” the States by the same constitution, re tained the right to say in their, constitutions, who should and who should not vote. Before being naturalized, a foreigner cannot hold real estate in the States, nor have many other rights belonging to citizens. Alter being naturalized he can hold property, sue, an<J|be|sued, and enjoy every other right belonging to a native born citizen—except that he cannot vote unless the constitution of the. State authorizes him to do so. Nev evertheless, he can vote even before lie is naturalized, it the State so wills it. And why ? Because the constitu tion ofthe United States does not prohibit him from voting, and because, underlie constitution each State has the right to let who ever she pleases vote. And several ol the States, as will be seen in an article below from the Char leston Mercury, have already exercised this right (without dispute) and foreigners, before being naturalized, are now permitted to.vote in them. And New York, and otlnr Northern States, eyen permit free negroes to vote. Quorryl While the Southern Delegates at the Philadel phia Know Nothing Convention were fixing up their I’lat forrn, and adopting an article for “the repeal, by the Leg islatures of tiro respective States, of all laws allowing for eigners not naturalized to vote,” why did they not also adopt another article also for ,“the repeal, by the legisla tures of the respective States, of all Maws allowing free negroes to vote.” It they had “done tins, 1 don't reckon they would have got the four out of seven of the vo'es liom New York for their platform, i think they would have come up missing. But what does the constitution ofthe United States say upon the two subjects of naturalization and suffrage! The only article relating to J.he passage of naturalization laws I is the following: shall have power to establish a uniform rule ol naturalization.”—Art. 1, sec. 8. And why was this power given Congress? 1 have not looked to the debates of the convention, but presume it was thus given to prevent an improper contest among the several States for the foreign emigrants. At the time the constitution was adopted, each State had much vacant land, each wanted population ana me emi grants to settle among them, and to prevent difficulties and too high bidding among the several States for them, Congress was given the power to pass “uniform” laws naturalization.” The privilege of voting vva3 not consider ed as belonging to natoralzftion, and hence nothing was said about it. But in providing for the Government of the country, the subject as to who should and who should not vote for of ficers of the State and Federal Government did come up, and how was it settled? It will be seen r iliat that subject was disposed of by leaving it with the States. The ‘mode and manner’ of the election of electors of Presi i dent and Vice President of the United States I was left to the discretion of the Legislatures of the States. T'n the election of Senators to Congress, it was not left to the discretion of the Legislature, but was ex ! provided that they should be “ chosen by the Legis \ lalure.” And in the election of Representatives to Con ; gress, while it was expressly provided that Congress “may ’ at any time by law alter” “the times,places and manner of | holding these elections” prescribed by the several Legislar : tures, there is no allusion to the ‘electors’ or ‘voters’ But, I in another clause, the Constitution expressly declares that ! “the qualification of electors [or voters] of Representatives j in Congress” shall “be the same asTor electors [or voters] of ’ the most numerous [branch of the State Legislature.”— ’ Thus leaving the whole matter, as to qualification of vo ’ ters, with the States. The Constitution reads thus: j “The Senate shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature for six years, and ’ each Senator shall have one vote. —Art. J, Sec. 3. ! “The times, places and manner of holding elections for j Senators an J Representative*, shall be prescribed in each I State by the Legislature thereof, Gut Congress may, at any time by law make or alter tucli regulations, except as to places of choo-ing Senators.—Ait. 1, Sec. 4. “The qualifications of electors ol Representatives in > Congress to be the same as for electors of the most num erous brunch of the State Legislature." —Art. 1, Sec. 2. I am aware that there arc some politicians who consider the General Government as the source of all power, and who contend that Congress can do any thing that it is not prohibited to do. This appeared to be the opinion of some shortly alter the adoption of the .Conodtution. To meet and put down these Federalists, who were disposed to mis represent the true principles of our Government, the fol lowing amendments to the Constitution were aterwards adopted, viz: “The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained j by the people.—ihh Amendment. “Tile powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it t) the States, are re- i served to the States respectively or to the people.”—loth Amendment. To my mind, these amendments settle the question be yond all dispute. Aud it is well enough that tilings should j be so, too; lor it Congress Ills the right to say that a for- I eiguer can or can’t vote in any State,it has the same authority ! to say that a free negro can vote in any State, flow would ■ tho people of Georgia like for Congress to pass a law au thorizing free negroes to vote in our State/ There appears jlj me as-much authority for the one. as the other. Ido n-t think Congre-s has any authority to have anything to do with tiie matter. But thy is not all. The late Philadelphia Convention does r.ot claim lor Congress any such power. That Con vention, in its sth article, while claiming for Congress the right to alter the naturalization laws, puts in no claim for Congress to say who thill or who shall not vote, but pro . poses a “repeat by the Legislatures -of tile respective Xt'Ue-9 oi all laws allowing foreigners not naturalized to cote:’ And notwithdanding the Know Nothings have already got control ofthe Legislatures of many ol the Northern and Western Slate-, still I t - ce no eHi>n j )y the|u to change their constitutions relation to foreigners vo ting. Then why join lthe|Know Nothings to do a tlmm that they do not claim can be doncl And it one is in f a ” vor of what they promise and have the right to r do, why remain wall and applaud the order when the northern por tion of it refuse to do what they have the power to do.— r l he only lemedy aga : nst foreign horn persons voting in Northern and Western States, or being counted in the lie pro enta ive population, is to prohibit them altogether from coming to the United States. But Know Notliingism pro teges to do nothing like this. On the contrary, the Philadel phia platform professes to offer “to the honest immigrant who, from love of liberty or hatred of oppression, seeks an asylum in the United Stetes, a friendly reception and pro tection'.” Andas to “felons and paupers,” Mr. Stephens,and other anii Know Nothings and the Democratic parly, as “unqualifiedly condemn their transmission to our shores” a ? any ol tin Know Nothings. Then who will an extension of the time, or alteration of the naturalization laws benefit? Nobody but the’Northern people. And why? They have no negro slaves there,and they must have white slaves. So long as the foreigner re mains unnaturalized, not being legally nble to hold real es tate and other property like others, citizens, he is beholden to the natives there, is [their underling fund hireling, and many of them serve the northern people as our negroes serve us at the South. But as soon as the foreigner be comes a citizen, and can bald his own property, and exer cise o'her civil lights,he begins to feel tliathe, too, is a lice*’ man. lie sets up tor himself, thinks he has some rights too, and the natives at the North can’t control him, hold his property (if he has any) and get hi&iervices at so low a rate as before. Hence the Northern people want the Nat uralization laws altered, that they may hold the foreigners under subjection to themselves, and make them their slaves or servants longer. Will the Southern people encourage any such slavery? The signs ol the times indicate that they will not. 1 shall not. But 1 will conclude by refer ring the reader to the article below from the Charleston Mercury: Sober Second Thought. [From the Charleston Mercury.] The New Phaso 91 Consolidation. By the Federal Constitution, Congress was empowered “to establish a uniform rule of naturalization.” Now, naturalization confers citizenship, but not suffrage. Yet, the majority of the States, though possessing each the power to confer or take away suffrage, independent of citizenship, have, in their Constitutions, fixed citizenship as a qualification for voting. They have done it simply of their own free will and motion. But this is not the universal system. Acting in the same spirit of absolute control over the subject, some of the States have estab fished suffrage on the following basis. The Constitution of New Hampshire declares that, ‘‘'Every male inhabitant , of twenty one years and up wards, shall have a right to vote.” The Constitution of Pennsylvania declares that, “Every freeman ut the age of twenty one years, hnv* ing resided in this State one year, and in the election dis trict where the oiler to vote, ten days immediately pie ceding such election, Ac., shall enjoy the rights of an elec'or.” The Constitution of North Carolina declares that, ‘'All freemen ofthe age of twenty-one years, who have been inhabitants of any one county within the State twelve months immediately preceding the day of election, Ac., shall be entitled to vote.” The Constitution of Indiana declares that, ‘‘'Every white male, of foreign birth , of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, who shall have resided m j the United States one year, and shall have resided in this j State during the six months immediately preceding such election, and shall have declared his intention to become a ! citizen ol the United Slates shall he entitled to vote.” The Constitution of Illinois declares that, “livery wtine male liiTiaDi am 01 me ogv 01 twenty one years, who may be a resident of the State at the time of adoption of this Constitution, shall have the l ‘ght of vot ing.” The Constitution of Michigan dtclarcs that, “Every white male inhabitant residing in 1 hit) State on the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred aud fifty, who has declared his intention to become a citizen ofthe United Suites, pursuant to the laws thereof, six months preceding an election, or who has resided in this State two years and six months, and declared his intention aforesaid; and every civilized male inhabitant of Indian descent, a native of the United States, and not a member ol any tribe, shall he an elector and entitled to vote,” The Constitution of Wisconsin declares that, “Every ni; le white person of the age of twenty-one years, who shall have resided in the State for one year, next preceding any election, and who shall have declared their intention to become citizens, shall be deemed a j qualified elector.” j Here, then.arc seven States, establishing in their sever al Constitutions, systems of suffrage on the most varied bases; and in the exercise of the right to proscribe suf frage, conferring it upon whole clashes of people, without reference to the naturalization laws, or any federal legis lation whatever. What, then, becomes of the idea, that “suffrage cannot he exercised without naturalization ?” But the Slates have not only exercised the uncontrolled right to confer suffrage, but they have also exercised the light to take it away, in most of the States, paupers, soldiers in the army and marines are excluded. Can any thing be clearer than the preposition we advance? Letter of Declination. We publish below the letter of the lion. John L. Dawson to the President of the United States, declining the appointment tendered him of Governor of Kansas j Territory : Brownsville, Aug. 9,185 b. My Dear. Sir : On my return home th ; s evening, after an absence of several weeks, 1 find your letter of the 28th ult., tender. ; ing to me the appointment of Governor of the Teraitoi / of Kansas. This distinguished mark of your favor and esteem, and the very flattering terms in which it is conveyed to me, elicit my grateful acknowledgments. My private affairs prevent the acceptance of the oiable and responsible trust, which your confidence and good opinion would commit to me. W itli but little taste lor public life, and with deep at tachment to my home and my native State, I could not consent to change my residence—hut 1 am constraired by every cheiislie-d consideration to remain in a commu nity, whose confidence 1 have enjoyed, and of whose good will I have had the most positive aud repeated tes* t i moil i al. I shall ever hold in grateful recollecth n this evi-h rce of your appreciation, and the mute, because it was uiau licitc-d aud unexpeeb and. Accept assurances of my high legat'd and best wislie* for the success of your a Iminist'at'on, and believe me, Truly your friend, JOHN L. DAWSON- His Excellency, Franklin Pierce, President ol the L'ui ted States. Know Nothingism on the Decline. A cor rr spell dent of the T\ew York Post says that the number e “councils” that were not represented at the Slate Council of the Know Nothings ol the upwards of three hundred. _These uuieprcrent-d **gtl ciis contain lull one-half of the members ol the < ■ and perhaps more. Tlieir not being n presented n to mdieate that there is but little interest felt m ty’s proceedings by a large proportion of its n ,rf • and that the ties that were so strong in 1854 .'K* not _ sidered to be even political pack thread in ; , same correspondent says tlwt there was an itKie-.Um ing off in the attendance upon the meet in:, ■-am ■- 1 tion in November last, and that swine hum 1 -■ ‘ y. cal Councils have’vhtuaily dissolved bj ‘ .j. on meetings f>r several months ”** ;’ 1 r;1 st-euuuufr exertions are being ntarb* l< ‘\ lifl 11 is'Venv doubtful if they can bemads t !c -