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(limes mtft Sfttfitwl. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. ’- _ WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEFT, 19. - - •'#- FOR UOVKRNOR. lIDKSCIIEt I. JOHVSOIN. roK CO>VRESS. Ist District—Janie* L. Seward, of I honiHs. i!d, “ M. J- Crawford 01* Maw-ogee. 3d. ** James M- Smith, of Upson. 4fh *. fftrain Warner, of Memvetliei. s th m J no. H. Lumpkin, of Floyd. ti Howell Cobb, of Clarke. 7,1, *. LintougStephens, of Hancock. Kit, “ A. H. Stephens, of Taliaferro. MUSCOGEE COUNTY NOMINATIONS. for the %enatk. ALEXANDER J. ROBISON. FOR the house of representatives. JOHN B. DOZIER. GEORGE J. PITTS. Governor Johnson and his Revtlcrs. Whipped very badly upon the great issues of’ the canvass, tho Know Nothing preßs hopes to cover th# retreat of the Order before the triumphant hosts of the Democracy under a cloud of low abuse and vindictive denunciation of the administration of Gov. Johnson. But the sunlight of truth has pierced these clouds and they are being rapidly dispersed like mists before tho rising sun, and before the first Monday in October next, there will not be a “rack” Hying above the horizon. We have neither time nor patience to follow the sli my path of the slanderers of Governor Johneou. Some of their charges are beneath tho notice of any one: as for instance, that Governor Johnson cheated Mr. Jenk ins in his appointments during the last canvass. Mr Jenkins himself denounces the charge as false in the publio prints. Os a like character is the charge that Governor Johnson ordered the proprietors of the Rome Southerner to do some printing during the last canvass and then refused to pay the bill. Mr. Dodd, at the time proprietor of the Rome Southerner , has nailed this slander to the counter, and pronounces it oalumni ous. Os a like character is the charge that Governor Johnson cheated a Mr. Adams out of a lot of land.— The witness telied on to establish the charge, has pro nounced it false *, as also has Mr. Briscoe who is the party to whom the land was granted. Still more con temptible is the charge that Governor Johnson bribed Lewis Tumlin to support his administration by award’ ing to him and another the contract to transport freights across the Etowah river. Lewis Tumlin is now being run by the Know Nothing Party for Congress in the fifth District. If Johnson gave the bribe, Lewis Tum lin took it, and his Know Nothing supporters are par ticipators in the crime, and he himself has added bad faith “to corruption. This charge, however, has been abandoned, we believe, since Lewis Tumlin was accept ted by the Know Nothings as their standard bearer. The next charge is that Governor Johnson created the office of Attorney for the State Railroad in urdir to reward a political friend in the person of R. J. Cow art, Esq. Governor Cobb, in a recent let er, has shown that the so-called office was created by him and that Gov. Johnson continued it ou his recommendation. At the last session of the Legislature an act was passed al lowing the State Road, as well as all other Railroads, to be sued in every county as well as in every justice’s beat through which they pass. This act has resulted in the bringing of a multiplicity of suits against the Road. Unless the Road is represented by Counsel it must be apparent that the State would be greatly the loser. Jt is conceded that the Governor has power to employ Counsel. The question then conies up : Is it better economy to employ alav.yer for every ease, or retain one lawyer whose business it shall be to represent the Road in all cases ? Governor Johnson has exercised a wise discretion and employed one Lawyer by the year, upon the experience of Governor Cobb who had tried the experiment and found that it worked well. It is charged, however, that R. J. Cowart, Esq., the ap pointee is incompetent. Persons who know the gen tleman entertain a very diftereut opinion, aud we hap pen to be of that number. He is universally regarded hy the Democracy as a most forcible speaker, and has acquired the soubriquet of the ‘‘Thunderer of the Mountains.” He is not a very polished gentleman, but is some iu a bear fight. Who ever heard of a Demo crat who had any’ sense or decency iu the opinion of the opposition ? The next eharge is that Governor Johnson had the freights reduced at Etowah Depot in order to bribe Hon. Mark A. Cooper to his support. Mr. Cooper has denounced the charge as false, and vvheiehe is known this is sufficient. Mark A. Cooper bribed ! The charge is lidiculous. lie is alike incapable of accepting as Gov. Johnson is of offering a bribe ; But Know Noth iogism, in its desperation, does not shrink from the vi lest misrepresentation of the purest and best citizens. No elevatiou of character, no amount of public service, can shield a man from its slanderous shafts who stands between it and success. W e have heretofore shown that the last Legislature of Georgia passed a resolution instructing the Gover : nor to so oouduct the State Road as to promote the de? velopmeut of the iron interest in which Mr. Cooper is engaged. We have further shown that instead of low ering freights on iron, they had been actually raised by the Superintendent of the State Road. We have heretofore shown also, that in June ISS4Gov. Johnson directed the Superintendent to reduce the freights on iron, coal and flour at Etowah to the rates miposed under the administration of Gov. Cobb. This the Su perintendent tailed to do until recently, when Gov. Johnson, becoming aware of his disobedience of his or ders, reiterated them, perhaps, in a more peremptory manner. This is the sum and substance of this charge ot corruption. We see nothing in the evidence addu ced to sustain it that is worthy of a momenfs considera tion. It would not convict a sheep-stealing dog ; and yet it is flourished before the people of Georgia as proof conclusive that our noble Governor ;s a knave and Mark A. Cooper a scoundrel'. Out on such reck less slanderers. Have they uo shame If this reduc tion of freights at Etowah, had been mad- when the public mind was ealm, it would hardly have elicited a moment’s consideration. ” e apprehend that there is too general a disposition to hold the Governor responsible for every little thing that goes wrong on the .State Road. He can only ex ercise a general oversight over thi work. The Super mtendent is mainly responsible tor the management of the Road. Ihe Governor's duty in respect to this great work is pretty well done when he hue appointed a Su per ntendent ; he ought not to interfere except on im portant occasions. No competent Eug'neer w, u !d take charge of the Superintendenoy of the Rood if the Governor were to meddle with jts management. Gov ernors, generally, know very little about Railroads, and notwithstanding Garnett Andrews’ boasts of what he would do with the State Road, if he were Governor, of which there is, however, no probability, we doubt very tnuoh if he could discharge creditably the humble office of Engine Driver. The Governor is responsi ble, however, for the competency of the Superinten dent, and ought to remove him if he proves inefficient. Otherwise, the less ho has to do with the Road, the bet ter. The present Superintendent is Janus F. Cooper, Esq , n gentleman long and favorably known in Geor gia as a polished gentleman and scientific engineer.*— His appointment to this responsible post, by Governor Johnson, was haded with delight by the whole State YY e know that hejjreceived the appointment over much more efficient party men, solely because of his eminent fitness for the post j and we are quite confident that the result of his management will justify his selection by the Governor. During his administration, $549,660 have been cleared by the Road after paying all current expenses. This fact will repel a thousand slauders about its management, especially when it is taken into Consideration that never before was there the first sur plus dollar iu the Treasury of the Road. There are other slanders in circulation about Gov. Johnson. IY T e may recur to the subject again. They are, however, upon a par with those already exposed, and are hardly worth notice ; but we intend to follow the Know Nothing Party into every hole they creep into, and to drive them out by the application of the torch of truth. They hate the light because their deeds are evil. MartingJ. Crawford at Home. Our gallant standard bearer paid a flying visit to his household Gods at the close of his second round of ap pointments. He is in high health and spirits and is confident of his election, lie is oft’ again to meet his wily opponent at other appointments, and will not re turn again until the week preceding the election. He has done his work so far like a master workman, and we doubt not but that the capstone of victory will be raised on the first Monday in October if his friends will puli steadily at the tackle. A long pull, friends, a strong pull, aud a pull altogether will ensure our suc cess. Speaking at Cusseta. lion. Martin J. Crawford will address his fellow citi zens at Cusseta, Chattahoochee county, on Thursday 271 h inst. The people without regard to party divisions are respectfully invited to attend. YVm. L. Yancy in Columbus. Ou Tuesday last, Hon. \Y r in. L. Yancey of Alabama, addressed a large audience in this city, on the political issues of the day with his usual ability. We go to press before he has concluded his splendid address, aud must postpuuo further notice of it until our next issue. [For the Times & Sentinel.] The Nebraska and Kansas Act and the New Mexico and Utah Acts. Messrs. Epjtors: —But a few montns back, and all parties in Georgia were lor the Nebraska-Kansas act. So just and correct were its principles that, even before its pas sage, the Legislature of Georgia passed resolutions de nouncing all who opposed to it as enemies to the interests of the South. It having repealed the slavery restriction or “VVilmot Proviso,” placed upon the Territories of Nebras ka aud Kansas, by what was called the Missouri Com promise of 1820, and allowed ihe Southern slavohoF der to go to those Territories with their slaves without their being declared free &c'., it was to be hoped that this act would have no opponents in Georgia or at the South. And as the whole Abolition crew, Know Nothings, Re publicans, Sewardites, Free Soilers, &c., &c., have been, and are now combining against it, at the Noith, a few months back, it could baldly, have been supposed that men, prominent men, and presses in Georgia, would soon join with these Northern Abolitionists in their hue and cry against this act. But it seems that such is the case. The Know Nothing party having lately come into existence in Georgia, and its members having agreed with the Northern Know Nothings at Philadelphia to make the Union “para mount,” and the Northern Know Nothings having sworn in their wrath to repeal the Kansas-Nebraska act, or to put back the slavery restriction on *those Territories, the Southern Know Nothings,preparatory to submitting to and acknowledging the justness ol this course of thoir Northern Know Nothing brethren, are now making insidious and unwarrantable attacks upon this act. Not yet having the boldness of Rayner, of North Carolina, who declared at the Philadelphia Know Nothing Convention that the “North had been outraged” in the passage of this act, and in thus.taking off this slavery restriction ; and not even hav ing the boldness of Judge Nisbet, who denounced those who voted tor it, as having voted against the interests of the South—the other Georgia Know Nothing orators, presses and members of the order, are raising and pretending to see various objections to this act. It was first charged that it recognized ‘squatter sovereignty,’ but finding this would not do, it was then urged that it allows foreign born persons to vote. And then thinking this not enough to damn the bill, the Columbus Enquirer even went so tar as to put a section iu the bill in relation to giving land to na tive and foreign born persons, which ions not iu the bill ! And in this way each one, North and South, is manceuv- I ering in his own way to prepare for the sacrifice ot the 1 South ! Am I wrong in these conclusions ? Let the calm and reflective and “sober second thought” people ot Geor ; gia look at the whole matter closely, and they will find that I am not far wrong as to the ultimate designs of those men at the South who are now opposing this act. And in the first place, it may be asked, even admitting that there may be one or two obnoxious ieatures in this act, why attack and weaken it, and eticorage the Northern Aboli tionists to make war upon it and to try to repeal it, when tt works so well for the South ? If the Southern Know Nothings are not opposed to this act, and if they do not intend submissively to allow the Northern Abolitionists to repeal it and to put back this Wilmot Proviso upon that Territory, why attack this-a ct, especially this and none other ? Are they really in distress, and worried because foreign born persons are allowed to vote, upon declaring on oath their to become citizens, and taking an oath to support the Constitution of the United States? If so why dont they attack the Minnesota, the Oregon and the Washington Territorial bill- ? Why dont they allude to aqd condemn the same principle^only in a worse form) \ in the Compromise measures of 1860, or the New Mexico 1 and Utah bills ? The same principle, too, in these nets, i was also recognized when Louisa ho and Texas were an j nexed. These Territorial Governments ot New Mexico and j Utah have been louger tn existence thiuj that of Kansas, j and yet none have done half so well for the South as Kan i sas—none have passed laws establishing slavery at:d for i the protection of slavery, and to punish severely those- who j w ould entice a slave from his master—none of these Tu j Fit ores have done tine but Kansas. And yet Southern | A w 5 Know Nothings say nothing about foreign born persons be ing allowed to vote in these other. Territories, but their great complaint is that they have been allowed to vote in Nebraska and Kansas ! And what makes the matter worse, the Southern men in Kansas dont object to their voting, but having control of the Legislature, they still al low them to vote without’ hindrance. Hoes not this course on ihe, part of the Georgia Know Nothings look strange ! But so it is. Then why is this war in Relation to foreign born persons voting, .made' upon the Kansas* Nebraska act alone, by the Georgia Know Noth ngs l I can sec but one object, and that is, to create a prejudice to the act with Southern nten, and divide the South upon it, so that the South may be better prepared to subnlit to the putting back this Wilmot Proviso, or to the Abolition of slavery in Kansas! In the event the Northern Know Nothings should get the control of the Government and carry out their present declarations, if there is any other object to be accomplished, I cannot see it. The Noithern Abilitionists and Know Nothings are not now complain ing of the slavery clause in the other Territorial acts, they say nothing about them, but the whole of their batteries are now arrayed against the Kansas-Nebraska act, alone! On the other hand, notwithstanding in the other Territoties, where the South have not so fair a chance to make a slave Slate, foreign bom persons are allowed to rote, as in Kansas and Nebraska, still notwithstanding the Kansas people are with us, the Southern Know Nothings say nothing about these other Territories, but the whole of their batteries, too* arc now brought to bear upon Kansas-Nebraska, alone! The North attacks it became it gives us our rights in the Territories, ? and allows us to carry our slaves there. The Southern,[Know Nothings attack it on one of provisions, and for what purpose— for what purpose ? Let every true Georgian and Southern man look well into this matter, and let him answer if it does not look as if there is foul jdayyome where l But I have said that the same piinciple, only in a worse form,-in relation to foreign born persons voting, was ap plied in the Compromise Measuresor the New Mexico and Utah acts. And what is the principle in the Nebraska and Kansas acts ? In that bill, while natives can vote as soon as they go there without swearing, a foreign born person cannot do so until they u shall have declared on oath their intention to become ” citizens, and I 'shall have taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this act.” YVhiie on the other hand, in the New Mexico and Utah acts, foreign J born persons annexed by treaty and residing in said Territory at the pas sage of those acts were,and are not only'allowed to vote and hold office, but these privileges were, and arc given them without requiring any oath at'all! Not only every German,lrishman, and other unnaturalized foreigners, but other Mexican citizens, who have never yet declared their intention to.becorhe citizens,’ and who.have not yet been naturalized,” are vow allowed to vote and hold office in those Territories ! And yet these Southern Know Noth ings, who make this complaint about Kansas and Nebraska, have never yet said the first word against this more ob noxious (to native Americans) feature in the Compromise Measures of 1850. The Know Nothings, however,’may* say : “but oh, he was first recognized as a citizen by Treaty.’ Grant it.— And I should like to know how a foreigner being recognized as a citizen by treaty makes him any more intelligent or wor thy than one recognized by lav: ? 1 should like to know how his being allowed to vote by treaty, makes him any more acquainted with our institutions, any more attached to them or any bettor calculated to vote under standingly and correctly, than the one allowed the same privilege by law ? Nay, more. 1 will ask any honest and candid Georgian, if he would not sooner rely upon, and trust to the good conduct and fidelity of the foreigner who had voluntarily and of his own free will carue to the United States, who, before being allowed to vote, had first been re quired to declare on oath his intention to become a citizen, who had the nature of our Government and the duties of a citizen explained to him, and wdio had taken on oath to support the Constitution of the United States, rather than to rely upon, and trust the privilege of voting to, the foreigner, who did not come under this Government by his own free will, but by treaty with his sovereign, who knew nothing and cared less about the principles of our Govern ment, and who takes no oath at all ? And yet such is the position of foreigners in New Mexicoand Utah. And still Georgia KnowNothlngs are very much troubled about sworn foreigners having been allowed to vote at the first election in Kansas, while they have had nothing to say about un sworn foreigners voting in New Mexico and Utah. But strange things do occur sometimes. Let me again ask the honest and reflecting portion of the people of Georgia, if these things dont look like there is some deep'laid scheme, some where, to sacrifice the rights of the South, by these Know Nothings who can see ob jections in the Kansas Nebraska act when they cannot see the same, and worse features in relation to the same matter iu other acts. NO. 11. But while looking over the Kansas and Nebraska act and the New’ Mexico and Utah acts, the thought occurred tome that I might do some good by presenting the features of the two acts (Kansas and Utah) in lelation to slavevy, and to the voters, or as to how the two Territories shall be governed. In looking ovei them and considering the pres ent situation of the country, the anti-slavery feeling at the North, and the present situation of Kansas and other Ter ritories, I could not but like the Kansas act better than the Utah act, that most of the Know Nothings think so perfect. And if there beany doubt as to which the people of Geor gia would prefer, I w’ould like for some Anti-Know Noth- I mg to put the question to some Know Nothing orator at one of their meetings, and I would like to hear why ho ■ w'ould prefer the Utah act to the Kansas act. I will first ! give the provisions of the KANSAS-NEBRASKA ACT. This act contains two separate provisions for the two separate Territories, Nebraska and Kansas, but the pro | vision 3 for the Government of Nebraska are the same as ; those for the Government of Kansas. Nebiaska comes first in the bill, but let us see what the Kansas act says in | relation to Slavery. In section 19. (or the Ist section of the bill relating to ■ Kansas,) after defining the limits of Kansas, it is provided i that, “When admitted as a Stale or States, ihc said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Uuion’ with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their- admission.” Section £7, provides for the trial of eases in the Supreme Court over SIOOO, “except only tha? in all cases involving title to slaves, the said wiits of error or spirals shall be allowed and decided by said Supreme Court, without re gard to the value of the matter, or property, or tide in eoti trovery” Ac. Section 28, declares the Fugitive Slave law of 1893 and i iB6O to “be in full force within die limits ot said Territory I ot Kun-a?. And section 32, repeals the slavery restriction put upon that Territory in JB2O, hi the following manner: Section 32. * * * * * * *. I That the the Constitution, and all laws of the United Slates which are not loeally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Kansas ‘as elsewhere within the United States, except the eighth section of the act preparatory to tite adnureion of Missouri into the Union, approved March sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which being inconsistent with the principle of non inteivention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territores, as recognized by the legislation ofeighteen hundred and fifty,commonly called the Compromise Mea sures,is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States: Provided , That nothin ing herein contained shall be construed to revive or pul in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to the act of sixth of March, eighteen hundred and twenty, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery. This is all that relates to slavery in the Nebraska-Kansas bill. Now let us see what is said about the Voters—and how the Territory shall be governed. The 23d section thus defines the qualifications of voters for the/rsf£election in the Territory,', leaving the- matter thereafter to the Legislature: Sec. 23. And be it further enacted, That every free white male inhabitant above the age of twenty-one years, who shall be an actual resident of said Territory, and shall pos sess the qualifications herein after prescribed, shall be enti tled to vote at the first election , and shall be eligible to any office within the said Territory ; but the qualifications of voters and of holding office, at all subsequent elections, shall be such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative as sembly ; Provided, That the right of suffrage, and of hold ing office, shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States, and those who shall have declared on oath their intention to become such, and shall have taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and the pro visions of this act. And provided further, That no officer, soldier, seaman, or marine, or other person in the army or navy of the United States, shall be allowed to vote, or hold office in said Territory by reason of being on service therein. And the 24th section thus defines the powers of the Leg islature: Sec 24. And be it further enacted, That the)l.Legisla tive power of the Territory shall extend to all lightful subjects of legislation consistent with the Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this act; but no law shall be passed interfering with the primary disposal of the soil; no tax shall be imposed upon the property of the United States; nor shall the lands or other property of non residents be taxed higher than the lands or other property of residents. Every bill which shall have passed the Coun cil and House of Representatives of the said Territory shall, before it become a law, be presented to the Governor of the Teriitory; if he approve, he shall sign it; but it not, he shall return it with his objections to the house in which it originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, alter such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the fc obiection? f to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsid ered, and, if approved by two thirds of that house, it shail become a law. Butin all such cases the votes of both houses shall he determined by yeas and nays, to be entered on the journal of each house, respectively. It any bill shall not be returned by the Governor within three davs (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the assembly, by adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a Jaw. There is no section or PROvisioN'in this Act in relation to the disposal of the public lands !—or as to who shall OCCUPY THEM, HOW THEY SHALL r BE OCCUPIED, ;WHAT, SHALT, be paid for them, Ac. Ac. The only allusion to the land in these Territories, is to appropriate certain .Townships in each Territory for School purposes, and locating the seat of government. NEW MEXICO AND UTAH ACTS, These two acts are separate, but both contain the ame provisions. Now let us see .what the Utah act, one of the Compromise measures in 1850, says as to and th government of the territory. ’ First, then, as to Slavery. Section 1, after defining the boundary of Utah, provides, that “When admitted as a State, the said Territory, or any portion of the same,shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admisssion.” Section 9 contains the same provision of section 27 in the Nebraska Kansas act, in relation to trials in the Su preme Court, the trial of titles to slaves, Ac. The lave Law of 1850 was not then passed, but the provisions of the act of 1793 was included in the following: Sec. 17. And be it further enacted, That’the Constitu tion and laws of the of the United States are hereby ex tended over and declared to be in force in said Territory of Utah, so far as the any provision thereof may be applicable.” And this is all in these'acts that is’said’in relation to sla very. It will be.recollected, however, that Mr. Stephens contented that the old (Mexican Jaw in that Territory against slavery should be'repealed. But, as the Legisla ture of Georgia did notjsustain him, and was content to take the acts as they are, he yielded his objections and vo ted for them. Now Jet us see what it says about the Voters—and how the Territory shall be governed. The sth section thus defines the qualificationof voterss: “Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That every free white male inhabitant above the age of 21 years, who shall have been a resident of said Territory at the time of the passage of this bill, shall be entitled to vote at. the first election, and shall be eligible to any office within said Territory; but the qualifications ol voters and of holding office at all subsequent elections, shall be such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative Assembly, Provided, That the right of suffrage and of holding office, shall be exer cised only by citizens oi the United States, including those recognized as citizens by treaty with the republic of Mex ico, concluded February 2, 18-48.” And the 6th section thus defines the powers of the Leg islatute: “Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the Legislative i pow’er of said power of said Territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation, Consistent with the constitu tion of the United States, and the provisions of this act; but no law shall be passed interfering with the primary dis posal of the soil; no tax shall be imposed upon the proper ty of the United States; nor shall the lands or other prop erty ot non-residents be taxed higher than the lands or oth- ! er property of residents. All law's passed by the legisla tive assembly and Goyerner shall be submitted to the Con gress of the United States, and, if disapproved, shall be : ot no effect.” Here we have the provisions in full for the government, I by the People and Legislatures of the Territories of Ne- ; braska and New Mexico and Utah, and I I w'oull now’ ask these Know’ Nothing objectors to the Kan- ■ ’ sftsaet, to point out the “squatter sovereignty” in that act. ; It there be no squatter “sovereignty in'the New Mexico and Utah acts, I want to see how .they can make any in the Nebraska Kansas act. And as to foreigners voting in these territories, it will he seen that the Kansas act required foreign born persons to declare ’on oath their’Jntention to become citizens of the United States, and to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, before they were allowed to vote at th z first election, while the New Mexico and Utah acts,made no requirement ol the kind of foreigners, but they permitted Mexicans and other foreigners—Mexican citizens, who knew nothing of our institutions,—to vote at the first elections, without taking any oath at all. Even up to this day, there are now for eign born persons voting in these territories, under the New Mexico and Utah hills, who have never taken an oath to become citzen, and who have never been “ naturalized, . and yet we hear these very pure and patriotic Southern Know Nothing objectors to the Kansas act, pa-s over thee matters, and say the “Compromise measures o? 1850 are ail right,“but they blaze away at the Nebraska Kansas act —the same act that the abolitionists at the North obiee* to so much. Bidwould ‘fie Southern Know Nothings have the Kan sas Nebraska act sent back to Congress and altered 80 as to square with the New Mexico and.JJtali ..acts! If so, let U3 see what would be its effeet. At this time the slavehol ders have full control of have the Legisla ture almost unanimously, and have gone on to pass thr most stringent laws lor the protection ot slave pioperiy and have even passed one to prevent abolition documents being brought into the Territory. Under the Nebraska Kansas act, these laws are now good and valid, until re pealed by the people of Kansas; whereas, under the New ! Mexico and,Utah bill, they would not be good, but „ w ould j be “ null and of no effect” jl Congress “ disapproved ” <4 ! them. And who is it that believes the present Know No -1 thing abolition fusion majority in the House of Representa tives of Congress would approve of any such acts! Thcu why do the Southern Know Nothings make such a his; about foreign born persons voting, when there are plenty other territories in a worse fix than Kansas? Do they want to send this act back to Congress—have the whole matter re-opened, have the bill made like New Mexico and Utah, so that Congress may “ disapprove. ” and make “ null and of no effect” these slave laws of Kansas? Il not, why say so much about this Nebraska Kansas act and against it .’ Rut enough. Let the people, Messrs. Editors, look well to this whole matter, and I dou’t think it will be long before most of them w ill see things as I see them. SOBER SECOND THOUGHT, More Know Nothing Withdrawal!*. The following gentlemen have withdrawn from the Know Nothing Order: Joel L. Walker, No. 120 Crawford county. Thomas A. Bibb county. From the Council in the District ot Wayinausville, Up~ son county. Warren Ogletree, Williamson Young, Arthur Parker, John J. Ogleiree, Hugh Russ, J. L. Manchester, Wesley Snipes, Charles C: stleberrv, H-'J. Wheeless, Green Hancock, George Daily, M illis Jernighau. From) the Council at Busby ville,'Ga. John L. Halstead, Samuel Proctor, A. L. J. Lissubia, Wilson Hartley, J. F. Bateman, William M. Bateman. From the Councils in Randolph county. Brooksville, Sept. 15,"1855. Messrs. Editors: The undersigned Jiaving become satisfied that it is their duty to themselves and the country ~ J t t) disolve their connection with the political organization commonly called Know Nothings; in leaving the order, they carry with them, no unkind feeling towards any if its members, but are impelled to this course from operi* j mental knowledge that its objects and principles art- not j those which induced them to membership. HE BREN PITMAN. 1 HENRY SEND. Eds Times A Sentinel: We, the undersigned citi | zens of Randolph county, desire, through the columns of j your paper, to give notice that we are no longer members i of the Know Nothing or American Paily. ! # JAMES C. COLE, ALEXANDER MORRIS, HENRY STRICKLAND, PETER WILLETT, THOMAS D. FRITH. Messrs Lomax A Ellis: I desire thro’ g;i the col um is of ; oir paper, to give 1 o ‘ce thfct lam no longer a m -mU r of the Amerioyn or Know Nothing Party, September 13,1835. B. B. BEARD. Eos. Columbus Times A Sentinel: You will pleat© add my 1 a ne to the iist o’ - withdrawals from*tlie order o* Know Nothings or Native Americans. B. SUTLIYE. September 15th, 1855. Havana.’ NewJYork, Sept. If. The"l lerald has advices from Havana stating that a r*-- visio of the tariff i< being made, and that features inju rious to American commerce are being introduced. A discrimination in litvor of East India Rice in preference to American, is su:d tube made. New York Quarantine. New York, .Sept. Jo. The Board ol* Health have passed an Ordinance, re qu ring all vessels arriving from Baltimore and ports | South thereof, to perform quarantine until the Ist Novem ber, umess the masters ol the vessels procure certificates | that there is no sickness on board. Vermont Election. Montpelier, Vt., Thursday, Sept. Id, 1 s.>s. All the towns in this State but eleven have been heard from and give Royee, Republican, for Governor K.fiOp majority. These eleven gave him last year 57 majmitj. Appointed. —John i>. uary lias been appointed roeoiv er ot the publiu/jnionies at Elba, Alabama, vice James Larkin, removed. The receipts at Holt’s bar yesterday, for the Norfolk sufferers, amounted to three hundred and thirlyfivc d)llars,nv thereabouts. Few men we imagine, e\ en of tlie milliouare tribe have contributed an equal amount. 1 Mobile Reg inter, 1 ‘6th. Public Meeting* There will be a Public Meeting’at th*- Uputuie Court Ground on Saturday, the 22d inst. There will be a tree BARBECUE. All are invittgi to be present without dis tinction oi party. Ihe Candidates lor the Legislature will be present. A. ODUM, “| F. R. ADAMS, | JOSEPH HENRY, { Uom ’ .1 .1. ROCK MOKE J COMMERCIAL. COTTON STATEMENTS. 2G : — “2 -j- H ~2- Stock ■ 3g ~ * on 3 £ ® cJ. f— -*2 ; 2-a SS. hand rg *? [? : *> Is g - this ~ ra- ■< a- ‘ : r -< ? day. 1854. 2771 fig 335 747 55 5* 113 3‘,1'5 1855. 52 f 2402 1120 3521 1004 Bt;f, gfp- ];>;<, CoLLMBIS. Sept. Ifc. COTTON--Our market continues active, hut prices have receded \ a sc. We quote. Middlings J,. Gcod Middlings y to 9| cents. New Orleans, Sept. 11. Tiie sales for two days have been 7,500 bales. The re ceipts of new’ cotton are very large. Price are ,-teadv. Middling 9 a 3s. New York, Sept 14 Ihe Cotton market is dull and declining. Floui it- ad vancing. Corn ts active but lower. The Great Restorative, FEVER A.>D MiL’E CORED BY DR, M’lAVE‘t LIVER FILLS. Mr. Jonathan Hougham, of Wt;t Union,Park Cos. IJlmois, writer to the proprietors that be bad sufien and great ly from a severe and protracted uitack cl Fever -jim Aius and \fa coipplefaly ie?to;ed to fieajth by the use ot I.r-sr