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nus avfo Sfttlittfl. COLPMBDS; GEORGIA. * SATURDAY EVENING, SEPT. 22, 1855. FOR GOVERNOR. UERSCIIEL V. JOHNSON. FOR CONGRESS* Ist District-* James JL. Seward /of Thomas. 2d, “ M. J-Crawford of Muscogee, 3d. “ James M. Smith, of Upson. 4th | lliram Warner, of Meriwether. sth “ Jno. IJ. Lumpkin,'of Floyd. 6th “ Howell Cobb, of Clarke. 7th *• Linton|Stephens, of Hancock. Bth “ A. H, Stephens, of Taliaferro. MUSCOGEE COUNTY NOMINATIONS. IOR THE SENATE. ALEXANDER J. ROBISON. FOR THE HOUSE Os REPRESENTATIVES. JOHN B. DOZIER. GEORGE J. PITTS. A Few Thoughts Upon the Flection. We shall Dot have another opportunity of addressing the large majority of our readers before the pendiug election. We have fought a long and bitter fight, and the decisive moment is fast approaching when the event of the battle will be ascertained. We confidently an ticipate a total route of the intolerant, proscriptive and bigoted hosts of Know Nothingiem, and the complete and crushing triumph of constitutional freedom and re ligious liberty. But let no man lay off his harness un til he hears the shout of victory on the evening of the first Monday in October. The battle is not always to the strong, * but to the vigilant, the active and the brave. Immense interests are involved—nothing less than the equality of the citizens , the freedom of the conscience , the safety of the Republic. Federalism has£again reared its band in the land of the free and the home of the brave. Another attempt is being made to re-enact, in spirit, at least, the Alien and Sedition laws of the elder Adams. We are oalled on to fight over again the battles of 1800, and God grant that we may emulate in energy and rival” in success the Repub lican fathers who, led on by Jefferson, bore to battle and to victory the banner of freedom. Not less impor tant to us as Southerners is the pending contest.- Whatever Know Nothingism may be at the South, it is leagued with abolitionism at the North. Every Northern State that has yielded to its power, has elect ed Senators and Representatives to Congress who are deadly hostile to the interests and institutions of the South. The Nebraska-Kansas act is the special object of their attack, and no man who voted for that act has been returned to Congress by the Northern Democracy without a fierce conflict with Know NothiDgism.—— In such a fight, it amazes us that any Southern patriot should hesitate on which side his duty calls him. Yet so bitter is the prejudices of some very clever Geor gians that they would, it seems, rather see the cohorts of abolitionism rend the Union asunder, than see the Union saved by the firmness, patriotism and seif sacrifice of the Northern Democracy, We turn away in sor row from these mis guided partisans to the honest yeo manry of the land, and urge them to save the South from the mad zeal of many of her own sous. The tri umph of Know Nothingism at the South would increase the zeal, inspire the energies and strengthen the hands of the Northern branch of the order, which is hopeless ly abolitionized. On the other hand, the defeat of Know Nothingism at the South, would act upon the friends of constitutional freedom at the North like a blast upon the bugle horn of Roderic Dhu at the battle of Sterling: each State’s triumph is worth a thousand men. The contest in which we are engaged is not one of ordinary character ; great principles are involved ; the interests of our section are shaking in the wind; the honor of our great and glorious Republic and the per petuity of the Union are pending on the issue. No Southern man, who concurs with us in these views, has a right to oousult his personal preferences as to men, or to allow his vote or energies to be thrown away upon local issues. The paramount consideration with South ern men in this election is to crush Know Nothingism at the South. It is a fatal apple of discord among Southern patriots. It has set one class of Southern citizens in hostile array against another. It divides Southern councils when our safety is indissolubly in volved in our fraternal union. Let us kiil it, crush it, and then there will be time enough to quarrel about county lines, and liquor laws. The principles of our Government are in peril—nay the very existence of our Rome, is endangered by the mad fanaticism of Nor thern abolitionists. If it is permitted to advance much further, it will uudermiue the firm foundation of the Republic, and in the dreadful overthow, Protestant and Catholic, native and adopted citizens may be whelmed in a oonunon ruin. How foolish is it then, nav, how j criminal is it for us to be quarreling with each other j about the extent of Catholic or foreign influence and ! the probable evils it may inflict upon remote genera tions, when the storm of Northern fanaticism threatens to engulf all alike in a common grave. Freemen of Georgia, oome to the rescue : Strike for your altars and your fires; Strike for the green graves of your sires ; God, and your native land, And may the God of truth and freedom direct your blows and crown your nobJe efforts with the w reath of victory. Not Satisfied with their Party. Indications are coming in from every quarter that the ‘members of the, so called, American party are die* satisfied with their organization. The Mobile Tribvne is urgent in calling for State Council in Alabama to harmonize the “ritual” of the order with the published platform and for other purposes. The Tribune says: Let us briefly run over some of these purposes. First, there is iso harmony between the ritual and “platform” withiu Alabama; secondly, there is no harmony between Alabama and tne adjoining states ; and thirdly there is no man who is hot perplexed by these imperfections ot the or ganization. To remove these obstacles to ruccess, we think is busi ness enough lor a convention to properly attend to. Aud it delay be dangerous, the argument in favor of the measure is complete. We have seen how little dependence is to be placed on northern parties. In that section they are taking care of ihemselves. In this section, ; apparently, all parties are waiting to tee what care they intend to take of us. We want the south and all its parties to utter their own opinions boldly and explicitly,so that no subterfuge can be founded by other sections upon our silence. Our convention may meet and, like the states around us, give expression to its own necessities. It may also modify ite non essentials so as to put them in harmony with its es sentials. in Virginia, a Convention has been actually called to le held at Lynchburg on the 18th inst., for the same purpose : The Organ at Washington, says that it proposes to bring together, tor the purpose of patriotic consultation not only the members 41 tlje order, but as far as practicable, eucn enlightened citizens of the union, as sympathize with its general views. This coutfcil is “to consult calmly upon the preset political condition of the country, to declare authoritatively the principles of the American order, and to present as a basis of future action a series of political truths in the enforcement of which moderate and conservative men of all parties may unite, and which, representing the interests of every section, will yet tend to secure the lasting union of the states.” Now if the order is whipped io Georgia at the next election, we shall doubtless have n similar Convention here. It strikes us that it will be time enough for the people of Georgia to give power into the hands of this mongrel concern, after they have settled among themselves what they, are and what they want. Here is the Tribune striving to fix up a Southern party oat of the brokcu fragments of the order in Alabama ; while Garnett Andrews is trying to convince the peo ple of Georgia that the safety of the Union and of the South is involved in keeping up a connection with the Northern branch of the concern, which, according to the Tribune, “are taking eare of themselves.’’ Which is right ? Flections, Oaths of Superintendents, Keturns &c. As the pending election is one of vast moment to the country, it has been suggested, that public conve nience and popular rights may be promoted by publish ing a short abstract of the more important provisions of the election laws accompanied with some of the most important forms to be used by the managers. Ist. Who ure authorised to act as superintendents of elections, and by whom are they to be appointed ? One Justice of the Inferior Court, or one Justice of the Peace, and two freeholders ; or two Justioes of the Peace, and one freeholder; or, in case the Magistrates refuse or negleot to act, then three freeholders of the County may hold the election. The statute does not authorize any one to appoint the electors. They aot at the instance of the Magistrates, or by common con sent. 2d. The oaths of Superintendents and who may ad minister them. Superintendents are required to take and subscribe to the following oath : “All and each of us do faith fully swear, or affirm, that we will faithfully superintend this day’s election that we are freeholders, Justices of the Inferior Court, or Justices of the Peace of this County ; that we will make a just and true return there of ; that we will not, knowingly, permit any one to vote unless wo believe he is entitled to do so according to the laws of this State, nor knowingly prohibit any one from voting who is entitled by law to vote : and wo will not divulge for whom any vote was cast, unless called on under the law to do so.’* Any justice of the Peace, or other officer authorized by law to administer oatbs, may qualify the Superin tendents ; or if any one be present and refuse to qual fy the Superintendents, the Superintendents may take and subscribe the oaths before each other. 3d. Forms to be used by Superintendents. Superintendents are required to appoint three clerks whose duty it is to number the tickets and keep three rolls or lists of votes on each of which shall bo reg istered the number and name of each voter, aDd mark the names of those who are challenged and sworn.— One of these rolls is for the Governor, the other for the olerk of the Superior Court, and the other for the Grand Jury ; and to this last must be attached a copy of the oath of the Superintendents. The clerks are also required to keep three tallv sheets on which shall bo entered the number of votes received by each candidate. After the election is closed and the votes are count ed out, the Superintendents of each precinct must make out and sign the following return. State of Georgia, ) By virtue of of the Statute, County, $ in 6Ueh issue made and pro vided, an eleetion was this day held at ■——■ >, iu said county, for a Governor of the State of Georgia, for a member of the House of Representatives of the Con gress of the United States, for the Congressional District, to represent said State, in the next Congress ; and for a Senator and —members,of the House of Repre sentatives, to represent said county in the General As sembly of said State; and for a Judge of the Superior Court for the Judicial circuit of said State; and we, the Superintendents of said election, do certify that upon counting out the votes polled, the following is the result : FOR GOVERNOR. [Here insert the names of the candidates and the votes each one received.] FOR CONGRESS. [Here insert as betore the names of candidates and the number ot votes received by each, and so on until the whole are enumerated by name. Then add as fol lows :] Wliioh will more fully appear by reference to the ac companying statement of the poll. [Hero add list of votes and tally sheet, and con clude as follows :) I Given uuder our hands and official signatures, this Ist October 1855. Signed, A. B. C. D. & E. F. Superintendents. This return is then to be sealed up, with the three lists of voters and Tally Sheets enclosed, and sent up to the Court House, for the purpose of being consolida ted on the next day after the election, when and where | at least one of the Superintendents at each preoinot is ! required to attend, j 4. Os the consolidated Returns. The Clerk of the superior Court and at least one Superintendent at each Precinot, are required to count, compare and add together the returns of the Precinot elections and oertify and return to the Governor the result of such eleotion, except the votes for Governor, which are to be kept separate aud sealed up and sent to the President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, according to the following forms : State Georgia, ) The undersigned, Superiu- Couuty, ( teudents of said election, do hereby certify that we have compared, counted and ad ded together, the votes polled at the several precincts in said county, agreeably to the returns made by the Su perintendents at said precinct ; that the enclosed con tains the names of the persons voting in said election ; the names of the persons voted for, and an accur ite state ment ot the polls’as kept at the several precincts iu said county. Given under our hands aud official signature this Oct. 2d 1855. Signed, A. B. C. D. &e., Superintendents. The foregoing return should be signed by at least one Superintendent from each precinct. The packet should then be sealed and directed “To His Excellen cy, H. V. Johnson, Milledgrville, Ga. sth. Return of the Governor’s Election. State of Georgia, ( By virtue of the statute, iu County, \ such case made aud provi ded, an election was held this day at the -—— in and for the district, G. M, for Governor of the said State ; the following is the result of said election : CANDIDATES. Votes. Herschell V. Johnson, “ Garnett Andrews, “ B. H. Overby, The undersigned, Superintendents of said election, do hereby certify that the above and foregoing Contains the names of the persons voted for, and an accurate state* ment of the poll, as kept at said preeint in said election. Given uuder our .hands, 4c. A. B ; 0. I). Superintendents. After the returns of the votes for Governor at each precinct are consolidated,, as heretofore explained, the packet is to be sealed up and directed “To the Presi dent of the Senate, aud Speaker of the House of Rep resentatievs, care of IJ is Exetllenoy, H. YVJohuson, Milledgvilla, Ga. For full particulars see Cobb’s Analysis and Forms, page 500. P. S. By special statute voters are required to vote for or against the Removal of the seat of Gov ernment. Those opposed to Removal, will endorse No Removal ; those in favor of Removal, will endorse Removal, and the place to which they wish it removed. More Withdrawals m Randolph Uounfy. Messrs. Editors : —We des're through the columns of your paper, to give notice that we are not satisfied with the Know Nothing or American party, and here by declare that \vc are no longer members of it. Thomas 11. Deese, Timothy Deese, Alexander Owens. Randolph county, Ga., Sept. 15, 1855. | m m Know Nothing Nominations, Chatham. —Senator, E. C. Anderson ; Representa- j j lives, F. S. Bartow, C. A. L. Lamar. Richmond. —Senator, A. J. Miller ; Representatives, j ■ John Milledge, J. T. Baiton. A. J. Miller is, nevertheless, opposed to the order, j j T. Butler King.—We regret to learn that the, so ! called, American party of Glynn county are running ! this gentleman for the Senate. We had supposed that his conduct in California had forfeited for bun the con fidence of the Southern people. A Friend of the Truth—Let the People Bear this In Mind. The Know Nothing papers, finding that the principles of their order are fast sinking all concerned, in the estimation ol the people, have lately abandoned all argument, or vin dication ot their principles and order, and have commenced publishing the greatest abundance ot munchausen stories iu relation to Gov. Johnson and the State Road, and other matters. And yet, wheu the parties who are concerned or connected with these Stories come out under their owu sig nature with the truth , aud put these stories to flight, the Know Nothing press not only refuse to give these state ments to their readers, (that they may judge correctly,) but they continue their misrepresentations. Is this fair, or is it honorable l If they do not intend to misrepresent and de ceive their readers, why have they not published the letters ot the gentlemen concerned, any if they would not bear scrutiny and maintain the truth,pointed out and exposed their weakness or uutruthfulness l Thus, while they have attempted to make their readers believe that Gov. Johnson had bribed Maj. M. A. Cooper to vote for him, why did they not publish Maj. Goopei’s letter and contradict it l While they have censured Gov. Johnson (without knowing any thing about the matter themselves,) for not granting to C. W. Howard all that he asked , and that, too, without knowing whether he asked what was right, and what he was intitled to, why have they not published Gov. Johnson’s letter and show’ where lie had acted iinpioperiy ? And while insinuating or charging Gov. Johnson with attempting to bribe Maj. John 11. Howard,(his own political and personal friend,) by selling him old iron for the Girard and Mobile Railroad ; And, also, while censuring the Governor on account of the sell ing ot some cars lately at Chattanooga, w’hy have they not published the Superintendant Cooper’s letters in relation to these matters, and let their readers know all the facts ? Maj. James F. Cooper’s letter in relation to these matters is but a short one—not a half columu iu the ordinary news papers ot the day—its length can be uo objection. And still the Columbus Enquirer of this morning declines or re fuses to publish it, while it continues its misrepresentations in relation to the sale of the ears. Let the people think ot these things ! Truth does not fear to let any one see its opponent—but it seems that the Know Nothings press is afraid to let its readers see the TRUTH. Judge Crawford in Florence. Florence, Sept. 15, 1855. Messrs. Editors : Perhaps it will not be uninterest ing to you, as well as to your readers iu other portions of !• the district, to say to them that Judge Crawford paid us j a visit at this place to-day, and gave us a speech of over | two hours in length, iu which he did honor to himself and | oredit to his party. He stood firmly upon the platform of I the Democracy, locked Know Nothingism straight in the ; f-.ee and gave it some blows which it doubtless will long remember. The followers of “Samuel” sung small upon this oueasion, but nevertheless would occasionally j eep through the crowded assembly, whilst the Judge, with eloquence irresistible sent conviction to their hearts. He clearly showed the unconstitutionality of the order, and that this Know Nothing plant, not a native of the South, could not flourish upon Southern soil. It is not mj pur pose, iu this brief article, to enter into a detailed account i of Judge Crawford’s effort upon this oeeassion, but suffice j it to say that he made a sound and logical, as well as a fine ! speech, fully up to the exception of his friends. The j main objection that I hear urged against the Judge is that j Col. Hawkins can beat him telling anecdotes (!) What j account are anecdotes in Congress ? We have told j Northern fanaticism anecdotes already two long! What account will anecdotes be when the cloud of political ruin j rises above our horizon, when the muttering of its thunder i shake this republic, even upon its mighty base, from i ocean to ocean, whilst its pillows reel to and fro’like cedas ! in a tempest! Gentlemen, to meet the eiiitrgeoy, we want just such rneu as Martiu J. Crawford. Will the people elect him ? 1 Our county candidates Maj. Phillips. B. L. Kimbor* ough and J. A. Fort,- Esqrs., were present upon tlte oo casion. J. B. G. Immigration to the United States. —The super intendent of statistics of the Department of State, has furnished the subjoined statement, made up from official custom house returns, exhibiting the number of passen gers arriving at Boston, New York,’ Philadelphia, Balti more aufl New Orleans, by sea, from foreign countries during the first half of 1855, compared with the number arriving at the same ports during the first half of 1854 : Ports. 1854. 1855. Boston. 10,416. 6,680. New York 148,841. 78,601! Philadelphia 7,244. 4.693. Baltimore.. 4,419. • 3,124.1 New Orleans 28,379. 13.417. ‘ Total. ..199,299. 106,515. ! Showing a dscrease in the immigration at the above ports in the first half of the present year of 92, 782. Santa Anna’s Family. —Svane members of Santa .4n- ’ ra’s family (his 6ister and brother *in law) passed through Louisville, JKy., on Thursday last on their way to New j Yord. The ex-President if expected to fyllcw them shortly. j For the Times & Seutioel. Messrs. Editors.—la ‘tirfes when .questions are to be settled, and associations of men are to be opposed and de feated, endangering the vital interests of the country, we should frequently refer to the authority of the ?Fa|hera of this Republic, the great names of our Revolutionary histo ry. Mr. Jefferson will be considered, in all time to come, as the father of the great Democratic Republican party of these States. The opinions of no man that ever lived, upon those issues involving the welllare of the United States, ought or can have more weight. With regard to combin ations and associations of men, outside the government, we find the following letter: Brutus. Monticeli.o, March 6th, 1822. Sir: —I have duly received your letter of February the 16th, and have now to express iny sense of the honorable station proposed to niv ex-brethren and myself, in the con stitution ot the society tor the civilization and of the Indian tribes. ’ The object also expressed as that Oj the association, I have ever had much at heart, and nev er omitted an occasion ot promoting it, while I have been in a situation to do it with effect, and nothing, even now, in the calm of age and retirement, would excite in me more lively interest, than au approveable plan ol raising that respectable and unfortunate people from the state ot phys ical and moral abjection, to which they have been reduced by circumstances foreign to them. That the plan now proposed is entitled to unmixed approbation, 1 am not pre pared to say, after mature consideration, and with all the partialities which its professed object would rightfully claim from me. I shall not undertake to draw the line of demarkation between private associations ol laudable views and unim posing numbers, and those whose magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the march of regular government. Yet such a line does exist. I have seen the days, they were j those which preceded the revolution,when|even this last and j perilous engine became necessary; but they were days j which no man would wish to see a second time. That was ! a case, when the regular authorities of the government had > combined against the rights of the people, and no means of j correction remained to them but to organize a collateral ! power, which, with their support, might redeem and secure their violated rights. But such is not the case with our government. We need hazzard no collateral power, which, by a change of its views and assumption of others, we know not how virtuous or mischievous, would be rea dy organized atid in force, sufficient to shake the establish ed foundations of society and endanger its peace and the principles on which it is (.based. Is not the machine now proposed of this gigantic stature? It is to consist of the ex-Preeident of the United States, the Vice President, the heads of all the Executive k Departments, the members of the Supreme Judiciary, the Governors of the several States and Territories, all the members of both Houses of Congress, all the general officers of the army, the Com missioners of the Navy, all Presidents and Professors of Colleges and Theological Seminaries, all the Clergy of the United States, the President and Secretaries of all Associa tions having relation to Indians, all commanding officers in or near Indian Territories, all Indian Superintendents and agents; all these ex-officio; and as many private in dividuals as .will pay a certain price for membership.— Observe, too, that the clergy will constitute nineteen-twen tieths of this asesoeiation, and by the laws of the majority, may command the twentieth part, which composed of the high authorities of the United States civil and military, may be controlled and wielded by nineteen parts with un controllable power, both as to purpose and process. Can this formidable array be viewed without dismay? It will be said that in this association wiil be all the confidential officers of government; the choice of the people them j selves. No man on earth has more implicit confidence | than myself in the integrity and discretion of this chosen j hand of servants. But is confidence or discretion, or is strict limit the principle of our Constitution? It will com prebend indeed all the functionaries of government; but se- | ceded from their constitutional stations as guardians ol the nation, and acting not by the laws of their station, but by j these of a voluntary society having no limit to their pur- i foses but the same will which constitutes their exi-tence.- j t will be the authorities of the people and all influential j characters from among them arrayed on the one side, and on the other the people themselves, by their leaders. It is a learlul array. It will be said that these ; are imaginary fears. 1 know that they are so at present.— I know thatjit is as impossible for these.agents of our choice and unbounded confidence to harbour machinations against the adored principles of our constitution, as for gravity lo change its direction and gravid bodies to mount upwards. The tears are indeed imaginary, but the example is real Under its authority, as a precedent, iuture associations will arise, with objects at which wc should shudder at this time The society of Jacobins in another country was instituted on principles and views, as virtuous as ever kindled the hearts of patriots. It was the pure patriotism of their pur poses which extended their association to the limits of the nation, and rendered their power within it boundless; arid it was this power which degenerated their principles and practices to such enormities as never before could have ! been imagined. Yet these were men and we and our de- ! sceudanta will be no more. The present is a case, when, if j ever, we should guard against ourselves; not against our- j selves as we are, but as we may be; for who can imagine j what we may become, under circumstances not now imag- j inable. The object, too, of this institution, seems to re- j quire so hazardous an example as little as any which could • be proposed. The government is, at this time, going on with tiie process of civilizing the Indians, on a plan probably as promising* as any one ot us is able to desire, and with resources more competent than we could command by vol untary taxation. Is it that the new characters called into association with those of the government are wiser than these? Is it that a plan originated by a meeting of private individuals is better than that prepared by the concentrated wisdom of the nation? ot men not self-chosen but clothed with the full confidence of the people? Is it that there is no danger that anew authority, marching independently along side of the government, in the same line and to the same object, may not producce collision,may not thwart and obstruct the operations of the government, or wrest the object entirely from their hands? Might we not as weil appoint a committtee for each department of the govern ment to counsel'and direct its head separately, as volunteer ourselves to direct the whole in mass? And might we not do it as well for their foreign, their fiscal and their military as for their Indian affaits? And how many societies aux iliary to the government, may we expect to see spring up in imitation of this, offering to associate themselves with this and that of its functions? In a word, why not take the government out k of its constitutional hands, associate them, indeed, with us, to preserve a semblance that the: acts were theirs, but assuring them to bo our own, by al- i lowing them a minor vote only? These considerations have impressed my mind with a force so irresistible that (in duty hound to answer your po lite letter without which 1 shoud not obtrude an opinion; I have not been able to withhold the expression of them —- Not knowing the individuals who have proposed this plan, i 1 cannot be conceived as entertaining personal disrespect | for them. On the contrary, I see on the printed list, persona , for whom I eheish sentiments of sincere friendship, and j others tor whose sincerity and purity of purpose I have the i highest respect. Yet, thinking as I do, that this association j is unnecessary; that the government is proceeding to the same object under control of the law, that they are competent j to it in means, in wisdom and in inclination ; that this as sociation, this wheel within a wheel, is more likely to pro- : duee a collision, than aid ; and that it is in its magnitude j of dangerous example ; I am bound to say, that as a dutiful j citizen, I cannot in conscience become a member of this so ciety, possessing as it does, my entire confidence in the integ rity of its views. I feel with awe the weight of opinion to which I may he oposed, and that for myself, I have need to ask the indulgence of a belief that the opinion I have given is the best result I can deduce from rnyown reason anrl ex perience, and that it is sincerely conscientious. Repating, therefore, my just acknowledgements for the honor pro posed to me ; I beg leave to add the assurance to yourself and die society ol rny highest confidence and consideration, i THOS. JEFFERSON. *V See 4th volume of Jeffersou’e Works, page 345. Conversion of a Desert into a Lake. Captain William Allan, of the British navy, h;s pub lished a book advocating the conversion of the Arabian Desert into an ocean. The author believes that the great I valley extending from the southern depression of the Le i banon range to the head of the Gulf of Akaba, the eastern branch of the head of tha Red Sea, has been once an ! ocean. It is in many places 1,300 feet below the level of j the Mediterranean, and in it are situated the Dead Sea and j Sea of Tiberias. He believes that this ocean, being cut off from the Red Sea by the rise of the land at the south j ern extremity, and being only fed by small streams, grad ! ually became dried by solar evaporation. He proposes to cut a canal of adequate sze from the head of the Gulf of Akaba to the Dead Sea. and another from the Mediteran ean, near Mount Carmel, across the plain Ksdraelon, to the fissure in the mountain range of Lebanon. By this means the Mediterranean would rush in, with a fall of 1, 300 feet, fi 11 up the valley, and substitute an ocean of 2,* 000 square miles in extent for a barren, useless desert; thus making the navigation to India a§ short as the over land route, spreading fertility over a now arid country, and opening up the fertile regions of Palestine to settle ment and cultivation. The conception is a magnificent on®, but no sufficient •survey has been made to determine its practicability cr its eost. LATER FROM EUROPE. arrival 0F the STEAMSHIP BALTIC. New York, Sept. 20. The steamship Baltic Ijas arrived, with one week later news from Liverpool. Cotton bad declined there MOth to l-Bth ol a penny. S lies of the week, 56,000 brdes. Breadstuffb.—Flour firmer; Corn advanced on© shilling. Money.— The Bank has increased the rate of interest. Codsols 90| a |. The War. The war is unchanged. The Russians have been large ly reinforced, and are threatening to attack the Allies at several points. The Russians are building bridges across the harbor, and strongly fortifying the north side. Further by the Baltic. Columbia, Sept. 29. Tfie Baltic sailed from Liverpool on the Bth inst. C ommercial. The Liverpool Cottnn market was easier. We annex the following quotations : Fair Orleans ?*. Middling Orleans 6 7 1-6. Fair Uplands 6i. Middling Uplands 61- Miscellaneous. Generals Simpson and Pelitsier telegraphed to their respective Governments, under date of the 3d inst., that nothing new had occurred either as to the Beige or their positiou ou the Tohernaya. The Russians were again threatening an attack, and the Allied army was kept on the alert, parties remaining constantly under arms. The question is, whether the Russians would attack the Teberuaya lines, or Baiaklava via the Baidar Valley'. Gen. Simpson adds, that the Russians were actively en gaged in bridging the harbor of Sevastopol; and fortifying the north side ; also that they have recently received re- jnforeetnents. There is nothing further from the Black sea. Later from Texas. The steamship Charles Moreau arrived on the 17th from Galveston and Indianola, bringing us Galveston files of the 13th inst. The papers before us contain but little of interest. The yellow fever at Galveston has assumed a milder type, and the few eases occurring there, says the News, generally partakes of the character of dangus . — The weather continued warm, with the winds variable.—* At Houston the yellow fever waa rather on the increase at the latest dates. Yellow Fever at Canton, Mi??!. New Orleans, Sept. 19. One-fourth of the population of Canton, Miss , ar® down sick with the yellow fever, and new *'fises are oc curring daily. Twenty-nine deaths are reported. The Gale of Saturday. New Orleans, Sept. 19 The gale on Saturday did extensive damage at ail the places along the* shore of Luke Borgne, Several lives i were lost. the Plague-Stricken Cities. Norfolf, Sept. 18. The fever is increasing. There were 15 deaths in this city on Monday and in Portsmouth 17 deaths in 17 hours. Iu both cities many new eases occur daily. Boston Quarantine Regulations. Boston, Sept. 13. I The Board of Aldermen yesterday passed an orde* quarantining vessels from Baltimore and the South until the I Oth of October. From Kansas. St. Louis, Sept. 17, 1855. The Abolitionists in Kansas have nominated ex-Gov. Reeder for Delegate to Congress. The second Monday in October has been fixed by them for the election, being one week after the election called by the Legislature. George W. Perkins of Virginia is announced in the Texas Register as the candidate for Delegate to CougrtsE. The Register assumes to be the organ of the National Democracy, whose policy is based on a strict construction of the principles of the Kansas Nebraska act. Tkt Recent Heavy Robbery at ‘Saratoga.— General Halsey has recovered about $14,000 worth of ihe railroad bonds and other papers stolen from him at Saratoga on the sth of August last. The diamonds, jewelry and uiod ey amounting in value to about $5,000, have not been re covered. There was an insurance on the life of the late Abbot* Lawrence to the aniouut of $40,000. By his will this is left to his widow. Halt, ot a superior quality, is being manufactured by solar evaporation, in tbe vicinity ot Corpus Christ). At the late term of the Superior Couit for Litchfield county, Ct., 26 persons were divorced from each other. Fho 1 resident has reinstated Commodore Stewart at the Philadelphia Nava! Station, from which the Naval Retiring Board removed him. Mr. Buebanan will embark for the United States, on or about tbe 6th of October. Lying and Re lying. Fur tome weeks the Know Nothings have given up the argument. They are ashamed of their practices, avf* they have no principle a What they proclaimed gs their leading principles, a few weeks back, they Dow repudiate and abjure. Ha\ing exhausted .be argument, they now fall back upon their last resource, that of slandering the Democratic candidates. Asa specimen of their tactics we propose to review a lew of their most prominent slan ders against Governor Johnson. Their first grave charge was, that the Governor had bribed Mark A Cooper this infamous slauder has been so completely refuted and demolished, that every man that has any reputation m lose is ashamed to mention it. They* next* averted Mia* Governor .Johnson had deceived Mr. Jenkins at Handers, vile m relatiou to their appointments. Mr. Jenkins im mediately came out and denounced the whole story as a falsehood from beginning to end. Nothing daunted or discouraged by being caught in these infamous falsehoods they do not even try to excuse themselves, because they know they have no excuse, but immediately set to work to invent other lies, which they believe will not be con tradicted until after the election. One of these new in ventions ot the enemy was about Governor Jubneon gi anting a lot ot land in Tfiornas*eounty ;we pinned this to their foreheads last week. Another about the Gov ernor s getting a large number of the Algenne laws printed for circulation, and then refusing *o pav flit piin v ter, we have nailed to the counter this week by the te*ti mony of Mr. Dodd, who they said did the work, and was the very man whom they bed as their authori ty for the w hole etorv. Al! of these grave charges have been proven tc be lies of the most barefae* and and most infsmone rharacU a Neither of them had the least particle of truth,” or even probability in their whole composition Thev were e-J rant falsehoods, in the'r whole length, breadth and thick** nes. -- Federal Union,