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TTMKS & SENT INFX
OOLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 4, 1858
The Question only Postponed.
From whatever cause our readers may reeret the de.
nnuement of the Kansas imbroglio, we are convinced tliet
will sympathise with us in the gratification that it is a’
length removed from the halls of Congress, and from the
topics of present excitement. Glad indeed would we be
to persuade ourselves and assure our readers that the ques
tions which have evoked and kept alive this prot acted
controversy are put to final rest by the issue of the strug
gle. This, however, our convictions will not allow us t<
do. It may well be doubted whether the brief truce wf
have obtained has not been purchased by the abandon
meet of a commanding position. The enemy has no’
been rouied. At best, only a temporary advantage hat
been gain* and, and on the first occasion the war will be re
opened with unmitigated, nay, aggravated ferocity. We
•inure to deal with enemies whom no covenant can bind—
who proclaim and evince a determined and restless hostiii
ty to the developm nt and progress of Southern
vrhoseconscience will endure no shackles of religion of
ligtture ot oath that restrains the unhal lowed faith of anti
slavery fanaticism and who. in their effort to crpple an<
crush the institution of slavery, are defiant alike of diviut
command and human enactment-
Th • pr gramme of the next onset is thus clearly enunciate
by Mr Howard of Michigan, in a speech on the Conter
ence bill.
“Another point which seems to be entirely over
looked is the utter invalidity and imbecility o’
such a prohibition -fit should bp enacted. If tin
Eeopleof Kansas, under this bill, should reject th.
.ecompton Constitution, what is to prevent then
forming another instantly, and applying for ad
missi >n to the Republican C ngress, which wl
be elected next November? Dies this Congr -s.-
expect to bind the next upon such a subj^c 1 ? Hi.-
not the rei eat of the Missouri Compromise taugh’
the country that one Congress c mnot make lavv.-
whieh another cannot repeal? The people of Kan
sas understand this matter perfectly, and will no
be influenced in the least m voting upon the Le
Compton constitution, by this enpy threat of ex
C l uding > them three or four years longer from th.
Union.”
The people of Kansas then are to reject the propositior
of Congress, which act by the provisions of the bill, will
remand ihem to the territorial status ; they are then to
frame an anti slavery constitution, and, whether with m
without the required population, make application for ed
mi-sion, and be admitted by a Black Republican Con
grew. This is not sc much the announcement of propht
cy as a conclusion established by the highest degree o
moral evidence. The only suspici which renders th.
consummation at all problematical must be based upon th.
fact that the politicians of Kansas are greedy of office and
may not hrook the delay. But will not the next, or the>
after succeeding Congress be republican? Let the trea-oi
ot Douglas an-*w r the question. Let he still more recent
and significant defection of the twenty cne northern dem
ents be heard in reply; or it these fail to give a satisfae
tory response, let those be summoned from obscurity, wh>
“faithful even unto infamy,” voted in the repeal of the Mis
souri Compromise to blot a hoary oppiession from
records of the country. The fate which befel those who
participated in that act of simple justice leaves ns no
room to doubt the verdict of condemnaiion which is soon
to overwhelm the faithful few who dared to maintain th.
truth and the right. Let the past instruct the present.
were belter to be the dupes of an over zealous care than the
victims of too confident a security.
Thet-teady progress of anti slavery power—the prompt
ostracism from the benches of ju tice and the halls of leg
islation, ot the men who acknowledged some obligation
to the constitution of the country, .-hould assure us thai
abolition menaces are no longer worthless, empty vaunts,
but the authoritative expression ot an active, living purpose.
Depend up it, the fight has to be mode, and’ it behooves up
to be sure that we are prepared. We must manfully breast
the current, or, unresisting-, be whirled away in the turbid
wave. W ith what emphasis, then, are we exhorted by
the instruction of the past, the inspiration of the present, the
suggestions of patriotic duty, and the instinct of self preset
vation,to quell the party riot in our midst, and no longer
emasculate the force ot Southern sentiment upon the great
question of Southern tights, Never does fortune exert her
empire so cruelly over mankind,as when she dooms to dis
sension upon insignificant and nominal is-ues, those who
are united in interest and destiny upon one all et.grossing
question.
“Fas est et ab hoste doceri .”
By our enemies we may be instructed in that unity of
faith and rigor ot discipline which gives power and guai
antees triumph. The cement which holds them together is
hatred to the South and her institutions. Let us be united.
comrolled and stimulated th the opposite seutiment —love
fur the South and her institutions In this flame let ou
petty divisions be consumed. The genius of poetry and
patriotism has proclaimed the creed which should swallow
up all other creeds-in comparison of which all otheis
aiuk into tot get fulness.
For though ten thousand altars bear
O.i each for heaven a different prayer,
By light ot moon or light of sun,
At Freedom's we should all be one.
Hon. Alfred (Teriou’i Speech.
” ® commence to day ihe publication of the fpeech ol
Hon. A.fred Iverson, delivered in ihe United States Senate
April 14 h on the Paeifij Railroad bill. This subject it
now engrossing much of the public attention, and the Jog
ical and able remarks of our Senator will be read with
pleasure He does not lavor the bill in the shape that u
is piesented to the Senate, but will support it with some
amo idineuts which he thiuks should be engrafted upon it.
He favors a southern road. We will give our views on
this question at some future period, and regret that they
are not the same as those euicrtaiued by the learned Sen
alor.
City Guards.
This corps, commanded by Capt. Colquitt, paraded yes
terday w.th 41 muskets, aod performed various evolutions
through the streets. A most beautilul and lile-like am*
brotype ot the corps was takeu by A. J. Ruldle ol the Si.
Nicholas Uallory-tJ
Daily Prayer Meetings*
The Young Men’s Christian Association still continue
to hold their daily prayer meetings at 5 o’clock P. AJ.—
Their room tor meeting is over Temperance Hall—where
all are invited to attend—male and female, of ail denom
inations .
Tnere was a very large and attentive audience in atten
dance upon tne meeting on Sabbath. Several fervent ap
peals were made in behalt ot religion by young men, which
seemed to be replete with interest to the numerous youug
people there assembled. The meetings are daily iucrea
ing in numbers and interest. A silent yet protound rel.*
gtous feeling pervades the whole community. We hope
the good work will grow st 11 wider and deeper.
Union Piayei Meeting.
The Union Prayer Meeting of the several Churches of
this city, is going on with unabated tervor aud interest.—
There was no meeting this morning in consequence of the
ram. Held to-morrow morning at the Presbyterian
Church. The public are earnestly invited.
WgATHER*— We have been vieited with a delightful
ram, aod the farmers appear in fine spirits. It has revived
and refreshed the dry lands, as well as the streets of the
eity, where it was much needed.
Resumi tion in Geoipla.
On Saturdav last, the banking institutions in this State
voluntarily resumed the payment of specie for their bills
Our Legislature, it will be remembered, graciously allow
ed them until next November to recover from the late fi
nancial shock; but to verify the predictions of their
friends, and demonstrate the sincerity ot their own declar
ations, given at a time when distrust was almost epidem
ic, they have set their houses in order, and now decline
to avail themselves ol the full measure, or even half, of the
proffered indulgence. We presume, of course, that none
would have taken this step wi'hout the fullest assurance of
heir ability to meet the respo sibility it involves. We
have not examined the reported condition of any but the
Union Bank of Augusta; but if the remainder ot our
Banks are able to make as good a showing, it is not diffi
cult to comprehend that exemption Irom specie payment,
hough it may still be a right, is no longer a privilege.
This gratifying result, we conclude, justifies the policy
of our legislature in legalizing the late suspension, and
c mveys a lesson for our instruction against the resort, un
derail circumstance, to harsh and rigorous though legal
means, without some allowance for causes and some refer
ence to consequences.
Mon'gome v ill- i Vi or spondent.
A writer io the last Montgomeiy Mail does us the honor
of devoting a column in that Journal to our position on
ihe Kansas conference bill. Without enterirg into a dis
ussion wi’h the correspondent we refer him to our la ; t is
ue, where he wi 1 find that we have many objections to
he Kansas hill,though we accept it, and are not so “jubi-
I mi” over its passage as he supposes We prefered a di
ect vote on the naked que- ion and should have li-en or
fallen With it. Let this suffice.
Russell County Flection —From the returns receiv
et from the different precincts in Russell County, it is pro
bable that McCoy is elected Judge of Probate, to fill the
vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Judge Lewis
dis principal opponent was Mr. Waddell.
Communicated.
Messrs. Editors—l notice a communica‘ion in the Sun
f Friday last over the signatu eol “Paul Pry,” to which
vith your permission, I propose to devote a few hasty re
a ks:
I must acknowledge that Mr. Paul Pry has a most un
loubted title to the impressive name he bears, by prying
mto a matter with which he has as little to do as his small
id parsi ion ictus spirit entires him.
But it is somewhat singuDr that the gentleman should
levote so much of his time and attention to ‘to a crowd
f young lads who have scatcely laid aside their swad’
dlingclothes,” as to honor them with an article in a pub
lic journal; and while we admit that long experience in
fie influence and effects of “ld bald face” may have enti
•led him to great saga tty in discerning its manifestations,
vet his judgment was in error for oiue at least, as there
oas not been a drop of liquor in ‘he company since its or
ganization—one of the first resolutions passed being that
no spirituous liquors be allowed in the company
Nevertheless, we do not expect to restrain our hilarity
on all proper occisions, either for the gvtod opinion of
Paul Pry or Paul-anybody else; and allow us further to
-ay, that we believe, that if “that large portion of the
commu ity who do not approve such conduct,” were
marshalled before # the world and the balance of mankind,
ra>.k and file, horse, foot and dragoons, the sum total of
such host would just amount to Paul Pry.
Finally, should Paul Pry ever choose to while away an
chor idle hour in abusing our humble eff >rts in a good
cause, he may rest assured he will always receive a hearty
reception from No. 5.
Congress Not lu Session.
Washington, M.y I.—Neither branch of Con
gress was in session to-d <y.
Gen. Walker to Senator Slidell.
New Orleans, April 27,1858.
Sir — l have read a printed copy of your speech,
delivered in the Senate on the Bth instant, sent to
a gentleman in this city under your frank. It is,
merefore, a copy, I presume, approved by your
self.
In that speech you taxe occasion to assail my
public character. You industriously disclaim any
intention to asperse my private reputation : and I
am, therefore, obliged to con.-ider vour language
concerning me as used in a political sei.se and for
political purposes.
Considered in this light, justice to the cause I
represent compels me to say that your speech, so
far as relates to my acts, is a tissue ot mis-state
ments, and that its insinuations are as false as its
facts are groundless.
Yonr obedient servant,
WM. WALKER.
Hon. John Slidell.
Gen. Walker.—The general inquiry of “What
has become ot Gen. ’ may be answered by
the following extract from a letter, written by the
New Orleans correspondent of the St. Louis’Re
publican.
“The ex-President of Nicaragua, Gen. William
Walker, is now in this city, atid has been tor a
month post. He is collyand contentedly waiting
ins trial belore the United States District Court,
on charges of violating the neutrality laws which
is expected to tnke place in May. He keeps him
self secluded in his room, and writes,l understand,
as industriously and continuously as if commit
ting to paper the minute pailiuuiars of the last
ew busy and eventful }ears of his life. An ar
dent friend and follower of the renowned filibus
ter informs me that another raid upon Nicaragua is
not only contemplated, but in actual preparation,
and that he co fi ience in its sticcess is just a*
great as it ever was: and that Gen. Henningsen
has been busy securing friends to the cause ar
ranging for recruiting, and making other prepara
tions, and that no for.nidaole obstacle is expected
to interfere.
Hon. Mr. Giddmgs, of Ohio, is subject to
fi a. On WVdne-day he was attack* and whilst mak
ing a speech, and fell back into his chair, looking
like a corpse. Altera few moments he sut
ficiently recoven d'o bt-carried out. It was an in
teresting and melancholy sight, and caused a deep
feeling throughout the had.
The resumption, on Sa urday, as we ant'ei
paien, passed off with tilt the slight-st unusual call
for specie. The banks, we learn, received about as
much specie as they paid out.
7“ The Life of Bishop Capers, written by Dr
Wiuhtman. will be isi-ued f'r.im the Charleston
press about the Ist of June.
Bi-hop Pierce, —This able and eloquent divide,
has accepted an invitation to preach the annual ser
mon before the graduating class of Normal College
North Carolina, at its next annual commencement,
the 23d of June.
£3F"Mr. Smith, you said you once officiated in
a puipit—do you mean to say, then, that you
preached?”
“No sir, I held the light for the man who did
preach.
Ah, the Court unders’ood you differently. They
supposed that the discourse came directly from
you.’
‘No, sir, I only thro wed light upon it.’
SPEECH OF HON. ALFRED IVERSON.
In the U. S. Senate on Pacific Rvil Road bill ,
April 14 th 1858.
Mr. I. said :—Mr. President, I gave notice yes
terday of my intention to offer some amend
ments to this bill, and I rise now for the purpose
of suggesting them. Before I present the amend
ments, however, I propose to submit some remarks
upon the general merits of the bill, as well as up
on the amendments which I shall submit.
All agree as to the policy and importance, if not
the necessity, for a railroad communication between
the Atlantic States ard the Pacific coast. The
very large and increasing travel of our own citi
zens between the two sections, the rapidly grow
ing population, wealth, and importance of our Pa
cific possessions, soon to fom several powerful
and flourishing States of this Union ; the immense
amount of mineral wealth which those and the
imermediate regions contain, and which is to be
extracted from the bowels of the earth for the ben
efit of the whole people of the United States : the
increasing demands of commerce and social inter
course between the two sections ; the necessity of
protecting this vast region from the invasion of
hostile nations, with which we may hereafter be
at war, requiring the rapid and speedy transporta
tion of troops, supplies, aud munitions of war,
from point to point—all conspire to urge the spee
dy construction of that channel ot communication
which shall be the cheapest.quick st, most c< rtain,
and secure, between the A'lantic ami Pacific pos
session* of the United States. It is true that we
have now the transit routes by the way of Pmnma
and Nicaragua, and may in the process of time
have others through the Central American or
Mexican States, but they are outside of the Uni’ed
States and nearly entirely by sea. Whilst in peace
our people who travel by them are subject to the
capricious and arbitrary exactions of the foreign
nations through which they pass; in time of war
all the troops, supplies, and munitions of war which
we might find it necessary to send to the pacific
coast for the defence of those States, would neces
sarily encounter great dar g-*r from the enemy’s
ships, and fleets, rendering the transportation ex
tremely hazardous and costly, if not entirely im
practicable These routes may be temporarily
used as a matter of present necessity, but they can
not be r died upon for permanent purposes.
The v st interest which may be at stake in the
event of war, and which may depend upon a spee
dy and safe communication within the limits ot
our own country, make it imperative that such a
communication should be establit-hed at the earli
est practicable period. It is also true that we have
several wagon roads, be*ween ihe confines of the
Atlantic States and the Pacific, over which people
ma* travel, emigrants may find their way, mails
may ne carried, and even troops and munitions of
war may be transported ; but the delay and enor
mous expense of these routes render them highly
inconvenient in tin e of peace, and utterly useless
in tm* of war. The only speedy, cheap, and cer
tain communication for travel, mails, commerce,
troops, and military stores, is by a railroad—a
railroad which would convey any amount of pas
sengers and freight, which would carry all the man
matter of the United States ; w hich would trans
port any number of troops or seamen from its
terminus on the Mississippi or Missouri river to
San Fiaucisco in five days, and for at least one
third the cost ot th<> present routes. The impor
tance and necessity of the work must ,be apparent
‘o, ai.d conceded by, all honest and intelligent men.
How and when is such a great work to be accom
plished ?
The average distance from the Missouri or Mis
sissippi river (ihe probable eastern begimng ofsuch
a railroad) to the Pacific ocean, is about two thou
sand miles. I need not stop to enumerate the ob
stacles to be overcome, and the difficulties to be
en'*'u itert and, in the construction of the road. It
could i o co -it less than fifty millions upon any
route that uas heretofore been surveyed, or that
is ever iikely to be discovered. Upon some of
them it would cost double that sum. Such an
undertaking is scarcely within the power of indi
vidual enterprise and means. If there was an
ahundance of capital, and no want of public spirit,
still no company of individual stockh Mere could
probably be found who would be willing to under
take such a gigantic work, to expend such a vast
sum. and run such dangerons risks in its construc
tion, f>r the uncertain profits which would arise
from i’,Jat least for many years ot its early existence.
It may well be considered certain, therefore, that
without the aid of Government no Pacific railroad
can or will be built for a half century to come.
When the vast country between the present in
habited portions of the United States on the east
and west, stretching from Nebraska, Kansas, Ar
kansas, and Texas, across ihe great plains and
the Rocky Mountains to Oregon and Calfornia,
shall be settled up by whites, and shall furnish trav
el and mineral or agricultural products for railroad
transportation, then, and not tii! then, will indi-
vidual weal!hand enterprise be bold enough to run
the iron horse between the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans over any route within the United States.—
The important, pressing, and contrcling exigencies
of the Federal Government and the people of this
country cannot wait upon so slow a process. Time
is important. The den ands of public service are
pressing. The great interests of commerce, of
civiliz turn, and of progress, are calling loudly and
sharply for action.
H >w is this great, essential, necessary avenue of
trade and travel to be opened, and in the shor
test possible time? It can only be done by the aid
of the Government. It may be done, in my opin
ion, by the legitimate and reasonable aid of the
Government. In the bill now under consideration,
there re two inode-- by wh ch governmental aid is
to be given to individual enterprise in the construc
tion of this desired work—one, a donation of pub
lic lands; the other, a mail contract for a term of
year* - , with (e tain amounts of payments in advance
to be refunded back to the Government in railroad
service.
It is proprsed to make a donation, to any pri*
vate company w'nic mav engage to build the
road and carry the United States mails, troops,
&c. ; of the alternate sections ot the public lands for
twenty m les on each side of the road. This would
give the company ten sections on each side, or
twelve thousand eight hundred acres for each mile
of road constructed. I do not object to the quan
fity of land proposed to be granted. Runn ng, as
the road will, for h*ur fifths of the way, or more,
through an iminhab ted,and much of it a sterile re
gion, the lands would be worth nothing to the Gov
ernment or the company, wth the road, at least
for many years to come; and if the road adds val
ue to the la ids granted, the remaining lands re
served by the Government will also be enhanced
in value,*so that nothing will be lost to the public
Treasury by the operation.
I know, sir, that many persons deny the power
of Congress to make these grants to railro ds.—
Whilst I have grea r respect for their opinions, I
cannot concur in them. I have no, and never
had, any doubt of the constitutional power of Con
gress to make these grants. The power is given
in the Constitution in express terms:
“Congress shall have power to dispose of and
make all needful rules and regulations respecting
th territory or other property belonging to the
United S ates.”
It may sell, or lease, or give ;• if it sells or leases
it may fi* the price and prescribe the terras it
may sell for cash, or on credit; it may sell at pub
lie auction, or private sale; it may, in abort, make
any deposition of it w tich, in its judgment, nn
be for the interest* of the United Suues. The onh
limit to its discretion is the o dilation of good faitl
as a trustee to the cestui que trusts of the propert),
to make the best bargain jt can for the benefit o’
the owners, within the bbunds of honesty and fair
dealing. The public lands, either in the States ot
Territories, are held by Congress in trust for th
several States, or the people of the United Siates.
The power to dispose of them has been conferred
upon Congress; it is the duty of Congress so to
dispose of them as in its judgment will most con
duce to or promote the interests of the Government
and'people.
The whole matter is within the judgment of Con
gress. If it judges unwisely, if it acts corruptly, il
it fools away the property, the remedy is in the
hands of the people themselves. They can dismiss
the agents and appoint or elect new ones; they
can pass sentence upon their unfaithful servants
at the ballot box, and intrust their interests to sa
fer and wi-er and better men. But whatever may
be the temporary evils in the management and
disposition of the public domain, consequent upon
or arising from the weakness or corruption of those
who are intrusted with its management, the power
to manage, control, and dispose of it, within a
sound discretion, is distinctly conferred in the con
stitution upon Congress. When, therefore, it is
to make a grant of land to a railroad
company in advance of its construction, the < nly
question to be considered and determined by Con
gress, the trustee, is as to the policy and expedi
encv of the grant. Is it the best disposition, all
things considered, that could be made of the lands
in question ? It is cer ainly the fact that, in al
most every case where lands are thus given, either
the road, without the grant, would not be built at
all, or would linger for many years in its construe
tion. In the meantime, the lands are unsalable and
unsold. Without facili.ies for travel and transpor
tation to market, emigration is slow, population is
sparse and poor, and the country remains unset
tled and uncultivated. Make the grant of land,
and thereby secure the early construction of the
road, and the country opened up by it rises at once
into importance and notice. Emigration becomes
active, population fl >ws into it, the lands rise in
value, and the Government sells its reserved sec
tions for as much or more than p could got for the
whole, without the road, and sells them sooner.—
Does any injury result to the cestui que trust by
the < peration ? Is one dollar taken from the public
Treasury ! Does not the Government obtain a full
and fair pri< e for the whole of the property? Such
is the direct result. And look at its collateral ef
fects. The road is built, an avenue ot trade, comf
merce, convenience, and travel is opened; popula
tion flows into the adjoining country ; property
rises ; agriculture, commerce, and the arts, increase
the wealt l , promote the prosperity, and add to the
power of the State. The benefits of the operation
are ramified and incalculable.
Whi e, therefore, the power clearly exists, the
expediency and propriety of mukit g these grants
cannot,in my opinion, be fora moment doubted.—
1 believe that it is expedient, proper, wise and neces
sary that the power sttould be e.\er is< and in the
present case, and I am willing to vote a donation
of lands to the extentindi- afed in the bill, provided
the other provisions of the bill shall be so moldtd
as to suit my viewsofwhat is necessary and prop
er to be done. *
The other mode of giving governmental aid to
the great object proposed by the bill before us, is to
make a contract with the company that undertakes
to build the road,” to carry the United Slates mails,
troops, seamen, munitions of war, dpc., for a period
of years, and at a certain rate per mile per annum,
and to advance to the contractor equal portions of
the aggiegate sum, as each section of twenty-five
miles ot the road i* completed ; the sum thus ad
vanced, with inieres*, to be repaid to the Govern
ment in service performed under the contract. It
is scarcely necessary or proper to assert or argue
that the power to do this is within ti e constitution
el competency of Congi ess. The power to estab
lish post offices and post roads is especially grant
ed to Cong ess in the Constitution. The power to
cause the mails to be carried on these roads, and
to and frorr these offices, is not only a proper but
necessary incident to the specific grant. Con
gress, in its discretion, instead of employing its
own carriages or wagons and horses, hiring its
own drivers and agents, has considered it more
economical, and in all respects wiser, to contract
with individuals tor carrying the mail* 3 , under such
rules and regulations as are established by law.
Government can establ sh a Pacific railroad as a
post road; it mav establish post-offices on the
route to be supplied with mails. It has already
post offices on the Atlantic and on the Pacific side
of the Union to be supplied with mail service.—
Congress may, therefore, make or authorize to be
made a contract for the transportation of the mails
upon the road or roads to be constructed across the
continent; may stipulate the price and other terms;
may make a contract for one or more years; and
may pay at slated periods,after the porfotmauce of
the service, or in advance of it it it shall consider
that to be the best for ihe Government and the
people. It is for Congress to decide upon, and to
instruct the execution by law, the terms and con-
ditions upon which this public service to be per
f r<ued. and which in its judgment, wi.l best pro
mote the public interes's. The power is unlimi
ted, exce, t by the obligation ot good faith, in pro
viding lor the protection and promotion ofthe pub
lic interests, by as speedy, cheap, and safr trans
portation ot the mails, and odier Government prop
erty, as possible.
With the power clearly existing in Congress,
who can doubt the propriety, expediency, and wis
dom, ot making a contract for carrying the mails,
and advancing rea-onable amounts 10 the
company from time to time, which, with other
Government aid and their on n private resources,
would enable them to prosecute a work of such
vast and paramount importance ?
Entertaining nodoub', myself, 1 cannot hesitate
to authorize such a contract, wuh necessary and
proper conditions and restrictions, as will, in m\
judgment, go further to promote the great object in
view than any other step which Congress could
co stitu’ionally adopt.
It may be asked, if Cotigress c*n aid in the con
struction of a road by a donation of public lands,
and by advat cing money upon a mail contract,
why may not Congress build the rr ad, on the Gov-
ernment behalf, by an app>*opria'ion of money di
rect from the national Treasury? I answer that
the power to dispose of the public lands is specifi
cally granted in the Constitution; the power to
provide for mail service and other pubfc transpor
tation is necessary and proper to eatry specific
grants into effect. But there is no power granted
in the Constitution to Congress to build railroad
construct canais, improve rivers, or appropriate
money for these object. C ngress cannot appro
pride money for the comtruction of any work ot
internal improvement which is not absolutely nec
essary tor the Government use, or to execute som-
other specific constitutional grant of power. Ido
not consi ler that there is such an absolute necessi
ty for a railroad or roads across the continent, either
for the transportation of the mail, or the Govern
ment troops, military stores, and munitions of war,
as would justify Congress, under the Consti ution,
in expending many m llions of the public money,
and undertaking the construction of 6uch a road by
its own means. The mails may be carried, as they
are now carried, either hy the isthmus routes or
overland in wagons and carriages. Troops, sea
taeo, stores, and munition* may be transported by
he same routes. It is true, that the process is so
-low, hazardous and expensive as almost to make
he construction of a railroad a necessity; but still
lot of such pressing and obligatory character as to
draw therefrom the right, under the Constitution,
o build it at Government cost; and, even if the
Government had the power, under the Constitu
ion, to construct the road at its own expense and
tinder its own supervision, it would in my opin
ion, be highly injudicious and inexpedient to do
-o. The reasons against such an undertaking
by the Government are too numerous and too ob
vious to require mention here. The most ardent
friends and wildest enthusiasts in favor of a Pa
cific railroad do not propose or press its construc
tion by the Government. Such a scheme does not
deserve to be considered ; it is out of the
question. Any road or roads which may be de
manded by the great interests of the country, must
be constructed by private enterprise and managed
by individual capacity.
The Government should only lend its aid in
such form and manner as the Constitution justi
fies and the national convenience and ability may
permit. Possesing, as I think it does, the rightful
power and the pecuniary ability to give its aid in
the manner and form, and to the extent proposed
by this bill, I am willing to adopt the general prin
ciple of governmental aid in secur ng the accom
plishment of the great national object of a rail
r< ad communication between the Atlantic and
Pacific oceans, within the territory of the United
States.
But, sir, although I am in favor of the general
principles of the htll,uuder consideration, I am op
posed to the bill itself as it now stands, and cannot
give it the sanction of my vote, without material
alterations. The bill, as it now stands, provides
only for one road, and circumstances which must
necessarily arise will control its location. The bill
itself prescribes that its eastern terminus shall not
be south of tl e mouth of the Kansas river, whilst
its western termination is to be San Francisco.—
Where else can the road be located, with these
teimini, than along one of the northern routes
which have been surveyed? Nor does it require
anv great degree of sagacity to understand that its
loca'ion along one of these northern r< ues will be
controled by the great and all poweriul interests of
the wide—spread net-work of northern railroads
which cover the surface of the earth between New
York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, lowa,
Wisconsin, wiil beat and bear down all opposing
rivalry, and force the location of the Pacific road
on such route as their interests shall dictate.—
T.hat route must be one at least as far north as the
thirty-eighth degree ofnorth latitude,and vety prob
ably will he s 1 ill higher tip. The railroad, there
fore, provided for by this bill will be a northern road
having its location on a nor hem route—making
connections with a northern system of road", pour
ing all its Pacific travel and bade into the i orihern
St .tes, and emptying all its ri. h fru ts into the lap
of northern cupidity and capital. The southern
Siates of this Union will have little infi rest in such
a road. Like a large and flourishing tree, cov
ered with ripe and lich fruit, it will be surrounded
oy a dense throng of eager northern gatherers, who
will clutch all its choice productions, leaving only
a few decayed and v\orthless morsels to their south
ern friends, who stand afar off, on the very
outside of the ciicle of greedy expectants.
Sir, the public lands which will be given to this
road were purchased by the money and blood of
the South as well as ot the North. They belong
as much to the South as to the North. The large
sums of money to be appropriated in aid of this
road are to be taken from a common Treasury, to
which the South contributes ter full share. The
South is entitled o a full participation in all the
benefits which are to be derived by the aid o 1 the
Government from the proposed pathway across
the continent to the Pacific ocean. The amend
ments which I propose to offer to this bill look to
this object, and are intended, and 1 think calculated
to secure it. Whilst they concede the aid of the
Government to the fullest extent, in the shape of
public lands, to a nor hern route, they also con
tribute the same amount of moneyed assistance, in
the form ofa contract for carrying the mails and
other property of the United States to a southern
route.
To be Continued.
LATER FliOM EUROPE.
ARRIVAL OF THE
STEAMSHIP ANGLO-SAXON.
QUEBEC, May 2.—The Montreal ocean steamship An
glo saxon passed the River de Loupe this afternoon. She
brings Liverpool dates to Wednesday, April 21st.
Cominer rial.
Liverpool Cotton Market —The sales of cotton for the
past three business days were .%,ouo bales, of which spec
ulators took 7,000 and exporters 5,000 bales, leaving to the
trade 24,000 hales, Under the influence of news from tho
United States the market improved l-Bd. and closed buoy
ant.
The sales on Wednesday were 12,000 bales.
State op Trade.— . Manchester advices were more favor
able. and manulacturers were demanding an advance.
London Money Market —No change is announced in
the Money market; Consols were unchanged, and quoted
at 96 5-BfS)96 i. H
Arrivals from the United.Statcs —The steamship Ni*g.
ara reached Liverpool April i9 h inst. the steamship Van
and rbilt reached Siuthampton and Havre on the 20th April.
I These two vessels took out to Europe the news of the
floods if. the West. The Niagara left Boston on the 7th
April, and the Vanderbilt left New York on the 10th o
April J
[second dispatch.]
Liverpool General Market. —Flour waa reported very
dull, and wheat very dull ai 2J decline. Corn was q iiet
and yellow scarce and q io ed from Bd. to 15 advance, and
white 15 advance. Rosin heavy and Spirits of Turpen
tine, steady at 4ls. Rice was steady.
Richardson <& Spence in their circular report a declin
ing tendency in the cotton market. The advance caused
by the ne vs from the United States, they say advanced
prices in Liverpool from 3 16 to id. over the quotations by
the Arabia on the 19th April
General News.
• [° ur L tiews dls Ptchfs by this at rival are meagre, caused
either by the lateness ofthe hmr on Saturday uight when
the Anglo Saxon arrived at Quebec, or the uninteresting
nature o f the general news.J
Mr. D’lsraeli, the chancellor of the Exchequer, present
ed his budget on Monday the 19th of April It show* a
deficiency ot £4, 000,000. A postponement of some of the
uaymentß now due or coming due —and the imposition of
increased taxation on Irish Whiskey, and stamped Bankers
checks are among the measures reecommeuded fur adop
tion by the Chancellor,
It it officially announced that the Britieh government
will not at present resort to force against Naples, in rela
tion to tht differences growing out of the capture of the
steamship Cagliari.
The acquittal ol Barnard in an English court has caused
great sensation in France. The j u nals have been afraid
to publish the speech ol the prisoi>er&’ count-el. It is beiiev
el that the Emperor Napoleon will notice the matter.
An Irishman who was very near-sighted,
about to tight a duel, insisted that he should stand
*x pace* nearer his antagoiis* than the other did
to him, and that they were both to fire at the same
time.