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TIMES <fc SENTINEL
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 5, XBSB.
The War Measure in the Senate.
The debate on Monday (3lst ult.) in the Senate relative
to the outrages upon our flag by British cruisers show? a
disposition not to evade the issue about to be made be
tween the British Government and our own. Unless the
former should relinquish her right of search and visitation
of our vessels, we may not expect a friendly solution ol
the question. Mr. Mason and Mr. Hammond, while in
dignant at the insults offered our commerce by a friendly
power, desired to steer clear of war. Mr. Crittenden did not
want to precipitate matters —he desired to weigh every
step, but could not negotiate with England until we re
ceived'redress. Mr. Toombs took the same position and
did not like Mr. Mason’s resolutions—they were not tangi
ble and worth nothing—Messrs. Douglas. Wilson and
Hale stood with Mr. Toombs, only went a little further.
From what we can gather from the debate, we are led
to believe that Mr. Mason’s report, which is simply a de
claration ol purpose, will be amended so as to be more
acceptable to the country. Our flag should be respected in
the high seas by a friendly power. If not, we must enforce
it as the only alternative. .
Hon. Jefferson Davis’ Letter.
We publish in another column the letter of this distin
guished Mississippian in relation to the English Conference
bill, which has recently passed both houses of Congress,—
It will be seen that he gives this measure his thorough en
dorsement and regards it more favorably than the Green
Senate bill. The opinions of this gentleman are entitled to
great respect, as the fire-eating class of politicians in the
South—of which we class ourselves—have always regard
ed him as a safe and reliable leader. We cannot however
hail the measure with that degree of satistaction and joy,
which we would like, receiving as it does the endorsement
ofa united Southern delegation.
Secretary Cobb’s Letter.
We publish, to-day, the letter of Mr. Cobb, in reply to
the Collector of Customs at Charleston, S. C. The pur
port of this letter is a denial ol the right to any one to
import African laborers into this country, either as slaves
or apprentices. As the law now stands, we do. not see
how two opinions can be formed upon the justness and
propriety of that decision. With the execution of the
law as it is, the administration alone is charged ; even
where the law is obviously unconstitutional the Executive
may not obstruct its operation. That right or duty is con
fided to another department of the government. Ihe En
quirer of to day, in commenting upon this subject says
“Wechallenge any press or politician of the country, to
point to that clause of the Constitution of the United
States which authorizes Congress or the Executive to
make such unjust discriminations between the two sec
tions of the Union as this decision institutes.” Without ar
guing the question of “unjust discrimination” &c., which
is assumed in this challenge, we think the Consiitution
clearly gives to Congress, the power to do what it has
done, in Section 9, Article 1, we read that, ‘ The migra
tion or importation of such persons as any of the States
now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro
hibited by the Congress prior to the year eighteen hun
dren and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such
importation, not exceeding ten dollars for such person.’
The necessary and unavoidable implication lrom this
language is that, at the expiration ol the time limited
above, Congress may prohibit the importation, &c.
Movement of the Mormons.
— A ’Go rumored inteHi° , ‘ i nr>fl here that the
Mormons have capitulated, but no official confirmation of
that fact has yet been published lrom the War Department
at Washington.
Congress is upon the heel of an adjournment and it is
suspected the movements of the Mormons in inviting Gov*
Cumming into Salt Lake City, is anew ruse de guerre
with some ulterior object in view. In the face too of this
rumored intelligence of peace, we have frequent news of
the hostility of the Mormons to our authorities.
London Quarterly Review.
We have this valuable Magazine on our table, which
we always greet with pleasure. It is published by Leonard
Scott Cos. New York. The April number contains as
usual many valuable and interesting pieces. *
Harper’s Weekly.
This may be an interesting paper and full of valuable infor
mation, but that it smacks of abolitionism, and free-soilism,
no one can doubt, who ever read an extract from it. It
has lately alluded to Senator Toombs —his unpopularity
“calling the roll of his negroes at Bunker Hill” and indulg
ed in a few free-soil sentiments which should taboo it at the
South. We protest against the reception ol any such jour
sal as will wander from its true sphere —that of liteiature,
to the discussion ofpolitical topics to gratify Black Repub
lican prejudice by giving vent to its iree-soil proclivities
We have no objection to it as long as it preserves a decent
respect for our institutions.
Exciting Times in New Orleans.
New Orleans, June 3—The political parties on the
eve of election are highly excited- A vigilance commit
tee was in possession of the Arsenal which was fully forti
fied.
The jury on the trial of Gen. Wtn. Walker, disagreed on
any verdict. The General demands a now trial.
The causes of tfce revolution in this city are outrages,
assassination and murders which are being almost hourly
committed, Gen. Tracy’s division of militia have been
called out and a battle was expected in the city this alter*
noon The excitement is intense all around.
Mayor Waterman had read the riot act at the headquar
ters of the Vigilance Committee. The militia are busy
making cartridges.
From Washington.
Washington, June 3.—ln the Senate to-day,
they passed miscellaneous appropriation bills.—
They postponed the adjournment until the 14th
June.
The House resolved to postpone the adjourn
ment till the 10th inst. Mr. Davis, of Mississip
pi, brought forward a resolution authorizing the
President to cause the arrest of all British ships of
war committing outrages upon our vessels.
A Great Riding Feat in California.—A great
riding feat was accomplished on the Union Race
Course, near Sacramento, Cal., on the 2d instant.
Jack Powers, an Irishman, who has been in Cali
fornia a great many years, and has become almost
half Spanish, rode 150 miles in 6 hours and 43
minutes, or at the rate of a mile in 2 minutes and
40 seconds. The best time was 2 minutes and 18
seconds, and the worst was the 94th mile, which
was made in 10 minutes and 24 seconds. He us
ad 24 horses, all of California stock, and rode
none more than four miles nor less than one mile.
He mounted 72 times in the course of his race.
Ten thousand persons were present. Powers had
a bet of $2,500 that he would run his 150 miles in
eight house, and the result showed that he had an
hour and seventeen minutes to spare. Towards
the end of his task he began to spit blood and show
signs of weakness, but it is said these were only
tricks to get bets out of the green ones. He
weighs 150 pounds and rode upon a full rigged
Cnlifornia saddle strong enough to hold a bnII by
the pomthel .and weighing forty pounds.
Washington Correspondence.
Washington, June Ist, 1858.
There is considerable stir in diplomatic circles, this
morniog, and the whole metropolis is on the qui vire for
the next intelligence from the gulf. It was whisper
ed about at an early hour to-day, that the steamship Ful
ton, five guns, was sunk, some where near the coast ol
Florida by the Styx—and some hours later, the rumor
was increased by the additional news that a merchant ves
sel in company with her was also sunk, and all hands m
both perished—The excitement in Washington exceeds
any thing witnessed here since 1852, and whether the ru.
mor turn out to be true or not, the spirit which it has
awakened shows that the heart of the nation throbs boldly
and warmly, in the tace of such outrages as have re
cently been committed against our flag in the waters of
the gulf. Lord Napier maintains a stolid indifference
both in regard to recent events and the rumors of to
day. He affects total ignorance of these matters, and
awaits advices from home before expressing any opinion
On the heel of the rumor above stated, comes another
letter authenticated to the effect that the new trench mu
ister Monsieur Belly has kicked up’a terrible fuss in Central
America. He has succeeded in defeating the American
treaties, in bringing about a coalition among the Central
American States, avowedly in opposition to the death, to
American mterests-in upsetting transit contracts-m daz
zling the vision of the Nicaraguans and other Central
Americans with sixty millions of francs and a trench
Protectorate, and all this he has had the adroitness to ac
complish without divulging his plans or exciting the least
suspicion as to his intrigues—Our Minister, Lamar, was
kept in profound ignorance of every thing—Should e
news of the destruction of the Fulton prove correct it will
excite a feeling of indignation throughout the Union, that
nothing short ofa war or the most condign punishment of
the pirates can appease. BRUTUS
Washington, June 2d, 1858.
The rumor of a disastrous collision between the U. S.
steamer Fulton and a British Gulf Steamer, referred to in
my letter of yesterday, does not seem to be well founded.
There is no confirmation of it this morning, and no such
intelligence has reached the Navy Department. Lord Na
pier has dispatched orders to the Admiral of the West In
dia station, to suspend all further proceedings of this charac
ter, except in cases of the known violation of the treaty
relative to the slave trad'a, untilfurther advices are received
from the Home Government. The old gentleman began
to smell smoke—and hence his affected ignorance of all
such outrages as have recently transpired in the gulf; and of
the orders or motives which originated them. The feeling
of the country is unanimous, a few Black Republican jour,
nals excepted—in punishing what has been done and in
demanding immunity in future. In Congress, there is
some difference of opinion as to the best mode now as to
the necessity of prompt action —indeed, short as the time
is between now and Monday, h is generally believed in
Washington, that Congress will invest the President with
ample powers to put an effectual stop to these proceedings
in the gulf, as well as to secure indemnity and protection in
view of past and future outrages, in Mexico and the States
of Central America. Hence it is generally understood
that Congress will adjourn on the 7th of June, as already
fixed—Yesterday Mr. Jones, Chairman of the Committee
of Ways and Means, introduced a bill providing that
when Congress shall close thi3 session it will be to meet
on the second Monday in November. Objection was
made, but 1 learn it will meet with more favor and may be
adopted when it comes up again.
Our Municipal election comes off next Monday—Lord
grant 1 may not have to communicate the melancholy
and fatal results that formed the subject ol my letter to
the Times & Sentinel in reference to our election one
year ago- It is said that 150 Plugs from Baltimoro and 40
<'iuiu tiUUISVJJXO ivy., are now sncuieJ 111 WaslilDfiiuu iru--
dy to avenge the fancied wrongs inflicted upon their party
friends by the marines, last June. . Our city authorities are
taking necessary precautions. Still tho public mind is un
usually excited.
BRUTUS.
Washington, May 29, 1858.
SENATE.
On motion of Mr. Seward, 1,000 extra copies of
the committee’s resolutions on British aggressions
were ordered to be printed.
Mr. Mason spoke on the resolutions, showing
that it is indubitable that international law recog
nizes no right of visitation in time of peace, and
in time of war is only conceded to the extent of
preventing the transmission of articles contra-band
eff war.
Mr Mallory proposed an amendment that the
American people cannot permit such aggressions,
and therefore we should legislate to enable the
Executive to adopt measures at once to prevent
the continuance of such indignities.
He cited the authorities of Judge Story and Lord
Stowell, showing that no armed ship of any na
tion has a right to stop, visit or board for any pur
posej and ships on the sea are not bound to lay
to or wait. The resolutions indicate no more
than that the time has occurred when this must be
settled at once and forever. It is to be hoped that
they may be immediately settled by the Executive.
There is every reason why it should be and none
why it should not. Angry feelings and reprisals
cannot but bring the two countries in collision;
but, whether or not, the nature of the indignities
are such that the American people can no longer
permit it.
Mr. Mallory although recognizing that the mis
sion of the United States and England should be
preservation of peace, yet he could not sacrifice
the right or honor of the country to any power
whatever, —he could not consider that this succes
sion of outrages was the mere act of individual na
val officers.
It was doubtless from the orders of the admi
ral at Jamaica, who in turn had orders from his
Government, and it was a suspicious circumstance
that these outrages commenced immediately after
the refusal by this Government of certain demands
by England respecting the siave trade.
Mr. Hale moved to amend the amendment to
the effect that the acts of the British are bellige
rent in character, and should be resisted by all the
power of the country. He considered that the acts
of the British should be met by acts, and not by
arguments.
Mr Mallory withdrew his amendment in favor of
Mr. Hale’s.
Mr .Toombs was also in favor of Mr. Hale’s [
amendment and further; said that the British I
war ships in the Gulf should be seized and brought r.
to our own ports or sunk, and he would be satisfied jj
with nothing short of it.
Mr. Seward did not need the opinion of eminent !
lawyers to tell him how he should act when our
flag was insulted.
Mr. Douglas thought it was time to look after
the offending vessels, and not to remonstrate with
the British Government. We should first take
the offender to an American port, and then diplo
matize.
Mr. Hayne admired men of the mould of Crom
well and Jackson.
Mr. Wilson offered an amendment authorizing
the President to"employ the naval forces, and send
them to the infested waters with instructions to
capture the vessels that have committed the belli
gerent acts.
At this stage of the proceedings, the subject was
postponed to take up the appropriation bill.
Without perfecting the bill the Senate adjourned
at 5 o’clock. *
LETTER FROM HON. JEFF. DAVIS.
Washington, May 14, 1858.
Dear Sir: —It gives me pleasure to acknowl
ed*e;the receipt of vour letter of the Ist mst., to
which, being still unable to write, I must reply by
availing myself of the hand of another.
You ask my views as to what the South should
do in the event that Kansas should be finally re
jected under the Lecompton constitution. iour
inquiry shows that you had not, at the date of your
letter,’learned the action which Congress had ta
ken upon the question of the admission ol Kan
sas under the constitution framed at Lecompton.
The questions which agitated the people of Mis
sissippi, when I was last among you, were as to
the course which the administration would pur
sue in relation to the action of the convention in
Kansas, and whether the Congress would apply to
the application of Kansas the dogma of “No more
slave States?” Fortunately for us,, neither of
the issues on which I took position before my fe
low citizens of Mississippi remains now for con
sideration. . ,
The Executive, so far from opposing obstacles
to the admission of Kansas; because the conven
tion had not admitted the constitution formed by it
for the ratification of the people by a popular vote
has used all of its influence to promote favorable
action by Congress upon the application of the new
State; and the Congress, barring all side preten
ces, and overthrowing all opposition to the consti
tution of Kansas, because it recognized the right
of property in slaves, have decided to admit Kan
sas into the Union with the constitution framed
at Lecompton: thus, at the same time, deciding
that the recognition of slavery in the constitution
of anew State should not exclude her from ad
mission into the Union, and that the inhabitants of
a Territory, when assuming the powers and res
ponsibilities of the people of a State, have a right
to regulate their domestic institutions in their own
way—framing their fundamental law either by
delegates assembled in convention, by the people
convened in mass, or by any other mode which to
them may seem best.
Appended to the constitution as a condition con
nected with the application for the admission into
the Union, the convention of Kansas submitted an
ordinance which set up extraordinary and inad
missible claims in relation to the public domain,
and demanded exorbitant grants of land for edu
cational, railroad, and other purposes. These the
Congress refused to recognise as a right or to grant
as an endowment, at the same time proposing to
the people of Kansas terms which, though more
moderate, were quite equal to those w 7 hich had been
granted to the most favored State at the date of
her admission. The only questiou, then, which
remains is, will trie people of Kansas accept the
terms proposed by Congress, or not ? If they
accept the terms, then the action ot Congress is
complete; the constitution having been already
received, approved, and the State admitted under
it; and the President of the United States, upon
notification of the acceptance of the grants con
ferred, having been authorized, by proclamation, to
announce the fact that Kansas is a State in the
Union. If the terms offered by Congress be de
clined, then Kansas remains a Territory of the
United States, and, as provided in the act for her
admission, must so remain until she has a popula
tion which will entitle her to at least one represen
tative in Congress.
The mode in which the acceptance or rejection
of the grants offered by Congress in lieu of those
claimed by Kansas should be decided, was speci
fied in the act for admission. This was a mere
question ot policy or convenience, for nothing can
be more clear than that, when the conditions ar
nosoJ to their application for admission had been
changed by the Congress, the people of Kansas
were not bound by their proposition and had a
right to withdraw it, if they believed it to be so
materially affected by the change of the conditions
as to render admmission into the Union no longer
desirable to them.
By the act of admission a Territory becomes an
equal in the sisterhood of States, and those who
claim the right of Congress to modify the consti
tution of a State asking for admission or to coerce
her to enter the Union under terms unacceptable
to the community, offend against the doctrine of
State rights, and deny the freedom and equality,
which are inseparable from the idea of State sove
reignty.
The consequence of admitting a State without a
recognition precedent of the rights of the United
States to the public domain, are, in my opinion, the
transfer of the useful, with the eminent domain, to
the people of the State thus admitted without res
ervation.
The bill first passed by the Senate, like that
which became a law, covered the two points which,
in my opinion, contained all that was important to
the South : First, the recognition of the right of
the people to exercise entire control over the mode
in which they would proceed to form their consti
tution; second, that the recognition of the right to
hold slaves should not be a barrier to the admis
sion of anew State into the Union. Asa question
of preference between the bill of the Senate, which
failed in the House, and that of the committee of
conference, which became a lavy, my judgment is
in favor of the latter, because it distinctly reserves
the rights of the United States, and does not at
tempt to construe, or seemingly to suggest any
modification of, the constitution, or to offer any
justification for having admitted the State, but
leaves it to stand as the simple recognition of the
right of the people—they having formed a consti
tution republican in character—to de admitted into
the Union.
The importance which I attached to the success
of the measure, and my willingness to incur any
jresponsibiiity which attached to a participation in
t, may be inferred lrom the fact that, though ail
invalid, whose condition rendered it less than pru
dent that he should leave his chamber, I went to
the Senate for two days in succession, that I might
have an opportunity io vote for the bill. Its pas
sage was then, and is now, regarded by me as the
triumph of all for which we contended and the suc
cess of a great constitutional principle, the recog
nition of which, though it should bear no present
fruit to be gathered by the South, was an object
worthy of a struggle, and may redound to our fu
ture advantage. By the same means the country
was relieved from the issue which, had it been
presented as threatened, our honor, our safety,
our respect for our ancestors, and our regard for
our posterity would have required the South to
meet, at whatever sacrifice.
I have thus thrown out rather hints than com
plied with your request to give my views fully,
which you will please attribute to the physical
embarrassment under which I reply.
Very respectfully aud truly, yours, 4*c.,
JEFF’N DAVIS.
F. Bostick, Esq., Yazoo City, Mississippi.
Looking Ahead.—From the Augusta Dispatch
we clip the following paragraph from a Washing
ton correspondence of that paper :
“There is much here, even at this time, as
to who will be the next President or rather nomi
nee of the Democratic party, which is the same
thing. Slidell, Lane, Toombs, Cobb, Breckenridge,
Wise, Hunter, Orr, Douglas, and many others, are
variously4nentioned in this connection. Another
report has it, our distinguished Senator, Mr Toombs
positively refuses to be a candidate. This is aho
said of Mr. Cobb.”
Letter from Howell Cobb on African Emigration.
Treasury Department, May 22, 1858.
Sir: It appears trorn your letter of 20th April,
1858, that application has been made to you by
Messrs. E. Laffitte and Cos., merchants, of Charles
ton, S. C., “to clear the American ship Richard
Cobden, W. P. Black, master, burthen 750 31-95
tons, for the coast of Africa, for the purpose of ta
king on board African emigrants, in accordance
with the United States passenger laws, and re
turning with the same to a port in the United
States. * * -n i
You ask the opinion of the Department upon
the propriety of your granting or refusing the ap
-1)1 The question is an important one, and I have
delayed an answer to your letter until I could give
the subject a proper examination.
The form in which this application is presented,
involves the question in some embanassment. Ihe
object of the applicants must be either to import
Africans to be disposed of as slaves, or to he bound
to labor or service, or else to bring them into the
country like other emigrants, to be entitled on their
arrival to all the rights and privileges of freemen.—
In either of the two first named contingencies, the
object would be so clearly and manifestly against
the laws of the United States, as to leave no room
for doubt or hesitation. I deem it proper, how
ever, to call your attention to the provisions of
those laws, as they indicate very clearly the gener
al policy of the Government on the subject of Af
rican importation.
Prior to the Ist January, ISOS, the time fixed by
the Constitution when Congress would be author
ised to prohibit such importation, the acts of 2d
March, 1794, (1,346), and 10th May, 1800 (270).
were passed. These laws indicate the strong op
position felt at that time to the African slave trade,
The subsequent act of 2d March, 1807 (2,426,) and
20th April, 1818 (3,450); as well as the acts of 3d
March, 1819 (3,532), and 15th May, 1820 (3,600),
show not only the promptness with winch the
power was exercised by Congress of prohibiting
this trade to the United States, but they also bear
evidence of the stern purpose of enforcing their
provisions by severe penalties and large expendi
tures. The legislation of the slaveholding States
prior to 1808, exhibits the fact that the first steps
taken for its suppression were inaugurated by
them.
There is no subject upon which the statute books
of our country afford more conclusive evidence
than the general opposition everywhere felt to the
contii uance of the African slave trade.
By reference to the acts of 1794 and 1800 against
the slave trade generally, it will be seen that their
operation was confined to slaves eo nomine. The
first section of the act of 1794 provides, “That no
citizen or citizens of the United States, or foreigner,
or any other person coming into or residing within
the same, shall for himself, or any other person
whatsoever, either as master, factor or owner,
build, fit, equip, load or otherwise prepare any
ship or vessel, within any port or place ot the said
United States, nor shall cause any ship or vessel
to sail from any port or place within the same, lor
the purpose of carrying on any trade or traffic in
slaves to any foreign country; or for the purpose
of procuring, from any foreign kingdom, place or
country, the inhabitants of such kingdom, place or
country, to be transported to any foreign country,
port, or place whatever, to be disposed of as slaves:
and if any ship or vessel shall be so fitted out, as
aforesaid, for the said purposes, or shall be caus
ed to sail, so as aforesaid, every such ship or
vessel, her tackle, furniture, apparel, and other
appurtenances, shall be forfeited to the United
States; and shall be liable to be seized, prosecu
ted and condemned in any of the Circuit Courts,
or District Court for the District where the said
ship or vessel may be found and seized.”
The language of the act of 1800 is the same in
this respect. Both contemplate, in general terms,
the prevention of the trade in spaces. When, how
ever, in 1807, and subsequent thereto, Congress
undertook to prevent the importation of slaves in
to the United States, the language of the iaw was
made more stringent and comprehensive. The
first section of the act of 1807 provides, “That
from and after the first day of January, one thou
sand eight hundred and eight, it shall not be law
ful to import or bring into the United States or the
Territories thereof, from any foreign kingdom,
place or country, any negro, mulatto, or person
of color, as a slave, or lo be held to service or la
bor.
This law seeks not only to prevent the introduc
tion into the United States o\slaves from Africa,
but any negro, mulatto or person of color, wheth
er introduced as slaves, or to be held to service or
labor. Whether or not the wisdom of our fathers
foresaw at that early day that efforts would be
made, under a pretended apprentice system, to re
new the slave trade under another name, 1 cannot
undertake to say; but the language of the law
which they have left to us on the statute book,
leaves no doubt of the fact that they intended to
provide, in the most unequivocal manner, against
the increase of that class of population by immi
gration from Africa. No one could then have
contemplated an object for which African emi
grants would be brought to this country, which is
not clearly guarded against and forbidden by the
law to which lam now refering. It is only neces
sary to add that subsequent acts on the subject
contain the same language. This view of the sub
ject is strengthened by reference to the provisions
of the act of 28th February, 1803 (2,205). The
first section of that act is as follows: “That from
and after the first day of April next, no master or
captain of any ship or vessel, or any other person,
shall import or bring, or cause to be imported or
brought, any negro, mulatto, or other person of col
or, not being a native citizen, or registered seamen
of the United States, or seamen natives of countries
beyond the Cape of Good Hope, into any port or
place of the United States, which port or place shall
be situated in any State which by law has prohib
ited, or shall prohibit, the admission or importation
of such negro, mulatto, or other person of color ;
and if any captain or master aforesaid, or any other
person, shall import, or bring, or cause to be im
ported or brought, into any of the ports or places
aforesaid, any of the persons whose admission or
importation is prohibited as aforesaid, he shall for
feit and pay the sum of one thousand dollars for
each and every negro, mulatto, or other person of
color, aforesaid, brought or imported as aforesaid,
to be sued for and recovered by action of debt, in ,
any court of the United States —one-half thereof
to the use of the United States, the other half to any
person or persons prosecuting tor the penalty; and
in any action instituted for the recovery of the pen
alty aforesaid, the person or persons sued may
be held to special bad Provided always , That noth,
mg in this act shall be construed to prohibit the
admission of Indians.”
It will be seen that Congress, by this act, under
took to co-operate with those States which, by
State legislation, had interposed to prevent the
importation of negroes into this country. At that
time the constitutional prohibition to which I havo
before referred, restrained Congress from the ex
ercise of the absolute power of prohibiting such im
portation. The States, however, being under no
such restraint, had in several instances adopted
measures of their own; and the act of 1803 shows
the promptness ofthe general government in exer
cising whatever power it possessed in furtherance
of the object. The language of this act is impor
tant in another view. It will be observed that its
object is to prevent the importation into the Uni
ted Statas of “any negro, mulatto, or other $ *erson
of color, not being a native, a citizen, or regit uered
seaman of the United States, or seamen, natw ,e s ot
countries beyond the Cape of Good llope. Ls - y R 1S
not confined to slaves or negroes bound 1 abor,
but contemplates the exclusion, in the brat rdest
terms, of all such persons, without regard to die
character in which they may be brought. Itt ex ~
cludes free persons as vvelljas slaves and pen
bound to labor or service. The only limitation
the act is, that it is confined to. such persona
are prevented by the laws of any oi the Stb tes
from being imported into such States.
At that time there existed laws of soi lc of X ‘ ie
States not only prohibiting the introduction of n e ~
gro slaves, but also free negroes. Indeed,. t 10
policy of the slaveholding States has always bee. 11
opposed to the increase of its free negro popula*-
tion ; and it is proper here to remark, that at? the
present time that policy is more earnestly sustain*
ed in those States than at any previous period oi!
their history. After this reference to the laws on:
the subject, it is htfrdly necessary to repeat, that
if the application of Messrs. Lafitte & Cos., contem
plates the introduction of negroes into the United
States from Africa, either in the character of slaves
or as apprentices bound*to service or labor, it is
clearly in violation of both the letter and spirit of
the law, and cannot be granted.
The form of the application made by Messrs..
Lafitte and Cos., would seem to contemplate the in
troduction into the United Stales of negroes- from
Africa,entitled, on their arrival, to #ll the rights
and privileges of freemen. The proposition, upon
its face, is so absurb that it is hardly worthy of se
rious refutation. Messrs. Lafitte and Cos., ask us
to believe that their vessel, fitted out in the port of
Charleston, S. C., is going upon a voyage to Afri
ca, to bring to some port in the United States a
cargo of free negroes. The port to which the ves
sel expects to return is not indicated. It cannot
bo the one from which it sails, nor any other port
in the State of South Carolina, as the introduction
of free negroes into that State is wisely prohibited
by stringent laws and heavy penalties. It cannot
be the port of any other slaveholding State, as
similar laws in each of those States alike forbid it.
The reason for such laws is so manifest, that I do
not feel called upon either to produce the evidence
of their existence, or to justify the policy which led
to their adoption. It is sufficient to know that
the public mind of that section of the Union is not
more cordially agreed upon any one subject than
upon the propriety and necessity of prohibiting, as
far as possible, an increase of the free negro pop
ulation; and hence the laws to which I refer, pro
hibiting their importation from any place.
Can it be that Messrs. Lafitte and Cos., propose
to return, with their cargo of free negroes, to a
port in some of the non-slaveholding States ? I
am not aware of a single State where these new
comers would receive a tolerant, much less a cor
dial, welcome ; whilst, by stringent laws and con
stitutional provisions, some ot them have provided
for their unconditional exclusion.
Looking beyond the legislation which has been
had on the subject by the General Government,
and both the slaveholding and the non-slavehold
ing States, I may be permitted to refer, in this con
nection, to the various, repeated and earnest efforts
which have been made in every sectiion of the
Union, to provide for the removal from our midst
of this most unfortunate class. However variant
the motives which have induced these efforts
with different persons, in different sections of the
country, they all exhibit an earnest desire to di
minish rather than increase the free negro popula
tion.
This public opinoin, thus manifested in every
form, is familiar to every one, and it would he do
ing great injustice to the intelligence of Messrs. La
fitte & Cos., to suppose that they alone were igno
rant of it. Where, then, do they propose to land
their cargo of free negroes ? What is the motive
which induces the enterprise ? It cannot be the
profits of the voyage. There are no African emi
grants seeking a passage to this country; and if
there were, they have no means of remunerating
Messrs. Lafitte and Cos., for bringing them. The
motive cannot be mere philanthropy, for it would
confer no benefit upon these negroes to bring them
to our shores, where, if permitted to land at all, it
would only be to occupy our pest houses, hospitals
and prisons. To believe, under the circumstan
ces, that there is a bona fide purpose on tho part
of Messrs, Lafitte aud Cos., to bring African emigra
nts to this country to enjoy the rights and privile
ges of freemen, would require an amount of credu
lity that would justly subject the person so believ
ing to the charge of mental imbecility. The con
viction is irresistible, that the object of the propos
ed enterprise is to bring these “African emigrants”
into the country, with the view either of making
slaves of them, or of holding them to service or la
bor. Ifso, it is an attempt to evade the laws of
the country on the subject of African importation,
to which 1 have called your attention.
Ordinarily, it would be an unsafe rule for a pub
lic officer to act upon the suspicion of a purpose
on the part of another to violate the laws of the
country, but in this case it is put so c'.eatly beyond
the reach of doubt, that I think that you not only
can, but tli#t you are in duty bound to act upon the
presumption, that it is the intention of Messrs. La
fitte & Cos., to evade the laws of the United States
and you should accordingly refuse their vessel the
clearance asked for. *
I am, very respectfully, llowell Coer,
Secretary of the Treasury.
Wm. F. CoLcocK,Esq., Collector of the Customs,
Chaaleston, S. C.,
Slave Excitement at Norfolk. —There was a
great excitement at Norfolk, Va., on Friday last,
in consequence of Abolitionists running off slaves.
An indignation meeting was Vield Friday night,
and Captain V. Mott and W. Dannerberg were or
dered to leave the city or be tarred and feathered.
A New Jersey cralt with a slave secreted on board
was pursued and captured and brought back to
the city, and her captain and crew lodged in
jail.
Spsy” The Charleston Evening News, comment
ing on Mr. Cobb’s letter to Collector Colcock, refu
sing to clear the ship Richard Cobden for a cargo
of African emigrants, says—
We not onlv regard the Secretary’s letter conclu
sive on every phase and point of the question in
volved, and that it was the only proper and states
man like response to the application which the
administration could give, but looking at the case
as on its face an effort lo enter’upon the importa
tion of wild and savage Africans never mind in
what character or for what purpose, iuto this coun
try, we deprecate and condemn it at large, and de
nounce it as unworthy of these gentlemen and dis
respectful to this community.
Kormon Kews, &c.
St. Louis, June 3.— Advices have been received
from Camp Scott, up to the 6th ult. There was a
report that the Mormons had determined upon re
sisting the United States troops. Gov. Cumming,
had been expelled from bake City. Colonel. John
ston’s command moves for the Valley by tire end
of May. He requests that re— inlorcements be for
warded rapidly.
(This news is unofficial.)
A serious riot occurred in Philadelphia cn
the 24th ult. It appears that during the return of