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LUMPKIN & JORDAN, Editors and Proprietors.
VOLUME 11.
THE GHATEFUL GAMBLER.
The cool, unflinching gaze of a brave
man, it is said, will awe a tiger. The
statement is perhaps an exaggerated
one, but we will tell an incident of a
man who awed a human tiger.
Some forty years ago, the citizens of
Natchez, aroused by the excesses of the
gamblers infesting their city, drove them
out and threatened them with death if
they ever returned. Prominent among
these citizens was Capt. Quitman, a
leading lawyer of Natchez. A month or
two later, he and a small band of men
crossed into Texas to aid those who were
righting Santa Anna and his Mexicans.
Late one night Quitman arrived at
San Augustine, where he found the
people overawed by a largo gang of
gamblers, some of whom had lately
come from Natchez. They recognized
him and resolved to have revenge.
Quitman quartered his men in a large
building, while he occupied a room in
an adjacent house. He had just taken
off his coat, when the door was thrown
violently open. A tall, fierce-looking
man entered. In his belt was a bowie
knife, and in his right hand he held a
pistol.
Fortunately, Quitman had not laid
aside his belt-pistols, and drawing one
he raised it quickly, so that the man
was covered by it.
“I know you and you know me,” he
said, looking the gambler calmly in the
eye. “I desire no quarrel with you,
but I don’t fear you. ”
The gambler glared at him for a mo
ment, and then, his features relaxing
into a smile, said—
“ Captain, you’re a brave man, and I
will be your friend,” and he retired
quietly, closing the door after him.
A few weeks after, the war being at
an end, Capt. Quitman was returning
home overland, accompanied, only by
his negro servant. Crossing a small
stream, and mounting the bank, which
had dense underwood on both sides, he
found two trees felled across the path.
Syspectin tr that •> L,>
turned and saw three men, armed with
guns] coming up in the rear. He could
neither advance nor retreat.
Instantly springing to the ground, he
drew his pistol, and placed the horse
between himself and the robbers. The
sharp crack of a rifle behind him, and
the rush of the ball over his head,
caued him to turn. Seeing the gambler
whom he had met at Sim Augustine gal
loping his horse at full speed toward
him, he prepared to sell his life cas
dearly as possible.
The man, dropping his gun to show
that he was not an enemy, approached.
Recognizing Quitman, he said :
“Captain, I’m mighty glad I had the
chance to serve you. I and my partners
were coming this way, and I, being in
the advance, saw, as I turned the angle
of the path, the situation. Let’s see if
I hit one of those robbers.”
On searching, they found traces of
blood, but no signs of the robbers.
Some years after, this gambler was
convicted of gambling, and sentenced
to six months’ imprisonment and SI,OOO
tine. Quitman paid one-half of the fine.
The gambler, it is said, subsequently
reformed, and became an estimable man,
respected by all who knew him.
EARLY MARRIAGES.
Of course young people ought to mar
ry early, and build up a home together.
The idea that a man must be wealthy be
fore he weds fills the community with
fortune-seeking bachelors and unhappy
spinsters ; it endangers virtue, destroys
true economy and design, and the
beneficent intentions of the home. It
promotes vice, idleness, inefficiency and
imbecility among females, who seem,
from an unsympathetic outset thencefor
ward, to expect to be taken up by fort
une and passively sustained, and without
any concern on their part. It is thus
that a man finds it difficult to obtain a
helpmeet.
Rhode Island has the folloAving stat
ute: “All marriages between a white per
son and a negro shall be absolutely null
and void ; and the person joining them
in marriage shall be subject to a penalty
of $200.” Samuel D. Dorrell, a full
blooded negro, was lately married at
Providence to Ellen Carrington, a Ayhite
girl. The Rev, George H. Smith, who
performed the ceremony, is to be prose
cuted, in order to test the law.
Teacher —“ What is a score ?” Pupil
—“A base-ball record.” Teacher—“No,
no ; what I mean is, how much does a
score signify numerically; what idea
does it give you ? That is to say, if I
were to tell you that I had a score of
horses, what would you think ?” Pupil
“ Please, marm, I should think you was
stuffin’. ”
H1SIX(; FAWN. DARE COUNTY. CEOIACIA. THURSDAY, JULY 29, 1880.
AN INTELLIGENT DOG.
Rover, the most intelligent dog in
Connecticut, 1 ns fallen a victim to pois
oned meat. His master, Mr. Disbrow,
of Bridgeport, used to converse with
j him freely, and the dog, looking up with
j intense gravity, always understood what
i was said to him. At the word of coin
; mand he would go down stairs and close
or open the door, or climb upon a cer
tain chair and place his paw upon a cer
tain article named. He would some
times make i. flight failure at the first
trial, and would then appear deeply
abashed, but on the second or third at
tempt he invariably succeeded. In this
respect he difl'ered from the ordinary
trick-dog, as few of the aots which the
dog sometimes performed at his master’s
orders, for the benefit of visitors, had
ever been rehearsed. As an illustration
of what the animal would do, Mr. Dis
brow, at a friend’s suggestion, told him
once to go to the news-room and get his
morning paper. The dog had never
been sent on the errand before, but, for
all that, executed it faithfully. He sub
sequently fell out of the habit, but at
the word of command, about two weeks
ago, went to the news-room and got the
paper again, although he had not done
the errand for the previous four months.
This was another of the incidents re
lated by Mr. Disbrow of the dog’s clev
erness : “ Mr. Terry usually had charge
of Rover when I was absent,” said he,
“but lately a lady friend down Main
street, who knew I was going away, pro
posed that the dog should come down to
her house and stay until I returned. I
ageeed, and the next two nights Rover
went down there and stayed, although
he never did such a thing before or
since.” Rover seemed to feel his su
periority over the rest of the dog crea
tion, as he generally trotted by other
dogs on the street without offering to
make their acquaintance, or accepting
their attentions.
SENSE LIKE A HORSE.
A man armed with an army gun ana a
sas newspaper office and remarked to a
man sitting at a table :
“ Are you the editor?”
“No, sir; lam the proprietor. Can
I do anything for you ?”
“ I Avant to see the editor.”
“ On very particular business, sir?”
“ No, not very. I simply Avanted to
kill him for publishing an article about
me last week.”
“Is your other business so press
ing that you have to kill him this week?”
“If it is any accommodation I can
wait a few days.”
“ I wish you would, for I sold him a
calf some time ago, and he owes me $5
on it. If yon kill him now I’ll never get
the money.”
“But you could take the calf back
and make what has already been paid
clear of all expenses.”
“ That’s a fact,” said the proprietor,
musing. “I’ll send a boy after him.
No; that Avould be taking advantage of
him, and he may not like it. Call
around next week and I’ll have him
here.” -
The man left, and the newspaper man
remarked to himself: “So much for
disobeying my wife. She told me not
to forget my pistol. If I hadn’t played
proprietor that fellow would have shot
me with that old Yankee gun. I
wouldn’t be found dead shot with such
a gun. Next weefc, just about the time.
I’m busy, this fellow will come around
again with his stalwart field-piece. If
he’d only come with an Arkansaw pistol
I would not mind it, but it would be an
eternal disgrace to be killed with such a
gun. After this I shall obey my wife.
That woman’s got horse sense, and
looks into the future like a mule.”
THAT IH>*.
It is hard to believe that that noisy
boy, whose hands are always on the
most intimate terms with all manner of
grime and dirt; whose hair is never
combed, save on compulsion; whose
clothing samples everything it comes
near, till “it is a sight to behold;”
whose hooting ami yelling are constant
reminders of aboriginal memoirs, and
whose whistling is an aggregation of
three steam bands and a brace of loco
motives—it is hard to believe that he
will ever become transmogrified into the
amiable and tractable young gentleman
so particular in the fit of his coat, the
shade of his kids and the immaculate
whiteness of his shirt front, so excruci
atingly clean of person and so eminent
ly prop in word, act and deed. But
he will !. The answer to this enigma
is. calic -Boston TraruciigX.
Whix at tile jug so often does he pull
Tlidtt is empty and the man la full,
, Hull does the peeler to the station lug,
s And, for lls health, puts him within the jug.
“ Faithful to the Eight, Fearless Against the Wrong.”
GEN. HANCOCK.
Biography of the Democratic Candi
date for President—His Exploits in
War—His Record in Peace.
J _ A\ infield Scott Hancock is a soldier by
: inheritance as well as by experience.
| One of his grandfathers was captured at
j sea during the Revolution, and suffered
the miseries of the infamous Dartmoor
prison. His mother’s father and grand
, father served as soldiers in the Revolu
tion, the former enlisting at the age of
15, the latter dying from the exposure
and hardships of the campaign soon after
the close of the war. His father, a native
of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania,
Avas a soldier in the war of 1812, and sub
sequently became a prominent lawyer.
It was in this county, February' 15,1824,
that young Hancock Avas born and named
for the distinguished soldier of Lundy’s
Lane. Ho is, therefore, a little more
than 56 years of age.
HIS EARLY LIFE
Was passed at Norristoxvn, Pennsylvania,
and he was educated at the academy in
that place. He was a studious, thought
ful boy, whose selection to read the Dec
laration of Independence one Fourth of
July, AA'hen he was 15 years of age, was
one of his first honors. With that
ancestry it Avas almost impossible that
the youth should look forward to any
but a military career, and the next year he
Avas appointed to the Military Academy"
of West Point,
his or,ass-matf.s —Mexican wah.
He took his high rank as a scholar,
graduating number eighteen in his class.
Among his felloAv cadets were U. S.
Grant, Geo. B. McClellan, John F. Rey
nolds (killed at Gettysburg), J. L. Reno
(killed at South Mountain), Burnside,
Wm. B. Frankliil, “Baldy” Smith, both
of whom have been present at Cincinnati,
and Longstreet, “ StoneAvall ” Jackson,
and the two Hills. In the Mexican War
he was conspicuous for gallantry at San
Antonia, Contreras, Cherubusco, Molino
del Rey and the assault and capture of
the City of Mexico. His first brevet was
given him August 20, 1847, for “gal
lantry and meritorious conduct at Com
trerasand Cherubusco.”
THE OUTBREAK OP THE REBELLION.
For the next ten years he served as
quartermaster and adjutant in the West,
in the Indian Avar in Florida, the Utah
Expedition and at the outbreak of the
Rebellion Avas stationed at Los Angeles.
When Sumter waa r Steutbgrm
sympathies, but ’in spite of ’fhe unpUpiL '
larity, Hancock, by public speeches and
example, applied himself to sustaining
and spreading Union sentiments. His
services were of great xmlue in preserving
California to the Union. In the mean
time he applied to the Governor of Penn
sylvania for a command of some of the
troops that vvere to be raised in his
native State, but no ready compliance
being made to his request, he asked
General Scott to order him to the East.
Scott, Avell acquainted Avith his brillant
record in Mexico, AA r as glad to command
his services, and his soldierly aspect and
bearing at Washington at once com
mended him to the notice of President
Lincoln. On the express request of Mc-
Clellan he Avas commissioned Brigadier-
General and assigned to the division of
the Army of the Potomac under com
mand of ‘ ‘ Baldy ” Smith and took up his
headquarters at Chain Bridge.
HIS FIRST CAMPAIGNS.
His command consisted of four regi
ments from New York, and one each from
Pennsylvania, Maine and Wisconsin.
He at once set to vvork disciplining and
drilling them for effective service. The
brigade became conspicuous in the ad
vance upon YorktoAvn along the James
River road from the middle of April to
the 3d of May, being constantly on duty
in the trenches or skirmishing with the
enemy. On the sth of May, after hold
ing a strong position before Fort Magru
der and vainly calling for reinforcements,
he was attacked by tAvo brigades of
Early’s troops. As they came up Han
cock Avatched his opportunity and dashed
forward on his horse, with head bared,
he sAvung his hat, shouting “ Forward!
Forward ! For God’s sake forward!”
His men, thus encouraged, marched on
as if in parade, the enemy’s line faltered,
retreated —and the field vvas Avon. This
gallant act introduced him to the Amer
ican public. In telegraphing the
success to the President, McClellan said:
“Hancock vvas superb.”
During the campaign of the Peninsula;
at Antietam, after vvliich he received his
commission as Major-General; at Fred
ricksburg and Chancellorsville, he was
always distinguished for his bravery, his
coolness and the effective disposition of
his troops.
GETTYSBURG.
Both on tho first and second days at
Gettysburg he successfully repelled the
assaults made upon liis position. Indeed
it was he who, being in the advance, and
surveying the situation, sent back word
to Gen. Meade that Gettysburg was the
place for the fight and Meade at once
acted on his information.
On the third day, Hancock’s lines sus
tained a cannonade of two hours from 120
pus, under cover of which Longstreet’s
corps of eighteen thousand men were
massed, like Napoleon’s Old Guard at
Waterloo, for a final assault on the
Union position. During this cannonade,
and during the infantry attack that
followed it, Hancock rode up and doivn
his line, from Cemetery Hill toward
Roundtop, encouraging his men by his
voice to stand firm and repulse this com
ing attack, and when Longstreet at last
launched his force, the flower of the
rebel army, on Hancock’s position, he
met with a resistance more stubborn and
bloody than any other in modern history.
As is well knoAvu, this iast assault of Lee
failed. Of that attacking force 5,000
men surrendered to Hancock’s trwps
and thirty stand of colors were taken.
dug himself Avithout the slightest
Mcruple or thought for his own safety or
life, as was his custom, just as the
enemy’s force Avas turning back, and
with broken linos began his retreat,
Hancock fell desperately Avounded.
While lying on the ground, just
in rear of his line of battle, he
dispa'ch his aide to General Meade, with
following message: “The troops
under my command have repulsed the
enemy’s assault, and we have gained a
great victory. The enemy is now flying
'in : Indirections in my front.” The aide
in delivering this message added the in
formation of which General Meade was
then ignorant, that General Hancock was
desperately wounded. General Meade
sent hack the folioAving reply: “Say to
General Hancock that lam sorry he is
wounded, and that I thank him for the
country And for myself for the service he
has r ;tubmsd to-day.” For such services
no ti;knk.s and no reward could be ade
quate. Congress, by joint resolution
three vars later, thanked General Han
<K>ck for hie “gallant,” meritorious and
conspicuous share ia that great and deci
sive victory.
AffIORUrrtNi? —BATTLE OF THE WILDERNESS.
During tEe Avinter, he went North to
recruit for the Twenty-second Corps, and
was everyAvhere received Avith honors, in
a formal reception by both
Houses of the Legislature at Albany. In
Marsh, 1864, Avith the ranks of the
INventy-second Corps well recruited and
the Third Corps added, he began the
campaign of the Wilderness in command
of 50,000 men. At Spottsylvania, on
May 12, by an assault at daybreak, be
carried the enemy’s position, taking
5,000 prisoners, thirty stand of colors and
tAventy pieces of artillery. Among the
brigadiers taken was General George H.
SteAvart, an acquaintance of General Han
cock, and a former regular army officer.
This person Avas ushered into General
Haneock’s presence. The latter, Avith’
characteristic frankness, offered the pris
oner his hand with the remark, “Stew
art, I’m glad to see you. ” Stewart, avlio
Avas ifflieted Avith overwhelming ideas of
his f*vn importance, drawing himself up,
said/.- 1 ‘Under the circumstances, sir, I
can lot take your hand.” With quiet com
posure, General Hancock replied:
“Uiiier any other circumstances, sir, I
won't not have offered you my hand. ”
# “GENERAL ORDER, NO. 40.”
0.-L:>Nj>vftml>e.( 18t;7. be was ordered to
District, with headquarters at ,'e* ’ur
leans. He at once issued is famous
“General Order No. 40” te me people of
Louisiana and Texas: Gen. Hancock
informed them that he took command in
accordance with the orders he had re
ceived from ae headquarters of ’the
army, but that he did not propose to
rule them by military orders at all. Ho
congratulated the people of the South-'*
Avest that peace and -met reigned among
them. To best prt rve that state of
things he proposed to let the civil author
ities execute the civil laws. War he re
garded as only \ecessary to destroy op
position to law ' 1 autlioritiy, but when
peace was established and when the civil
authorities were ready and willing to
perform their duties the military power
should cease to lead and the civil admin
istration should resume its natural and
rightful conditions. He declared him
self solemnly impressed Avith the belief
that the great principles of the Ameri
can liberty were the lawful inheritance of
the whole people, and should forever
continue to be. He declared that the
rights of trial by jury, habeas corpus,
liberty of the press, freedom of speech,
the natural rights of person and of prop
erty should be preserved. He believed
that free institutions being essential to
the prosperity and happiness of the peo
ple were themselves the strongest in
ducements to peace and order. He de
clared that the ciA’il authorities and
tribunals should have the consideration
of, and jurisdiction over, crimes and of
fenses, and should be supported in the
exercise of that jurisdiction. But, while
thus recognizing the rights of the peo
ple, he aimouced that he should sup
press armed insurrection and forcible
resistance to lavv by force of arms at
onoe.
General Hancock maintained tho puri
ty and independence of the elections, re
fused to organize military commissions
to bike the place of judicial trials, and
would permit no military interference
with civil administration. The Mayor
of New Orleans formally requested his
interference by military order in certain
proceedings against the corporation.
General Hancock declined on the ground
that his interference would be unconsti
tutional, and could only be exercised iD
an emergency which did not, in his opin
ion, then exist. He was requested by
the General commanding the District oi
Texas, to order a military commission
fo: the trial of a certain offender. He
declined, stating as his reasons, that
while the act passed by Congress “for
the more efficient government of the
rebel States” made it the duty of com
manders of military districts to punish
disturbers of the public peace and crimi
nals, that power, from the nature of
things, should only be exercised when
the local civil tribunals were unable and
unwilling to enforce the laws, a supposi
tion that did not exist, a State Go\ ern
ment in subordination to the United
States being then in ful 1 exercise of its
powers in Texas. General Hancock s
predecessor had summarily, by military
order, removed the ch rk of a court and
hail appointed another in hisplace. Gen.
Hancock revo\ed this erderon the ground
that if* there were :iny charges against
the clerk so removed the courts Avere
competent to ti ke ac tion in the premises.
His predecessor ha 1 rendered the ad
ministration of justice inefficient by in-
stituting certain qualifications for persons
to be eligible to do jury duty, such quali
fications being made by military order.
General Hancock revoked the order, an
nouncing that lie would not permit the
ciA’il authorities to be embarrassed by
military interference. In December lie
issued an order prohibiting military' in
terference Avitlitlie elections, unlesswlien
cessary to keep the peace at the polls,
a being contrary to la av, and he ordered
tiiat no soldier be alloAved to appear at
any pilling place unless as citizens of
tin l State, registered voters, and for the
purpose of voting; but he ordered fur
ther that the commander of posts
act promptly in preserving the
peace in cases where the civil
authorities failed to do so. Men in
terested in civil controA’ersies in great
numbers applied at the General’s head
quarters for interference, assuming on
his part both the arbitrary poAver to in
terfere and the willingness to do so.
General Hancock, by general order,
again announced that the administration
of civil justice pertained only to the reg
ular courts, and that the rights of the
litigants did not depend on his views as to
the merits of their cases. Having been
appealed to by tbe Governor of the
State to remove from .office the President
and members of tho Police Jury of the
Parish of Orleans, they being charged
AA’ith appropriating to then' oavu use,
public funds, General Hancock reiter
ated the principle that these were matters
pertaming to the civil administration,
and should be solely dealt with by the
courts.
A DISCUSSION ON CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERN
MENT.
Governor Pease, of Texas, a pro-vis
ional Governor, took exception to this
order; declared that Hancock had poiver
to punish offenders, either by military
commissions or civil tribunals, as he
should deem best; that the people Avere
still in rebellion, and regarded the re
construction legislation *f Congress as
unconstitutional, and the emancipation
of their slaves and their ovi disfranchise
ment as an insult and an oppression. He
demanded that General Hancock should
set aside local tribunals and enforce pen
alties by military commission.
But the soldier replied to the civilian
immediately and directly.
He pointed out the option given him
by the Reconstruction act, to govern by
the local civil tribunals, if in his judg
ment he thought best. The act, there
fore, ree local civil tribu
-110,0 oa 1 ! for the purpose
He rs as the
disaP ;d of the
(jeople, i into vio
ation ot .ere beyond
the power oi tribunals, and that
freedom ot V w uC and speech, though
acrimonious, Avas consistent with human
welfare. What the people of Texas
thought of the constitutionality or un
constitutionality of acts of Congress, had
nothing to do with the manner in which
they should be ruled.
He declared that, at the expiration of
two years after the close of the war, it
was time to remember that the American
people should be freemen and that it Avas
time to tolerate free popular discussion,
and to extend forbearance and considera
tion to opposing views.
He showed that to deny a profound
state of peace in Texas necessitated a like
denial in regard to any State in the
Union where differences of opinion ex
isted between majorities and minorities,
and that, if difficulties in enforcing
criminal laws in Texas authorized the
setting aside of the local tribunals and
the setting up of the arbritrary com
missions, they would warrant them that
in every State of the Union where it is
true that sheriffs fail often to arrest,
where grand juries will not always indict,
where petit jurors have acquitted per
sons who were guilty and were prisoners
charged with offenses Inwre Iffoken jail
and escaped. Such reaSons* ior estab
lishing military commission would vvipe
civil government and law and liberty
from the face of the earth.
He showed with clearness that if he
set aside the laws enacted for the people
of the States lately in rebellion, which
laws were not in conflict Avith the Con
stitution and acts of Congress, there
would no longer exist any ngnts of per
son and property, and he demonstrated
the absurdity of a military commission
to establish wills, deeds, successions, or
to settle any of the thousand questions
which arise between men, for the
solution of which Ihavs and courts were
established and for dealing vvitli which
military commissions were utterly in
capable.
He finally showed from tho statistics
that neither crime nor disloyal offenses
vvere on the increase under the operation
of “Order No. 40,” but the contrary was
expressly true.
During his entire adminstration of this
great and embarrassing trust, all his
official acts were based on the principle
enunciated by him, that “ The right of
trial by jury, the habeas corpus, the
liberty of tne press, the freedom of
speech, the natural rights of persous and
all rights of property, should be pre
served. ”
HIS REMONAL.
It was determined at Washington to
remove him for refusing to carry out the
policy of the Republican majority in
Congress. The General of the Army
(Grant) was pven unusual powers, ex
ceeding those of the President, in re
gard to the administration of the mili
tary governments of the South. Gen.
Hancock’s direction of affairs vvas pur
posely interfered with in a manner to
humiliate him, and the President, who
had hitherto supported vvas unable to
protect him. In a letter to a friend in
Congress, announcing that the time bad
come when he had to choose between
TERMS~SI.OO per Annum in Advance.
NUMBER 39.
obodience to what he regarded as wrong,
or resignation, he closed with the noble
sentiment: “Nothing can intimidate me
from doing what I believe to be honest
and right. ” On the 27th of February,
1868, he applied to be relieved from his
command and was shortly afterward as
signed to tbe command of the Military
Division of the Atlantic, where, with
the exception of three years in command
of the division of Dakota, he has since
remained. He was regarded as a prom
inent and available candidate for the
.Presidency in the National Convention at
New York, in 1868, and at Baltimore in
1872, and he was tendered the nomina
tion for Governor of his native State,
which honor he declined.
His intercourse with his subordinates
is one of the secrets of his success.
Courteous, kindly, inspiring their confi
dence, encouraging their self-respect, lie
attached them to himself, and stimu
lated all their good qualities. But his
reproof was dreaded and his require
ments severe. But he was equally dis
tinguished for his loyalty and subordi
nation to liis superiors. Gen. .“Baldy”
Smith said to'him: “He was the most
loyal subordinate I ever knew. He al
ways tried to carry out his orders in their
spirit as well ns to the letter and whatever
he might think of them. When he re
ceived - them they became liis own and a
part and parcel of himself.”
He was married in 1850 to Miss Rus
sell, the daughter of a prominent mer
chant in St. Louis.
Democratic National Platrorm.
The following platform and resolutions were
adopted by the National Democratic Conven
tion assembled at Cincinnati, .Time 22, 1880:
The Democrats of the United States in con
vention assembled declare:
1. We pledge ourselves anew to the Constitu
tional doctrines and traditions of the Demo
cratic party as illustrated by the teaching and
example of a long ljneof Democratic statesmen
and patriots and embodied in the platform of
the last National Convention of the party.
2. Opposition to centralization and to that
dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends
to consolidate in one, and thus to create what
ever the form of government a real dispotism;
no sumptuary laws; separation of church and
state for the good of each;common schools fos
tered and protected.
3. Homo rule; honest money, consisting of
gold and silver and paper convertible into coin
on demand, and strict maintenance of the
public faith. State and National, and a tarifT of
revenue only.
6. The subordination of tbe military to the civil
power, and genuine and thoroughreform of the
civil service.
3. The right to a free ballot is tho right preser
wiLa:if all rights, ajidmiurtand shall be nialfi
r.tive of conspiracy only, and its claim rtf Tlgut *
to surround the ballot-boxes with troops and
Deputy Marshals to intimidate and obstruct the
elections, and the unprecedented use of the veto
to maintain its corrupt and despotic powers, in
sult people and imperil their institutions.
7. We execrate the course of this administration
in making places in the civil service a reward
for political crime, and demand a reform by
statute which shall make it forever impossible
for a defeated candidate to bribe his way to the
seat of a usurper by billeting villains upon the
people.
8. The great fraud of 1876 and 1877 by
which, upon a false count of the electoral votes
of two States, the candidate defeated at the
polls Avas declared to be President, and for the
first time in American history the will of the
people was set aside under a threat of military
violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of
representative government. The Democratic
party, to preserve the country from the horrors
of a civil Avar, submitted for the time, in the
firm and patriotic belief that the people would
punish this crime in 1880. This issue precedes
and dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sa
cred dnty upon the people of the Union than
ever addressed the consciences of a nation of
freemen.
9. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden not
again to be a candidate for the exalted place to
which he was elected by a majority of his coun
trymen, and from which he was excluded by
the leaders of the Republican party, is received
by the Democrats of the United States with
deep sensibility, and they declare their confi
dence in his wisdom, patriotism and integrity,
unshaken by the assaults of the common
enemy; and they further assure him that he is
followed into the retirement he has chosen for
himself by the sympathy and respect of hiK fel
low citizens, who regard him as one who, by
elevating the standards of the public morality,
and adorning and purifying the public service,
merits the lasting gratitude of his country and
his party.
10. Free ships and a living chance for American
commerce upon the seas and upon the land.
No discrimination in favor of transportation
lines, corporations or monopolies.
11. Amendment of the Burlingame Treaty. No
more Chinese immigration, except for travel,
education and foreign commerce, and therein
carefully guarded.
12. Public money and public credit for public
purposes solely, and public land for actual set
tlers.
13. The Democratic party is the friend of labor
and the laboring friend of labor and the labor
ing man, and pledges itself to protect him alike
against the cormorants and the Commune.
14. We congratulate thecountry upon the hon
esty and tlirift of • a Democratic Congress
which has reduced the public expenditure s<4o,-
000,000 a year; upon tne continuation of pros
perity at home, and the national honor abroad,
and above ail, upon the promise of such a
change in the administration of the Govern
ment as shall insure us genuine and lasting
reform in every department of the publw
service.
A ten volume dictionary of the ancient
language of France has just been sent
to press, and the first volume is out.
It has cost the compiler thirty years’
work and $70,000. The Government
gives $30,000 toward it, and receives
200 copies for distribution among the
public libraries and colleges of France.
This work deals chiefly in words found
in the literature of the eleventh, twelfth
and thirteenth centuries.
A demttke, diminutive girl, aged 18,
is under arrest in Philadelphia for biga
my. She has three living husbands, all
of whom she has married within two
years. When asked why she had done
this, she said: “They were all good fel
lows, and they coaxed me so.”