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TWO Hardwick Rests Cause With Georgia Democrat BRILLIANT CONGRESSMAN HAS FOUGHT DATTLES OF THE PARTY IN THE STATE AND OUT OF IT Has Advantage of All Competi tors in Training, Experience, Eguipment and Preparation For Work of Senator HAS NEVER TRMVIMED SAILS TO CATCH PASSING BREEZE Addresses Final Word to the Democrats of Georgia and Reviews Some of the Issues Injected Into the Campaign. To the* Democrath of Ocorffia: The campaign for the* Democratic nominal ion for the un expired term of Ki-nator Bacon Im almoKt at an end. The day Ik rapidly approaching when He i*Hiien are to tie not tied at the bal lot box. Before tho* day does arrive J with to make a final appeal for the •tipport of every Democrat in thin •tale, hence this card. I feel that I am entitled to present my came to the democratic voter* of tbie state, and am entitled to aorne conaidemtion at their hand*, for I have fought for the democratic party in Georgia and out of it, and have served the democratic party in Geor gia ami out of It for a longer period than Jacob nerved, In the day* of old, both for Leah and for Rachel. There are five candidate* for thla nomination to aucceod the late Sen ator Bacon. Mr. Felder, Mr. Hutch* enm, Mr. Cooper, Mr. Slaton and my aelf. Now If any man in our elate, lr any private buelrieaa bad to employ eomeone to work for him. and there were five applicant* for the Job, I am sure he would consider, first of all, the experience aml training of eacli of the applicants, bis equipment and fltneaa forth* particular work to be don*. Why does not the same rule of common sense apply to the people, nr it whole, when they come, acting collectively, to aelect the public offi cers apd servants that each of them employs, In a pergonal way, when he goes to hire a man to work for him, In any business undertaking or enter prise? No fair-minded man can deny that exactly the same principles of com mon sons* ought to be employed in both matters If so. how stands this campaign? My friends throughout the state are urging in my behalf and no man OM truthfully dispute It, that l have bad twelve yearn of training ip the congress of the United States, twelve yesrs of service there with Its resulting friendships with the leaders of our party in every state of the republic, twelve years of study and consideration of all the great nation al problems and questions that during that momuntnui period have boon lx* fore the American emigre** ami peo ple; thnt Ihcse things give me experi ence, training and equipment for this particular work auch n» it not possessed by any one of the honorable and dllttng-ulshsd gentlemen who nr-' my opponent*, no one of whom haa had a single ounce of auch training, . experience and equipment. My frttmda throughout Georgia me urging In my beltalf that the fm-t that l am on term* of eloae and Intimate per aonal and political frleudahtp wllh the proaldent c»f the United Htatea ami thla admlnlatration itlve to me power and Influence with the admlnlatra t|on ttiat could and would he exerted tn behalf of Georgia and her people, their rlkhta and their Interest*, far greater lhan ar.y power that could he exerted by any one of Ihe four honor able and dleltngulahed gentlemen who aro my competltnra In thl* coni cat, no one of whom poaee*se# a almtle ounce of auch Influence. It teems that there are many roa aona of undentahle strength, why just at the preaent no democratic elate at laaei ahould aend Inexperlem-ed and untrained men to Washington, par ticularly to Ihe aenate of the Untetd tnate*. where Ihe jmwer of the Indi vidual member la greatest. Facing Greet Crlaia. First of all, we are taring a great crlaia In ihe history of the world. Ai mes’ every great power of the earth, except our government, I* either al ready at war, or about to be drawn Into It. The. world standi upon the brink of an awful chaam. The bloort leet war In modern times, if pot In all times, aeeiua Imminent, Gs all the great world powers the I' nip l ' talcs of America, true to It* correct and traditional policy. I* the only one that hax entangling alliances with non* of the combatant* and friendly relation* with all Of them. To tia tho whole world must look for whatever media tion and pwaoe-makthg la possible. ,Ui.an wow or later. While Ihe actual warfare la In progress to a large de gree we must feed and elothe the combatant*. Till* ought to give tre mendous Impedue to many forms of Amertean agrleultur* and Industry, and will protiably open up many new fields to Amertean enterprlee and commerce. Our government muet re main true to tte traditional policy of frlendelitp for all and entangling al liances with none It muel keep on god terms with them all, both to be ready to perform the great mtaslon that sooner or later will he our*, and te give to our people Ihe full opportu nity to make good use of the commer cial opportunltie* that will open up to them The situation will no doubt re quire aome re-adjuatment of our bus- Ineea. commercial and Imluatrlal sys tems particularly with reference to th* marketing and manufacture of the great ataple crop of the South, cotton. At th!* Juncture, at thl* crlaea, the nd mtntalrallon of our national govern ment. both In the executive and legis lative branch** of that government, ha* been Intrusted to the democratic party, let me Inquire then. I* thla a ante time, of nil time*, to put Inexpe rienced untrained and untried men In the aenate of the United State#" It muet be remembered alao that tbs demiwrntlc party, and the South with It. face# a domestic and political crlaia In thla country hardly, lee* grave.Almoat ever since the civil war the South ha* boon ihe daapl*ad step child. th# neglected Cinderella of th# Union. The republican party bas hardly seemed to care or to know whether the. South was really a part of the country, except that once in four years, the contending factions of that party would engage in a dis graceful scramble* to pun;has* the negrft delegates from the South to the Republican National Convention. For years we have wandered In the wilderness, poor, neglected and des pised, but loyal always to our party and its ideals. For years the South lias simply been the Lazarus of the republic to whom was flung the crumbs that fell from the table of Dives. But after a long night of un broken gloom the dawn of a bright and fairer day has broken for us. The democratic party is in power once more. A democratic president, South ern-born and Southern-bred, sits In the Whits House, and democratic ma jorities control both house* of the na tional congress, with Southern men high in place and power in both houses. But our party itself is on trial. If we measure up to the re sponsibilities that power and oppor tunity impose on us, if we now man age t lie foreign and domestic affairs of the country successfully, if we now demonstrate to the American people our ability to conduct their affairs with sanclty and with sens*, and yec with fidelity to the rights of tha masses, if we manage to avoid foreign complications and business troubles at. home, to steer clear of commercial panics and business disasters during the time that must Intervene between now and November, 11)16, then It is my Judgment that the democratic par ty will remain entrenched in power at Washington for many years and many decodes to come, and the South will n main a Joint and equal inheritor with all the other sections In the pros perity and glory of the republic. Democrats Must Not Fail. But, if we fall In any of these re spects to make good now, then it Is rny deliberate Judgment that the dem ocratic party will be turned out of power again, and thp South will once more wander in the wilderness, per haps forty years more, as the children of Israel did In the days of old. What, democrat In Georgia can doubt the truth of this statement? Not one, I believe If not then let me ask this question, is tills critical period one in which the democrats or Georgia can afford to take the risk of putting In the senate of the United States men who are absolutely without training, experience or equipment for the great work of national legislation, who may or may not make good? Take the contest in which T amen gaged. In twelve years, any one of the honorable and distinguished gen tlemen who are my competitors might see the service in Washington that l have already seen. In twelve years any one of them might form the friendships with the great leaders of our party, from every state, that T have already formed In twelve years nnv one of them might acquire the equipment that I already possess. In twelve years any one of them, might learn the rope* I already know, but, in the M eantime while they were doing so the state of Georgia, the south. ,he democratic party and the country would have to hold the bag and pay the bill. In any huslncs* matter If there wero applicants for a Job nnd It was per fectly apparent lhat one of the five had Ihe advantage over the other 111 training, experience nnd equipment for the particular work In hand, pref erence would l)e given to the one with *ueh experience and equipment, If he appeared In be all right In other re aped*. ami the place would he given to him. If. however, the point was made by one of the other applicant* or by any one el*e of reaponeibility and standing thnt the experienced ap plicant wa* net efficient and worthy and had not given satisfaction to pre vious employer#, then before nny one would htro Ihe experienced mail, he would make Inquiry n* to the truth of thl# charge. lie would not lake Ihe word of the other applicant who wanted the Job hlmaelf nor that of the man with experience whose worth and fltne#* had been questioned. He would go to the person or persons who had previously employed that man. He would go to the men who knew him heel and had worked by his able, and from them he would find out Ihe truth. In my own ease 1 ask for no more, and l am entitled to no le#», than that. Mr Slaton, an applicant hlmaelf for the place I *eek has sought to question my worth and efficiency. I do not a«k you to take my simple denial nnd It would he equally unreas onable for you to accept his hare and Interested statement. Go first, then, to the people of tbe Tenth district of Georgia, who sent me to tho congress of the United State* when I was twenty-nine vears of axe the youngest man Georgia had sent there In many years, and who have sent me back year after year and term after term until I have rep sented that district on the floor of the American congress for a longer per iod of ttmo than any man alive or dead lever represented It. except Alexander Hamilton Stephen*. Would that district have done that for a man It regarded as unworthy or Inefficient ? Hardwick Stand* Well In Congress. Go, next, to my »*od*te* and col league* tn the house of representa tive* What answer do they give you? When the house went democratic In 1910. for the first time In sixteen, and they came to select the majority mem bership of the great committee on Rules the Jurisdiction of which touche* and embraces every subject •nd to some extent overlaps that of every other committee, because tt de termines, on account of the great pres sure of tmstnc#* what particular measure* are to t>* singled out for special consideration and la thus the I great political and steering commit tee of the house, by unanimous vote my democratic colleague* from every etate in the union selected me a* the I second democrat on lhat great com- I mitt##. It must be remembered, too. lhat thl* selection c»me too at a time when membership on this committee wa* of unusual Importance, because we had to a large degree, won the I congressional election of 1910 on the I Issue of i"*nnon and Cannontsm, on ihe revolt of Ihe country from that ar -1 bursty and despotic system, and on our promise to remove the shackles that it bound about the limbs of the supposedly free presentatlves of a free people. The work of redeeming this pledge fell primarily on the new committee on Rules, to whom was in trusted the task of re-writing the Rules of the house and of so reform ing them as to carry out this promise. Membership in this committee was, therefore, of especial Importance at this particular time, and I think I violate none of the proprieties and do injustice to none of my colleagues on the committee, when 1 say to you that i did a great part, of this work, and with my own hand wrote a large part of the ne*Y rutei* of the democratic house. My colleagues In the house also se lected me, by unanimous vote, to be chairman of the Standing Committee of the House on Coinage, Weights and Measures, a chairmanship last filled by a democrat, before myself, by Mr. Bland of Missouri, and last held by by a Georgian in the person of Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, My colleagues at that time also elected ne by unanimious vote, as chairman of one of the two special committees they organized on tak ing over the house to investigate cer tain of the great trusts of the country, who had been oppressing both the pro ducing and the consuming masses The work intrusted to both of these com mit tees was most important. The committee on sugar, which I lieaded, was not appointed to recommend tariff legislation, or to report bills to re duce or remove the duty on sugar, or to report any other hill. It was ap pointed to investigate the facts, dis cover the truth, and report them and It to the house. It did so, and free su gar followed, based on the facts it un covered. It is true that during the conduct of this legislation the price of sugar rose almost two cents a pound from the normal price, but this Was not because of the Investigation, but because of a great failure in the Ger man beet sugar crop. It is to be re called. however, that before the com mittee on sugar concluded its work the price on sugar fell about three cents a pound above the high price Just refer red to, and one cent a pound below the normal point. In like manner this decline in price was not occasioned by the investigation, but by the produc tion of a bumper crop of cane sugar in Du ha. Both the rise and decline in price referred to occurred In obedience to the law of supply and demand, with which our cotton producers are well acquainted, and the committee Is not entitled to either the Maine or the credit, in one Instance or the other, for the rise or the decline. Would my colleagues In the house have imposed all of these duties upon a man they garded as a failure? Go, next, for your answer to a re cent occurrence in the house of rep resentatives When the president sought to secure the provision of law' giving a special subsidy to persons ami corporations engaged In the coast wise trade of this country by ex empting them from the payment of tolls through the Panama Canal and the regular constituted leaders of the democratic party In the house. Speak er Clark and Representative TTnder wnod parted company with the ad n inistration and Joined hands with the republican leader, Mr. Mann of Il linois, and the progressive leader. Mr Murdock of Kansas to whom did the president and his administration turn in its hour of crisis and peril to rally the panic-stricken and almost stam peded forces of the administration In the house to take the places that our regular leaders had left, to stand in the forefront of battle, bear its brunt nnd take Its blows ? To my able *nd distinguished colleague, Judge Adam son. and myself. Uo Presidents and Administrations turn to men, to take leadership and • rr.spdiisiblllty nt times like that, whom they regard ns failures? Is Merely Defending Record. My public record, my standing and position at Washington and in Ueor- ! gin have been viciously assailed. ! Purely J have a right to defend them to make this reply without Justly lay ing myself open to the charge of self, praise. I have simply stated tjje facta every democrat In Georgia must Judge for himself, hut I do submit thnt It is Just a little hard to have the charge of being a failure laid at the door of that democratic representative from (' rot-gin, who has disfranchised th* negro In Georgia, removed the tax on sugar, and licked Tom Watson out of his hoots between Jobs Mr. Hutchens" candidacy does not | and can not appeal to any honest , democrat In Georgia because Mr Hut. hens Is simply the representative I of Mr. Watson In thla contest and re < elves nowhere any considerable sup- i port such as he gets from and through I Mr. Watson. Whatever may he said I for or against Mr. Watson, and the subject Is Indeed a rich one. not even his "'friends" can seriously contend that he Is entitled to an ounce of In fluence tn a democratic primary or I that the candidate of his selection ! ought to get the vote of any good democrat In nil Georgia. After ills escapades in the Ninettes ' Mr. Watson, In 1906 returned to the I I democratic fold to participate tn our state primary of that year. He did so with the profession on his lips that he Intended to affiliate with the dem ocratic party raid support Its nomi nees. state and national. In spite of | lhat profession ha bolted again In 190# endeavoring to advertise and exploit ; himself by n ridiculous and lnexcua- I able candidacy for the presidency, confined to a few counties In one state —Georgia. He returned again to the dem.H'ratlc fold, or professed to do so, In IHO, to fight me for congress i Insisted then, and with reason, that before we let him In again we ought to require bond and security of him I to guarantee the permanent charae j ter of his “democracy.” loosing hta fight against me In the primary of I 1910 he did not scruple, tn violation jof every principle of honor, honesty I and decency, to holt the primary In which he had participated and to run I nn Independent against me tn the gen eral election He bolted, tn like manner, the nomination of Hoke I Smith as governor. Watson Triad to Defeat Wilson. In 1913 he again re-entered the j democratic primary In Georgia, again I without giving bond, and by the use THE AUGUSTA HERALD. AUGUSTA. GA. * um i fiSa ■■ ■ V , ' ‘ ' if, . Jfk: a I of every misrepresentation and slan der that malice could suggest con tributed to the defeat of President Wilson in our state primary. After that performance, although his hands were fresh with the blood of party treason in three successive bolts, he was taken up by a little coterie of Georgia politicians and made a Geor gia delegate at large, Heaven save the mark, to the demo cratic national convention at Balti more. Selected as an Underwood del egate, lie prepared to bolt to Clark even before the convention met, and finding his appeals to both Under wood and Clark for special guards, special trains and special graft as well, ignored he remained sulking in his tent, at least sparing the loyal democrats of the country the insult of his presence at Baltimore. After •the convention adjourned, with the nomination »»f Wilson achieved, Mr. Watson announced to the Kimball House lobby, in a speech from its stairs, his support of Wilson, but be fore election day came, he bolted Wil son, left the democratic party again, and voted for Roosevelt. This man ought not to have and cannot have the slightest influence with any dem ocrat in Georgia. He has broken faith with us every time we forgave him and trusted him again. He has misrepresented, abused and slander ed every leader of the democratic party in state or nation from Presi dent Wilson down. I wear his oppo sition as an ornament and his disap proval as the best evidence that I am worthy. I do not see how Mr. Hutch ens or any other candidate who claims to he a democrat can hope to com mand the vote of a single true dem ocrat in all Georgia, w r ith Tom Wat son swung around his neck. Mr. Felder’s candidacy has not ac quired the momentum and force that it seemed to promise at its inception. His performance nt Griffin may be in part the cause of it, but I believe the real reasons are that the democrats of Georgia realize thnt he is without that training, experience and equipment in national affairs, upon which any can didacy for the senate must in some degree, rest. Successful ns he was in the state legislature and as attorney general. that alone does not supply the place of training in national af fairs. of equipment for service at Washington that is especially neces sary in case of a candidate who is barely known outside of his own state. It seems to me also that in many sec tions of ofir state the people have realised that Mr. Felder does not pos sess the aggressiveness so absolutely necessary to conduct with any hope of success, a candidacy backed by such powerful political anti financial interests as those behind the candi dacy of Mr. Slaton and therefore re fuse to divide their votes between Mr. Felder and myself, and thus elect Slaton. For that reason Mr. Felder’s candidacy is not in my Judgment a serious factor in the contest except in about two congressional districts, and Mr. Slaton’s only hope of even becoming a contestant in a convention fight rests on Mr. Felder’s continu ance in this race. Slaton Hat No Riqht to Expect Senstorehip. Mr. Slaton's candidacy suggests and raises many important issues. These deserve most careful consideration. In the first place let me suggest that, according to his previously express ed opinions, Mr. Slaton has no right whatever to expect the democrats of <tcorgla to elect him to the senate, thus creating a vacancy in the office of governor and putting the state to the trouble and expense of an extra election for governor. On July 4. 1911. in giving his rea sons why he shonld not. as a member of the legislature, support his own constituent. Mr Hoke Smith, for the United Ststes senate. Mr. Slaton said, "Furthermore. I believe that when a man is elected to office he makes a contract with the people to fill the office during the provided term. Hts candidacy was based on the Idea he was NEEPBD in THAT office. Every supporter committed himself to that Idea when he cast his vote." Again, on December S, 1911. while he was Jubilating on the election of Mr. Jos M. Brown to fill out the un rxplt>d term of flovernor Hi ke Smith, Mr. Slaton said: "It (Brown's elec tion! means that men in office have entered Into a contract with the peo ple that they shall retain the elvc- HON. THOMAS W. HARDWICK tivci position WITHOUT REGARD TO THE ENTICEMENT of a more allur ing prize.” Now, after these public expressions of opinion, the people in 1912 nomi nated and elected Mr. Slaton governor of Georgia. Did not they have a right to believe that he would stand by the sentiments he had so shortly express ed. Could they dream that Mr. Sla ton would not only consent, but seek to break the contract he had made to serve them as governor for a full term of two years. Could they even Imagine that Mr. Slaton would not "retain the elective office (the gov ernorship) without regard to the en ticement of a more alluring prize” (the senatorship), if a vacancy In the senate occurred during his two year term as governor? Did they not have a right to think and believe that at last they had elected a governor in the person of Mr. Slaton, who could not be induced by the enticement o* a "more alluring prize” to throw np the contract he had made with them, to leave tbe plow standing in the mid dle of the field before it was more than about half finished, to strike for a bigger place and higher wages, and put them to the trouble and expense of an extra election. Slaton's Expensive Campaign. Now can Mr. Slaton escape this by any nonsense about ' the people hav ing a right to amend the contract themselves.” It seems to me that Mr. Slaton is making frantic efforts to induce them to do so, and has con ducted the most expensive and widely advertised campaign ever conducted in Georgia, In order to persuade them to let him break his word. If what Mr. Slaton said was true in 1911 whet makes it false In 1914? What right has he to seek to break his word, or to "persuade” the people to break It for him'.’ Again, Mr. Slaton has no right whatever, in morals or In decency to conduct a campaign for the sen ate from the governor’s chair. H« both takes advantage of its powers and lowers Its dignity when he, as governor, becomes a candidate for an other office. While he is prosecuting his candidacy, the power to pardon criminals, the power over life and ■death, still inheres in him; the power to appoint officials of the state, In cluding Judges, la still invested m him. He has no right to exercise these powers during the active prose cution of his candidacy. It is unjust to the people, to his competitors and to himself. The governor cannot be separated from the candidate and the Inevitable result is the abuse of power and the loss of dignity—by the gov ernor. The Slaton Law Firm. Again. I have and do criticise Mr. Slaton for forming and organizing the law firm of Rosser, Brandon, Slaton | and Phillips just hefore he was in- | nugurated governor, and remaining, while governor, a member of that firm; his name upon its stationery, signed to its writs and pleadings, and attaching to that firm whatever busi ness cah be so attached. It is hnfair to his brother lawyers, but most un fair of all to himself and the state of Georgia. So long as his name re mains In that firm, what a tempta tion, yea. what an Invitation to every person In Georgia charged with crime to employ that firm on the idea that he wdll Just try his case in the courts of the state, and then, finally, if need be. before one of his own lawyers, on a plea for executive clemency. For the governor of Georgia to be a mem ber of a firm of attorneys actively engaged in the practice of law before lhe courts of the state is a manifested ; impropriety that no governor of Geor gia ever committed from the day Oglethorpe founded the colony, until Mr. Slaton did It. The fact that he has done so is convincing proof that he is lacking in both Judgment and sense of propriety—so necessary In a senator, of the United States. Mr. Slaton Insists, In his advertise ments. that he Is a "trained" states man—the "best equipped man" for the place. None or his training" relates to national affairs and none of his "equipment" fits him for national legislation His newspaper cards in dicate a profound ignorance of n.t- tlonal questions and national legisla tion. He would be infinitely better off If he had never had a day of such "training” as he has had, for it has been a training in dodging and side stepping, in backing and filling, In pushing one way and pulling another, all his days. Mr. J. R. Smith, of Atlanta, called tbe turn on him, and gave the year and page of every House Journal to prove his statements. Mr. J. R. Smith's card remains unanswered to this day, because it is unanswerable. The abolition of the Convict Lease System, the Inheritance Tax, the In come Tax, the Disfranchisement of the negro; each and all he opposed as long as he could until the public sen timent forced the passage of each measure—then, in each case, as the band wagon came by he Jumped into a rear seat, exclaiming "me too.” The motto of his public life is evidently "the people cannot change any faster than I can.” He is the artful dodger of Georgia politics today, and, I be lieve the champion political tight-rope artist of all America. If a rope w,ere stretched across the raging and seeth ing waters of Niagara, I believe he could walk it without a pole to bal ance himself with. The one tiring in all hij life he seems to have stuck to Is his tax act, the new Slaton Tax Law. I really believe that the only reason he has stuck to this is because it has stuck to him, all over Georgia, and he cannot get loose from it to save his life. Even now he is hedging as i much as he can. He is going to Gainesville, Marietta, Falrburn, and all over Georgia, “explaining” it-- educating the poor, Ignorant people on the subject—pleading with tears in his voice, as he did at Falrburn, for the people not to strangle this lusty infant before it passes through its first attack of the whooping cough, admitting its imperfections and beg ging that they be remedied, rather than the law destroyed. Well, no man can deny that this child ought to be corrected, and at once, if its life Is to continue. The Slaton Tax Law. I have, and do object to the Slaton Tax Law as It now stands and is now being enforced for three reasons. Be fore 1 give these reasons, let me say that the repeated statements made by Mr. Slaton and the Atlanta Constitu tion that I ever introduced a bill, in my life, that is subject to the criticism I now make of the Slaton Tax Law, are absolutely untrue. I challenge Mr. Slaton, with all his money, the Constitution with all its printing press and its paper and its ink to print any bill of that kind that I ever offered. I have challenged them both to do so ever since they first made this false and misleading statement, and neither of them has done so yet, and neither of them will do so. There is no such bill. The bill I did offer was entire ly free from the objections I urge to Slaton’s law. He bitterly opposed it and knows just what the difference is. That bill was a real tax equaliza tion bill, designed to get to the tax j books, the intangible and invisible property and not to simply raise the values of land and real estate and all other tangible and visible property, as the Slaton law does. That bill treat ed the railroads and other great pub lic-service corporations just like it did the plain folks, and the Slaton law does not. Now what are the grounds of my objection to the Slaton Tax Law? 1. I object to It first, because the purpose for which it was enacted, the motive of which it was born, was simply to evade, escape and dodge the force and effect of tbe constitutional limitation of five mills upon state taxation, a thoroughly Slaton-like scheme. He wanted more money to help pay the extravagant appropria tions that he as a member of the leg islature for seventeen years had help ed pile up, and since he was unwilling to go after intangible property, large ly in the cities, he had either to raise the tax rate, or simply increase the values of property now on the books, real estate, everywhere in Georgia, and land, entirely in the country. He first thought of raising the tax rate, by constitutional amendment, and suggested that plan in his message of June 28th, 1913 (House Journal 1913, pp. 159. ISO). Fearing the political effect of an increase in the tax rate, he adopted the alternative of raising tax values —hence and wherefore the Slaton Tax Act. ..... > - l A 2. 1 object. In the next place, to the Slaton Tax Law, as it now stands, and Is now being enforced, because ; before we go. In this state, from the . system of voluntary tax returns that , we have had so long, to the system of assessment, there ought to he provid- j ed in the law that makes the change, specific, adequate, powerful and defl- ! rite machinery for bringing to the ; Tax Books of the Staet, Intangible ; and invisible property, such as bonds, | stocks, notes, accounts, money, etc., that now escapes and has always es caped taxation. Unless this he done the only effect of the change was hound to he, as it has been, simply to Increase the burdens of the owners of land and real estnte. That such has been the result Is shown by the fact that in Oglethorpe County, In Last Georgia, ninety-two and one-half per cent of all the Increase in taxable i values comes from land and real ; estate. This Is a typical rural county , of Georula, and I believe the percent- j age will hold good throughout the , state, in the rural counties. Doe* Not Apply Impartially. 3 I object. In the next place, to the Slaton Tax Law, because it does not apply equally and Impartially to | all citizen* and classes of property of I the state. When the plain people of I Georgia were changed, by this law, to i the assessment system, why was not this same assessment system applied I to the railroads and other great and I rich public service corporations? i And yet this was done. These corpo -1 ration# continue t,o make their volun ! tary returns, putting their own valua- I lion, under oath, upon their property, to the Comptroller General of Geor gia, the State Tax Receiver, who has h ng occupied as to these corporation* exactly the same position that the i tax Receiver of each county occupied | a* to the Individual tax payers of hi# I county—with exactly the same pow- I era. rights and duties resting upon the Comptroller General as to accent - log, rejecting or arbitrating the tax returns of these corporations that .rested, by the old law. on each Tax Receiver In Georgia. Why then, I when the change In the law as to the balance of the folk in Georgia was ; made, was the Law not also changed as to these corporations? Can it be 1 seriously contended that these corpo SUNDAY, AUGUST 16 rations ought to he fed out of a dif ferent spoon from the balance of the people? If all other folk in Georgia cannot be trusted to tell the truth about the values of their property, ought these corporations to be trust ed to do so? If the assessment prin ciple is right for the balance of us, why is it not right for them also? If it imposes an additional burden ought not these corporations to bear th*ir part of it? Now can Mr. Slaton, in this mat ter, hide behind some one else’s skirts —his usual trick. He seeks to hide behind those of our beloved Comp troller General, Mr. Wm. A. Wright, saying that Mr. Wright will force these corporations to pay on just val uation. So he may. So might many of the honest Tax Receivers of this state, but we are dealing with a ques tion of law now, not one of personal ity. ‘How long is Mr. Wright to bo spared to us? Many years, I hope, hut who can tell? The law ought to he fair and equal, just and impartial, applying to all alike. In this connection it is most inter esting to recall that on November 4, 1901, when Representative Perry, of Gwinnett, offered in the House of Representatives, in our General As sembly, a bill to establish a system of tax assessment of railroad properties In Georgia, Mr. Slaton (and Mr. Fel der as well) voted against the bill, while I voted for It. (House Jour nal 1901, pp. 293, 294, 295). In view of this positive position in opposition to applying the assessment system to the railroads, their omission from Mr. Slaton's new tax law is both inter esting and significant. I thought at first that Mr. Slaton wished to raise some real issue with me on the Parcels Post. It seems that he does not, or dares not, for he will not tell us whether he wishes to aban don the present system of charging according to the distance a parcel post travels, or whteher he wishes to raise the present weight limit on parcels, or, if so, to what weight limit he would go. My own position is this; I sup ported and voted for the present par cels post system as it stands today, hut am steadfastly opposed to any abandonment of the distance system of charging or to any Increase in the present weight limits on parcels. What Mr. Slaton’s position is neith er he nor anyone else knows, or can find out. Slaton's Opportunity. When Senator Bacon died the op portunity came to Mr. Slaton to meas ure up to a high standard. The peo ple of Georgia in spite of his negative and little known record, had trusted him and honored him highly. If he had fully appreciated their confidence and the high honor they had conferred on him, what he would have done would have been to have sought as Sen ator Bacon's successor, the biggest bratnest Georgia Democrat he could find preferably in south Georgia, and have appointed him senator for the honor and glory of the commonwealth. He ought to have done this without regard to petty partisan or factual policies, without condition or m*ei vation, and filled out his own con tract as governor. “Ah Cromwell. I charge thee, fling away ambition.” If Mr. Slaton had measured up tcja this standard, had successfully met T this test, he would have shown to the' people of Georgia that he was a big ger man than they had ever thought, and would have won their love and respect. He might have buried fac tionalism in Georgia and have been hailed as the “Peace-Maker.” If he could not rise that high in dealing with the situation, he could at least have played square politics, as It is played in Georgia and elsewhere. Since Mr. Clark Howell simply would not have the appointment, he could have given it to Joseph M. Brown, the leader of a great faction In Georgia, that had stood behind Mr. Slaton in solid array and made him governor. He could have said to Mr. Brown, as Mr. Brown said to Mr. Terrell In 1911, “You are the bridge that carried me over. This appointment Is due you, take it.” It is an open secret that Mr. Brown expected it, and that the plan was that Mr. Brown should fight it out, for one of the senate seats, from that seat, with all corners, while Mr. Sla ton, the rich and apparently popular Governor of Georgia, should fight it out with Senator Hoke Smith for the other seat. The leaders of the old Brown faction groomed Mr. Slaton for this fight with Hoke Smith, for months and months. They wined him, they dined him, while they were get ting read for It; they barbecued him and were barbecued by him prepara tory for it. Finally they pitted, (as the boys used to do when they fought chickens), spurred and gaffed, face to face with Hoke Smith. The hour for battle struck. It developed that Mr. Slaton’s spurs were all feathers, and instead of being a game chicken he was a domlneeker and turned and ran the other way, and laying down first on the state and then on hla own crowd tried to grab th# other plate, south Georgia's scat In the senate, for himself. Threw Brown Overboard. In the effort to do so he threw Brown overboard, though strenuously endeavoring to avoid an open breach with him, advertising and publishing to the world repeatments that “there was no breach between Brown and Slaton," and that they still "stood to gether." pnd yet at the same time ca joling and coaxing Hoke Smith’s friends, begging them to support him, and urging that they ought to do so out of gratitude to him fSlatonl. be cause he did not run against Hoke Smith. He urges upon the laboring men of this state the Idea that he and Brown have broken, and upon the Brown faction that he still hates Hoke Smith and Is still with Brown. He plays both ends against the middle, is false to all men, and true to none He Is for nobody on this earth except him self. It will not work. Hoke Smith and Jack Slaton as team-mates in the sen ate would be a farce —a failure. They would oppose each other and nullify ench other. Joe Brown and Jack Slaton In the senate would be jpst as bad or worse. My position on this matter Is plain and straightforward. I have stood, every time, through adversity as well as prosperity, through storm a* well as through sunshine, through defeat as well as through victory, for Hoke 1 Smith and the principles he advo- I rated In Georgia, because I believe tn {both. I am there yet. I have spoken for both all over Georgia until my throat was sorer and my vocie hoarser than It I* In this campaign. I have no regret to express; no apology to offer. It was my right, as a free (Continued on next page.) &