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TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30
D'Annunzio Presents His
Own Story on Seizing of
Fiume For Italy to World
'Note—Universal Service herewith pre- .
sents Gabriele D’Annunzio’s own story
of his Fiume Coup. No matter how
one may judge the poet soldier’s high
handed procedure in the light of na
tional and international right or wrong,
it has been apparent throughout that
D’Annunzio is actuated by the hlgnes’;
impulse of patriotism as he conceives
it. Both as a human document breath
ing those impulses In every line and as
a narrative of epoch making facts, the
subjoined article is destined to become
historic.)
(By Gabriele D’Annunzio.)
Written Expressly for Universal Service.
Special Cable Despatch.
(Copyright. 1919. by Universal Service.)
Fiume. Sept. 28.—(Via Paris) —It was
on the night of September 11th, when,
as I lay prostrated in bed at Venice, de
voured by fever, a vision came to me—
a vision of beloved Fiume.
It was a mystic call of exalted patriot
ism. It bade me arise and lead a cru
sade for the rescue of that city. No
time must be lost, for I learned that on
the 12th, ravening hordes of Croates
planned to sweep down with fire and
sword and ra\ age wherever love and
loyalty to Mother Italy were found with
in the confined of Fiume which today
is the holy mecca of all true Italians.
Pilgrimage of Patriotism.
So. summoning a handful of followers,
I explained that the hour of solemn sac
rifice and devotion had sounded, and we
set out upon the great pilgrimage of
patriotism.
Some have described our Odyessy as
the flamboyant, glory-seeking adventure
of a mad poet. They are poor, shallow
spirits without vision.
Neither for myself nor for my heroic
followers is this an adventure, or vain
bid for glory, or a piratical romance, it
is a divine mission, no less pure and holy
than the crusaders of ancient times.
From the humblest grenadier to the
leaders, my forces are al Inspired with
the same unquenchable fire.
At first I had thought of leading vol
unteers on the perilious quest, but I saw
at once that 'this would not suffice, for
I wanted to demonstrate that the call
which roused me from my sick bed had
come to all Italy. So I decided to set
forth almost alone, preaching the gos
pel of Flume’s deliverance as I went
along, and gathering from bicouacs and
camps along the road an army of patrio
iots in the cause of right and justice,
an army composed by regukir Italian
troops, representative of tne entire
mother country.
With Clear Vision.
t My judgment proved sound, my vision
fir. It was the Italian Royal Army
tfnich closed ranks in my wake as I
marched to Fiqme. It is the Italian Royal
Army that now holds the Holy City of
Fiume under my command, in defiance
of all enemies.
All know their leader will not fail
them in the hour of peril. All know I
am ready to die at a moment’s notice
in the service of a great cause.
What is death to me, who have already
braved it two score and more times?
What is the value of this poor crust, my
body?
When Fiume is definitely won, I am
going to fly from Rome to Toklo, hoping
devoutly that a typhoon will end my
life, far out in the Indian ocean.
No glory did not tempt me to come
hither; nor did death deter me. Glory is
mine already, and death I know too
well.
This same spirit imbues my heroic fol
lowers, who have signed their lives into
my hands and confided their destinies
into my keeping.
On Sacred Soil.
We have pledged our existence to this
sacred soil—living or dead this soil is
our biding place.
From Venice I hurried* to Lonchl, the
home of the martyr who died In tne
cause of Italy thirty years ago. There
for a moment, I despaired, for the auto
trucks that had been promised were not
on hand.
But courage flamed again. My main
force seized sufficient trucks and—for
wards again! Even M myself had not
expected the expedition would be easy.
I had. looked for resistance and feared
bloodshed enroute, particularly at the
hands of the allies.
God be thanked, we were not opposed
by our former brothers in arms.
The news of our progress flew ahead
of us like wild fire. I harangued troops
along the road, and all joined my trium
phal column. When we reached Trieste,
a veritable army strode at my heels. In
it I counted a regiment of infantryfi two
battalions of Arditi. shock troops of tho
Regina Brigade, batteries of artillery.
Completely equipped, and two squadrons
of armored cars.
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They had miraculously sprung up
tho »roynd as though called forth by
the stamping of a magician’s foot.
Once a general barred our way, say
ing;
“Who and whot are you, whither are
you going? I am your superior.”
*T am going to Fiume. where today
the chief command dcvolvesu pon me,”
I responded. “If you like, go to the rear
and take our dust, but stand aside.”
That was all—forward again, until, as
the star-lit night was succeeded by a
glorious dawn, we came to a halt at the !
gates of Fiume. There eGneral Pittalugn
commanding the Italian troops, was
awaiting us with an outraged air.
“What—you who are so wise are doing
this,” he asked.
“Don’t you understand tho gravity of
the situation?”
“I Am the Master Here.’'
”1 am the master here, and I am go
ing to pass, ”1 hold him, disdaining tne
bandy of words.
“Why, my troops will fire on you,” he
said, whereupon I and all who heard him
burst into peals of laughter.
“You have five minutes in which to
let me pass,” I replied. “Tell your
troops if they want a target I invite them
to aim at my war wound, my medal, or
my gold star for bravery.”
Five minutes elapsed. We advanced.
Not a shot was heard.
The entry into Fiume was the supreme
moment of my life. Not a woman or child
was encountered in the vast welcoming
throng that did not bear a laurel branch
in token of honor and love and grati
tude.
Through the delirious crowds of in
habitants we pushed on then we reached
surrounded and entered the palace.
There I at once understod the arduous
task of distributing my troops and put
ting into action a plan of defence which
I had personally devised.
Withdrew Peacefully.
By the 13th of September, nothing re
mained for us to do but wait. All allied
troops withdrew peacefully. I summoned
the Italian admiral .Casanova, who is
an old friend of mine. I asked him to
surrender and then imprisoned him, later
sending him home with a safe conduct.
'He thanked me for his capture, saying:
”Tou have thus saved me from tne
supreme anguish of having to fire on my
Italian brothers.”
Fiume now is ours. Nothing but death
dislodge us. The proposition recently
made by the allies to recognize Fieumo
as a small independent state Is quite un
acceptable. I will oppose It with al!
force if the situation warrants It.
I have only to appeal by proclamation,
and the entire Italian army will flock to
my standards.
The world knows Free Italy repudiates
the suspicion of imperialism, but Flume
is hers body and soul. She will keep
it on her own responsibility and face an
embattled world.
BRITISH STRIKE
FRONT IS HOLDINS
mu
%
Fight on, Say Strikers; Gov’t Is
Equally as Determined
Everything Seems to Depend
on Question of Armed Inter
vention.
London. Sept. 29.—The railway strikers’
f-ont held firm and solid throughout the
dav.
Up to late thie evening not the nllght
'■rt, sign of weaknenin? on the part of the
idle union men had been reported, nor
was there any indication of settlement
by negotiations.
"Fight on” is the watch-word of the
strikers, snd the government is equally
determined to stand fast, hoping the men
will give In as soon as their strike funds
are exhausted.
Kxpeet for n frustrated attempted at
looting In Glasgow no disorders or viol
ence have occured. No force has vet
been used bv the government, but late
today the arrival of troops In South
Wales was reported, and Immediately
afterwards came a threat from the mi
ners and dock workers to walk out.
Upon the question of armed Intervention
everywhere everything seema to depend.
The use of troops in an effort to operate
the railways unuestflionablv would be fol
lowed by a general symnathv strike of all
other trades unions. Knowledge of this
Is holding back the government from this
step. But It Is equally certain that if the
present complete tie-up of the railway
systems throughout the British Isles, ex
cept in Ireland, continues another day or
two the fateful step of using the mili
tary W'ill have to be resorted to.
Next 48 Hours.
If the next 48 hours hring a weakening
In the railway, strike front. It is hound
to collapse In Its entirety within a short
time. Realising this, the strike leaders
today worked might and maln„to hearten
the idle men—l.nfttt.fton Tiltdg^ther—and
hould out to them the hope of wining the
greatest victory in Britain's industrial
history “if they only hold out.”
There was one report this afternoon of
a tendency on the part of the strikers to
return to work. It was emphatically de
nied at strike headquarters, hut ss a
matter of precaution pickets throughout
the country were doubled.
The Irish railways are still running hut
the men there are ready to walk "out at
a moment's notice.
The effect of the rsll strike on the
mines already ik apparent from the fact
that 100.000 miners In South Wales are
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The Word "Revo utlon."
The word "revolution," only timidly
whispered a couple of days ago.'is now on
everybody's lips. It is freely used in
the speeches and statements of the strike
leaders, and there Is net a Itrlton today
who does not realize that it is more than
a threat or a phantom. James Henry
Thomas, the rail strikers’ leader, said to
day:
' I have always feared and fear today
that an attempt may be made to turn
this from a railway strike into a revolu
tion It is possllde that this will be the
result."
To be sure, neither Thomas nor any of
the other strike chieftains, nor any sane
labor leader In Britain today wants a
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revolution But they all fear that it will
be the inevitable outcome if the deadlock
continues, and if it is to be the only price
ut which they can get what they want,
they are prepared to pay that price. The
final test of this determination rests, of
course, not with the leaders but with tho
legion of men when they and their lami
les begin to feel the pinch of hunger.
Shock Troops.
There was considerable display of mili
tary, the government rushing “shock
troops” to Glasgow, Liverpool, and other
danger points, though nowhere did the
troop?? find it necessary to act.
Not until late today was it publicly
confirmed here that all sailings to British
ports have been cancelled, as was ex
clusively cabled to Universal Service Sat
urday night.
So completely successful is the rail par
alysis, and so terrible is the vision of all
the rest of the kingdom s organized labor
following suit, that the ndl strikers’ lead
ers themselves dread such an outcome
and are trying to prevent strike calls by
t>ther unions, because such an outcome
would probably bring to fulfillment Lloyd
George’s words about anarchy.
CLASH IN SEME
OVER TIE STRIKES
AND LYNCHIN6S
Borah Draws Parade Between
Advocates of League of Na
tions and Those Who Would
Overthrow Existing Social
Order.
Washington —A close parallel between
the teachings of those who advocate the
overthrow of the existing social order
and the doctrines advanced by support
ers of the .league of nations was drawn
in the senate yesterday by Senator
Borah, of Idaho. The senator contended
that into the hands of foreign powers
exhibit the same kind of disrespect ror
law and order as those who resort to the
bomb rtnd the torch.
After calling attention to the state
ment on Attorney General Palmer’s life,
the steelstrike and the riots in Omaha,
Senator Borah asserted that these out
rages were “manifestations of a spirit
underlying the situation indicating a be
lief that the way to settle differences
now is by taking the law into the hands
of individuals and breaking down the
orderly processes of law.” Of the Omaha
disturbance, he said that he doubted if
such manifestations of lawlessness and
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THE AUGUSTA HERALD
disrespect for law could be found as in
the United States.
Calls for Realization.
“The situation calls for a realization
by citizens everywhere that such con
ditions cannot continue to exist." Sena
tor Borah said. He then criticized Judge
Gary of the steel corporation for having !
asserted that the policies of Washington
and Jefferson were out of date, and
added:
“Just one month after Judge Gary an
nounced that the policies of Washing ano
Jefferson were out of fashion Foster
with his red pamphlet In his hand ap
peared at the door of Gary’s factory and
after knocking long and loud announced
he accepted Gary’s proposition -and that
the soviet government had arrived.
Senator Borah linked the disrespect
for American institutions with the ac
tivities of the League to Enforce Peace,
which is advocating the acceptance of
the league of nations. This league, he
asserted, spends its time attacking
American governmental institutions, ami
declared:
Red Agitators.
“Its existence is as dangerous to the
stability of the government as the writ
ings of red agitators. Some supporters
of the league of nations never let tne
opportunity pass to belitle anything trury
American.”
The senator read from a speech de
livered by Dr. Lowell, president of Har
vard. In which the teachings of Wasn
ington and Jefferson were spoken ot
with disparagement. His rtnal quota
tion was from an interview Uresldeft
Wilson gave to a London newspaper Tn
which the statement was made by the
President that “the time had come to
break with Washington’s policies and
It is not incidental but final.”
Senator Borah declared that the trend
of the argument of those who advocated
the league of nations wrh in the di
rection of tearing down all * the prin
ciples for* which Washington and .Terror
son had stood, and charged that those
who advocated such doctrines are ene
mies of the country.
If Washington Lived.
“I haven't any doubt that if Washing
ton had lived he would have entered die
war as soon as the Lusitania was sunt."
Senator Borah declared, “but If he had
done so, he would have insisted that the
United States enter the war as a free
and independent nation. But what we
are asked to do here is to enter a cove
nant that if the territorial integrity ot
nations of Europe is nttaeked fifteen or
twenty years from now, we will go to
war no matter whether It should be a
righteous war or not.”
An incident of Senator Borah's speech
came when he was interrupted by Monn
tor John Sharp Williams, of Mississippi.
Turning abruptly away from the Mlssis
sipplan, Senator Borah remarked:
”ls tiie Senator from Mississippi will
retire to the cloak room for an hour or
so he will be in a better condition to
participate in this debate and compre
hend what I am saying.”
Old Time Americanism.
Taking up again the doctrines preacn
ed by the advocates of the league of na
tions, Senator Borah asserted that tne
only remedy was in a revival of the old
time American spirit, lie said:
“Not Americanism for the people and
an attenuated cosmopolitanism for the
government, not an Intense rationalism
for the masses and that internationalism
BY AHERN
which spreads all over the earth and is
effective nowhere for those who would
rule. But something of tin old fervor,
saomething of that apostolic devotion
which against the whole world. Its skep
ticism, its sneers, and its open opposi
tion established here a new government
set up a new standard of civilization, and
heroically smdnined them through tno
centuries, uniting and binding citizens
and magistrates, the people and the gov
ernment, in one glorious and mifattering
faith. This faith, the faith which arouses
those confronting obstacles which seem
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open to close the path of progres to a
people, this faith we must possess again;
nothing can take its place.”
“I Deny it.”
“I deny that the hour has come when
American institutions and American
Ideals can not win In the open arena
t' debate. 1 reject the proposition that
we cannot succeed in n contest or Ideas
where discussion is free to all comers.
The fault is not in our cause or in the
weakness of the creed we espous; tne
fault is in the timid, faithless character
of its defenders.
“If we will uo our duty, if we will
show confidence in our cause, if we wilt
manifest our belief in our faith, if we
will apply the true principles of tne
American republic which have been In
trusted to our keeping for a brief sea
son, we need not tear to ,go into tne open
arena, for there we will win again the
confidence, the administration, and the
support of all liberty-loving men; there
we will restore and re-enthrone tn the
hearts of the American people the prrn
ciples of Washington, of Jackson, and
of Lincoln.”
FIVE