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WEEKLY TRUE DEMOCRAT? VOL. 1. WEEKLVTKI- : E PpotßiT. PUBLISHED BY WM. L VASON & CO. JAMES M. S.'l \ mE, Editor. Daily, per annum. §4. 00 Weekly, per annum 1 50 fIN VAKi ABI.Y IX ADVANCE.) Uate< of AUnr t jail!". 1 Square 1 insertion § 50 1 “ 2 insertions 75 1 “ 3 “ 160 * “ 4 “ 125 1 “ 5 “ 1 so> 1 “ 6 “ 175 1 “ 12 “ 300 * “ 1 month 5 i0 1 “ 2 months 800 1 “ 3 10 00 1 “ 6 “ \ 15 CO 1 “12 “ 20 00 l.arger Advertisement* iu proportion. 1 .se.w • vill be charged Eift\ Cents per square for the first insertion, and Twenty-Five Cents for each continuance. SPECIAL AOTICRS will be charged 5 cents per line tor the first and 3 cents for each sub sequent insertion. MARRIAGES,’ DEATHS and FUNERAL NOTICES, inserted free of übarge. OBITUARIES will be charged live tents per line. From Georgia* Athkxs, (la., Dec. 5, 1860. To the Editors of the Charleston Mercury: I send you the enclosed “Welcome to Southern Independence.” The lines were written by a prominent citizen 6f this pla :c, and sung at the close of a concert at the Lucy Cobb Institute situ ated here. All the’youug ladies of the Institute rose to their feet and sung it, wearing blue'cockades. Is not this enough to make ever submissionist in Georgia hide bis face for very shame at his craven heart ? I, as a subscriber to the daily Mercury, would like to see the song iu its col umns. Very respectfully. WELCOME TO SOI.TIIEBN INDEPENDENCE. She comes ! she comes ! and joyously dancing, Are the sons of the South, To welcome her birth— From the eyes of the daughters Bright sunbeams are glancing, And the whole world re-echoes with gladness and mirth ; She comes full of beauty— She comes full of blessing— We hear now again the proud Eagle's wild straiau : And soon a bright day. With joyous caressing, And peace and tranquility, Shall return once again. Then welcome ! —thrice wele.ome. thou day-star of Freedom— Though thou eouiest iu storms, we bid the good cheer ! Though thou conicst right gladly, “1 We greet thee with song— | The South wakes to meet thee Ru P eat ’ In one happy throng. J Shu comes ! she comes ! ah ! see her advancing Where the Palmetto springs ’Mid the lull waving Pines— W.iore the sons of the South, their bosoms upheaving, Will defend with ilieir lives their tig trees and vines. a She Hies from oppression— She seeks a bright home. Sh 5 is pierced in the M"'tli lip a fanatical band ; She flies to the fair South, She seeks a bright home. Sbo is pierced in the North, by a fanatical band; She flies to the lair .'outh, The last, hope of Fro atom — She asks us !o give her a heart, home and hand. Then welcome ! —thrice welcome, thou day star of Freedom —• ‘iLotjiU t” ” g,V !u units, wo oid thee good TooOrAagfct J The following is tlie excellent speech made by General Joseph Lane iu the United States Senate on the sth iustant. We copy it from the Congressional Globe: I’ltlNTlNG OF THE I'KESIUE.NT’s MESSAGE. The Vice Fresident. ‘The pending question is on the motion of the Senator from Indiana to print extra numbers of the President's mes sage. Mr. Lane. Mr. President, it L- not my in tention to consume the i,ir..e of the Senate at any len t.li, but inertly to.say a ten words in relation to the unhappy condition of our coun trv. ‘ tVe are all aware. Mr. President, that there f 4 s great dissatisfaction in this country, and a near approach, unless something can be very speedily, to a dissolution of the WUnion., ii is not very strange, as l took at V it, tliai-this condition of things should exist. f it has been truly said that the election of any man to the Presidency would not he good ! cause for a dissolution of the Union. 1 am prepared to say that the simple election of any man to that office, in my judgment, would not lie cause for a dissolution. Nor is that the cause of complaint in the country; but it is the principles upon which the late election lian taken place that have given rise to the trouble. Never in any previous presidential election has the issue been so fully put, so directly made, as in ihe late one. The ques tion everywlie was: shall the equality of the Slates be maintained; shall tiie people of every State have a right to go into the com mon territory with their property? And the verdict of the people lias been that equality this country shall not prevail. It is to the et that fifteen States of this Union shall deprived of equality; that they shall not into the common territory with their pro r„ , ty; that they are inferiors, and must sub mit to inequality and degradation. Then, sir, with such a state of facts before us, is it strange that there should be dissatisfaction and trouble? The platform upon which the Opposition have succeeded in electing their President is, as 1 look at it, directly in contiiet with the Constitution. It is directly in conflict with the equality of the States: and though it is said that this election is in accordance with the Constitution,M must say, in my honest opinion, that it is in violation of its spirit. 1: never was contemplated by those who-made tiie Constitution that a sectional party, with out an electoral ticket in nearly one-half the States of the Uiiion, upon a platform con flicting with the Constitution and wilh the ■ glits ot the States in one half of our couu y, should elect a President. Though it may not be in conflict with the letter of the Constitution, yet, us 1 look at it, it is in cou th, t with iis spirit. liy opinion to-day is, if our lathers iu forming that instrument had provided any means by which the legality of this election could be tested, before the Su preme Court if ycu please, they would In this case decide in equity that the election of Mr. Lincoln conflicts witli the Constitution of the United’ States, and is consequently void. Mr. Hale—No doubt of it. Mr. Lane—And, sir, while l know there is io- such redress, I am nevertheless, not wit li la.iding the smiles and laughs of gentlemen u the opposite side, fully convinced of the irrectness of my position, that it never was intemplated, and it cannot be consistent ith the Constitution, that one section of this intry, without regard to the rights of near one half the States, should have the pow (,to elect a President on a platform in eon .•’ t with the Constitution and in conflict v h tiie equality of the States of one half *1 country, depriving them of equality, and and riving them of the principle on which the f ,n was formed. Without the maintenance ol tat principle, the Union never could have he - formed, and the Constitution never ou i have been adopted. Sir, that equality nUi be maintained, or this Union cannot aut.ought not to last. 1 sa . that the people of fifteen States ot’ tuis uiou shall be inferiors, that they shall be u quais, that they shall not have rights equa |h e other portion of the country, is a u ition that a proud, honorable, and J llst i pic cannot submit to ; and if they should, 1 would not entertain for them that respect hat. Ido to-day. It is not consistent >'i air,on sense, it is not consistent with right, . llut cons i s tent with justice, to say hat a portion of this country shall exclude the of 1.. iiuif of it from the common territory acquired equally by the blood and treasure cf every portion of it, and appropriate the whole ex -naively to ‘heir use, and deprive the other ir,lf of any pai itcipatiou therein. 1 have V .nested ihe process of acquiring territory, p know how it is done. I wit nessed it i.pon- the battle-field when I saw the brave Jlississipvpi regiment led on by the gallant Davi-. I saw the Kentucky regiment, too, behaving gallantly in the same battle, commingling their blood with the good sol diers ol toe Northern S.ates. . By the victo ries achieved rt mat war we acquired terri ry : and now g. ntlemcn on the other side say v fi.hat it shall L ppropriated to their exelu wive use and tL of ;hcir section. 1 can see mio justice in si -n ucclarations. I can see no sense or*, ■; riotUra, fraternity, or equal- ity, or good faith, in such a declaration of principles. Upon what principle of right can a Northern sectional party set up exciu -1 sive claim ,o territory acquired at such sneri j fice of Southern as well as Northern blood ? | Can such unjust pretensions be allowed, or can the Union be preserved on such terms? I think not. To preserve the Union, we must . ! be just, and carry out in good faith every I provision and guarantee pf the Constitution. , j It is not only true, sir’ that the platform of j principles set forth all that i state, but 1 re- j collect lately reading the speech of the Sena- j tor from Illinois, [Mr. Trumbull,] made in the presence of Mr. Lincoln, in which be spoke of the great triumph—the election of Lincoln. He said it had secfln and one great object. One great tiling had been acc.im plished by this victory ; it was, I'rl‘e Tcrrito- ‘ ry ; that slavery should never be extended ! upon another foot of the Territory of this country. In addition to that, sir, we have seen a lei ter from the honorable Senator from Wiscon- j sin, [ Mr. Doolittle] —I will have it before me ! directly—in which he commences by saying I that it is indeed a great triumph ; that it has | settled forever tiie question of free Territo ry ; .that slavery shall not he extended into i the Territories by ary act, In weverMmWj of ); liowevOt spec'ouS : neither b .1 (Icv-rimTifTiUj vasions, nor by the decrees of courts, nor by j congressional slave codes; but that ilic Ter- ; ritory now acquired, - or to be hereafter ac quired from Mexico or Great Britain—throw ing his eye over all the opportunities of ac quiring Territory, seeing we could only ac quire it from the one or the other—shall for ever remain free. lie does not stop there, sir. He professes to own a portion of the people of this country —Florida, Louisiana, Texas—to have pur chased them; and that he isgoina to hold on to them ; that they paid a large sum of mo ney, and sacrificed forty thousand lives and $11)0,000,01111 to defend them, and he is not going to permit them to go out of this Union. They cost a price that lie enumerates: and lie intends to hold them here, and they shall have no lot or part in the common Territories of our common country. Will our people in that portion of the country thus spoken of, knowing that the platform of principles upon which that party succeeded in the late elec tion is in conflict with their equality, is in conflict with the Constitution ; and with these threats afmeetings rejoicing over their suc cess, and the written views of distinguished gentlemen on that side—will they sit still? Will they submit ? 1 ask you, sir. and the patriotism of the country, will they submit to this kind of inferiority, to this kind of in sult, inequality, and degradation? If they do, sir, wi'hout a guarantee that cannot here after be broken, that they shall have equality in this country, and enjoy rights with t he other States, then they are not worthy to be called American citizens or freemen. 1 would do anything, sir, to save this Union; but it must be saved upon honorable terms; it must be saved upon the principles of the Constitution. The obnoxious law laws violative of a faithful and prompt execu tion of the fugitive slave law—now on the statute-books of the northern States, must be repealed, and such guarantees made as will satisfy every man that hereafter their rights shall he safe. 1 would not advise them to be very ready in accepting promises. They are easily made and easily broken. Then I say, sir, without such guarantees as will secure to every portion of ibis country unquestioned equality, without such guaran tees, as will enable every man of every State in this Union to go into llie common territory and take his property and enjoy it while the territorial condition remains, there can be no peace in this country; there can be no Union. It does not exist to-day. That fraternity, tliai good faith, that honorable feeling and just action that controlled our fathers, does not exist in this country to-day. There must be a change of head, and I would to God of heart also. Heaven cau work a miracle. Ii did upon Saint Paul, and 1 would be very i glad to see ii d*n m t‘> eoflutrj , nr,l “'t ( hearts of the people throughout the land! changed, and good will, good faith, honorable j feeling, and just action restored,and then tiie j country would go on together forever, lint I while [ say these things, 1 want “ i.nderstood distinctly that 1 would ask nothing for Ore gon: that she is no’ outitffed to under the Con stitution; lint that 1 would have, and noth ing less. And, sir, 1 say, if the South laid tiie numerical strength, and could, by action here, or in any other way, deprive tiie State which I represent of her equality or ben ights with the other States of this Union, 1 would not submit toil. 1 would have that which we arc entitled to. and 1 vlouifi ask no more; but that I would have, and every State of this Union is entitled to it, and ought to and must nave it. Mr. President, 1 sent for, and have now in my hand, the letter of the distinguished Sen ator from Wisconsin to which I have alluded, and for tear 1 do not quote ii correctly, I will read his letter. It is a beautiful document, but ju st in keeping with the principles upon which Air. Lincoln was elected* He says: “Racine, Nov. 10, 1800. “W. Y. Selleck, Esq., Corresponding Secre tary : ‘■Sir: An important business engagement, beyond my power to postpone, wiil prevent me from joining the Republicans of Milwau kie this evening, in ‘rejoicing over tlie glori ous victory lately obtained by the Republi can party.’ “It is, iudee a great victory ; establishing tw-o tilings, at least: “1. That slavery shall not be extended into the Territories, by any means however bold, nor under any contrivance however specious, neither by act of Congress, by bor der ruffian invasion, by judicial decrees, nor by territorial slaves; but that the free Territo ries acquired or to be acquired from Mexico, or Great Britain, shall remain free. And, “2. That the majority, and not the minori ty, by their votes, constitutionally given, shall determine who shall be President of the United States, and that it is the first princi ple in Republican popular sovereignty that the minority must acquiesce, peacefully if they will, but they must acquiesce in the en forcement of all constitutional laws enacted for the country, and for the whole country, ‘■We have not purchased Florida'to protect our entrance into the Gulf of Mexico, nor Louisiana to control the outlet of the Missis sippi valley, nor annexed Texas, and defend ed her against Mexico at the expense of forty thousand lives, and $100,000,001), to suffer them now to j>ass under a foreign and hostile ju risdiction. It cannot be done. Mr. Lincoln will be inaugurated President of all the Uni ted States, and must take charge of all our foreign relations.” Now, here is the modest part of this letter: “When the passion and misrepresentation j of the hour are passed; when the people of | the South, who have as yet refused to hear wliat Republicanism is, except from its poli tical enemies, shall learn from him what it really is, and how grossly it has been mis represented to them, every consideration of interest and of patriotism will bind them anew to the American Union, and lead them to a peaceful gicquiesence in Mr. Lincoln’s administration. “J. R. Doolittle.” Mr. President, it is not the election of Air. Lincoln that is troubling the country; as 1 said before, but that he is regarded as a dan gerous man: that lie entertains views and opinions as expressed by himself, which are dangerous to the peace, safety, and pros perity of fifteen States of this Confederacy. It is because he has been supported and elected by a party bulding the views of the Senator to whom I have just referred. Mr. Lincoln himself, if he were not in the hands of such a party, would not be objectionable, nor would he if he had no views, or had ex pressed none; but he has had views; he is an “irrepressible conflict” inau; he holds that the slave States and free States cannot live together. 1 apprehend the result will be that they will not live together. The motion is to print the message. It is a very important State paper, and 1 approve a very considerable portion of ii. There arc many points in it that 1 like; and before it goes out to the country, 1 have thought it proper to say this much on the subject. Governor of South Carolina. —Much inter est is very naturally felt with regard to the individual who is to become the first Gover nor, or President, of the new Republic of South Carolina. The Columbia corrcspon dent of the Charleston Courier has the fol lowing information on the subject : The ballot for Governor will commence on Tuesday next. The most prominent candi dates now spoken of are Messrs. B. .1. John son, and J. I). Allen, F. W. Pickens, D. F Jamison, and K. B. Illicit. As all is yet conjecture, and the friends of each appear to be sanguine of success, 1 shall not indulge in what might prove a mistaken foregone conclusion. -—— -• Washington Dec. 7—Submissionists in the South are now stigmatized as abolitionists. Whatever Union sentiment exists South is placed in the same rank, and considered ac cordingly. There is no question shout the disposition, and that it will occur within forty days isithe conviction of sound thinking men at the national capital. .AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 19, 1860. President’s Message. In our last we gave the remarks of Gener al Lane. We present to-day an abstract of , ; other speeches in the debate of the 6th inst. ; . in the United Stales Senate : Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, had enter j mined hopes that ihe message would have i pleased some ; as regarded himself, he thought j ihe President had ailed 10 look the crisis iu ! the face. As regards South Carolina, he ‘real it thus: Ist. South Carolina has just ! reason to secede: 2d. She has no right to j secede; and 3d. Tiie United States has no j I power to prevent her secession. The power of the country, men; according io tin- I’resi j dent, was, as Dickens said o. the power of: I the British Constitution, a power to do noth- 1 i ing. The President, by not looking the crisis | ; rig lit in the face, hud behaved like tiie os- I trick, hidden his head and thought he was ] | safe from danger. The country had expect- j !ed a decided policy from him. As ‘regarded ! himself, tiie honorable gentleman was indif- ; ! ferent as to what that policy might be. The ! I posture of affairs seems to look to absolute submission on the part of the North, a sur- ! [[render of those sentiments on which she has ‘ (■fist elected a President, according to t’ue re- j I ty: cm -uts o the C ustitution. or to open ! war. This ugitatii n naans war, and the I Stale that now puts herself in an attitude of i i secession so regards it. If the alternative ! be non-siihtni -fin to a President, elected ac- j cording to constitutional form , or war, then : let war come; let it come in any shape. There is an idea tty these troubles are owing fit the aggressions of the North. The j truth is that there is a set of venal politicians j and presses in the North, traitors to the pco- j pie they live among, and on whom they feed, j who persistently misrepresent the sentiments of that section. Let the result of this contro- ! versy be as it may, the country drenched in blood if it may, his little State would stand j acquitted before the whole civilized world. , Tiie difficulty in the North is that she lias ; conceded too much: the result of every, dis- ! agreement has been fresh concessions from I that section. She has no more concessions j or compromises to make- lie admitted that 1 the South was to have an honest administra- j tion of the fugive-slave law, and wi.-hed it to ] be so. He bad no sympathy wilh Fourth of July orators who we e perpetually dilating on the progress we had inn le, when we had, J in reality, done nothing. AVe have only betn j trying an experiment, and were now in its I crisis Rome, ns a republic, endured for six j hundred years, but some of the very soldiers | who fought for ti.is country in theßevolution j were still living. The great struggle of prin- j cijile with power, which had been going on in | Great Britain for cenUrics, was now seeking its termination country whose early soldiers were still living. In the course of a few further remarks, Mr. Hale said he could I not help regarding the Supreme Court as a j subservient judiciary, lie had, he said,since j his appearance upon this floor, found himself | uniformly opposed to the acting administra- | tion. lie was glad that he would not so stand i in regard to the incoming administration, if it should not quail before file storm. Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, said if lie was ] to have peace, wanted to know it; and if j war he wished to know that also. He asked j if the Ropublidan jftrty not only denied the ; South peace in the Union, but intended to re- j fuse them that poor boon out of it. Mr Hale said his remarks were merely his j own private opinions; be did not speak fur a j party and had held no communication, by I letter or personally, with the President elect, j lie had not said Will’ mu.st come; but. lie be- j Jieved it would come. Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, after referring to the positions of Mr. Hale, stated that five : States at least, would certainly secede, and a j Confederacy, as he hoped and believed, be t formed. The North and the South were dis tinct peoples even now. In this chamber there was no reciprocity of the usual conrte- I sics between the two sides of the Senate, and | I this w.s a type of tho sections represented , by these -ides. Vb; ‘■North kfct lit./ i ‘>nlh, Lml no love is Inst frou, theSouiii toward the ; ■ Orth. [Laughter in galleries.] In every espect-—politically, geographically, and so- [ ciiiUy—the North and the South were distinct j nations, and could not, and ought not to. live under one government. He did not wish for war, but if it must, come let it come; The | South will say to her enemies, “We ll welcome you with bloody hands to hospitable graves.” Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, discussed at some length flic right of sece sion, quoting from the message the portions he objected to, and reading from Elliott's Debates. He main tained that a Stale bad the undoubted right to secede, and said if South Carolina should withdraw, and the Government should keep Federal troops within her borders, an attempt would be made to take the forts *and blood would flow. Mr. Lane, of Oregon, did not understand the President as saying lie would collect the duties ifSouih Carolina seceded. Mr. Wigfall said the more he read the Mes sage the less he comprehended it. [Laughter.] For himself, if war must come, lie would say | “To thy tents, O Israeli” and the God of Bat- j ties decide the issue 1 Mr Saulsbury, of Delaware, said his State | was the first to adopt tlie Constitution and ! would be the last to do anything looking to its destruction. [Applause and hisses.] It would be time enough when this Union was dissolved for Delaware to say what she would do. [Applause and increased hissing.] Then, at 25 minutes past 2, p. m., the Senate adjourned. [From the X. V. Tribune, Nov. ffil/A. ] Are >Ve Going to Fight ! That the State of South Carolina is about to secede from the Union—that her Conven tion to assemble on the 17th proximo will as sume formally to dissolve her connection with the Federal Government—is no longer doubt ful. Probably no single delegate has been or will bo chosen to that Convention who is not an avowed secessionist. It is expected that the act of secession will be perfected on the second day of the Convention, and that not a single vote will be cast or voice raised against it. „ What then? Georgia. Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana. Florida, Texas and Arkansas—-composing (with South Carolina) the eight Cotton States —are confidently expected to follow. Some of them will probably do so, but not without a desperate struggle. The Union lias warm j friends in each of these States, and among i them is Sain Houston, Governor of Texas.— ! Threatening demonstrations have been and i will be made to induce him to call the Legis- ! l.iture to meet in exit- • ssior. ft v the purpose ‘ ! of calling a Convention : but we think they ; will have to hang him up until he is black in the face before they will force him to do so. All the rest of the Cotton States have Five- Eating Governors, who wilt readily call their Legislatures: indeed, most of them hare al ready done so. We shall not anticipate the result, though ive shall await it with intense anxiety. ii South Corolina shall bo left to stand alone, we think she must ultimately recede. Her people, weave aware, do not think so; but a single State will not be permitted to break up tbe Union. We do not talk of sub duing her; we only say tlia. her position as a seceding and quasi independent State in the heart of a Federal Union will be anomalous and untenable. She may maintain it for a little while, but will ultimately be constrained to return to her norma! condition of a mem ber of the Confederacy. But ii the cotton States generally unite with her iu seceding, we insist that they can not be prevented, and that the attempt must not bo made. Five millions of people, more than half of them of the dominant race, of whom at least half a million aje able and willing to shoulder muskets, can never be subdued while fighting around and over their own hearthstones. If they could be, they would no longer be equal members of the Union, but conquered dependencies. Sup pose they could be overcome and their mili tary forces destroyed: what then? Can you compel them to send members to Congress ? Can you make them accept Federal offices ? Can you prevent their taring and feathering those who do ?• If how idle to talk of subduing them! As to all that is so well said of the duty of remaining in the Union and submitting to its, constitutional authority, etc., etc., we con our in i; most heartily: but suppose blic won’t, what do you propose to do about it ? Web ster, and Marshall, and Story have reasoned well—lhe Federal flag represents a Govern nment, not a mere league; we are in many respects une nation, from ilie St. Johns to the” Rio Grande : but the genius of our institu tions is essentially republican, and averse to the employment of military force to fasten one section of our confederacy to the other. If eight States haying Five Millions of People choose to separrte from us they can not be withheld from so doing by Federal cannon. Virginia will undoubtly form one of the seceding States. That is Ihe unanimous voice oi the rcp‘ esentativo men from the Old | Domiuio- :.dw hero. From the Washington correspondence of the Charleston Mercury: • The adjournment of the two Houses of i Congress yesterday, to meet on Monday, was by preconcert between the Abolitionists and border State members, for tbe purpose of preventing discussion. The old wire-pullers are at work, and are resorting to every des : perate means which cunning can suggest, to patch up a temporary peace. They have ; carefully sounded, fully understand, the spirit of the members from the cotton States, but are still incredulous of that gov j erning the people whom they represent- It is to gain time to operate upon them, by in troducing conciliatory measures in Congress —measures which they know to be hollow and impracticable —but which they design more for the object of delay than anything else. Delay once conceded, their game of hilling the secession movement becomes cer j lain, to their minds. It is generally under stood that tiie members of the committee of thirty-three, from the cotton States, appoint ed by the Speaker on Mr. Bottler's resolu tion, will, some of them, either refuse to serve, or if < ompelled to do so by the refusal of the House t i excuse them, make a minor ity report which must lead to angry discus siou. A desperate effort to ward off this re sult is now being made, but it will certainly fail. The committee bears in its very com position the seeds of its own rottenness. It is purely sectional, except where such men from the South as Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, and politicians of a like stripe, could be selected from the Southern delega- I tions. These, however, have few affinities with their constituents, and are without their I confidence. Thev in no particular truly represent them. It is, in addition, a remark able feature in the composition of this com mittee that no member of it is a Breckin ridge man except in those instances where it was impossible to appoint Douglas men, I Americans, or an Abolitionist. The correspondent says there are but three Breckinridge men on the committee. He concludes his letter in these words. I am in constant communication with per sons of the highest intelligence fTom Mary land, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennesse, and all the cotton States, and they say to Caro lina : “Action! action! action! for our j safety and your own.” The President’s Message. The Charleston Mercury publishes an arti cle which it introduces to its readers as fol , sows : “ Tiie following criticism of the President’s Message has been handed us from a high | quarter.” ’ We copy a part of the article as follows : Holding these views, the President declares that lie will refer the whole matter to Con- I gress, as beyond his Executive power to settle. I But, that until Congress pronounces its deci i sion upon the status of such a seceding State, j he his bound by his oath to administer the - ! laws of the United States; but having declared j that its force is also neutralized by a state- I meat of the insuperable difficulties in the way of such administration. Indeed the whole message stands as scarcely an cquivo | cal declaration that this Union is ended—its ; days numbered —its work done. So be it. ; We purely believe it. We sympathise with ! ihe position of Mr. Buchanan. We are ready j to dojustice to the honest expression of his i opinions and feeling-, which he has made in this message. We hope and trust that, when i the State shall have seceded, he will be pre : pared to meet the many and different ques tions which must come in the same spirit of temperate good sense. This duty may be i a painful one; but it is also a great one. He | cun safely declare that lie has not, by trea chery to the Constitution, * fear of wild and wicked fanaticism, hastened this end. But it has come, and the only duty lejj. and thej| ! pijv'est cfdutie rteft to I Ui” e lilted’ Staled,. k*o : %xf ment of such a tno V-ffl by li.e calm wisupiu ! proclaimed by half a cemury of eminent am} ’ heffnrab’.c public -e; rice, am’ ts - make this final parting, one of peace. j fitiy* The Southern students at Jeffi-*soa ! College, Pennsylvania, have resolved to leave in a body on the 19th instant, for their re spective homes. We take the following paragraphs from a letter to the Mercury, written at Lowell, Mass., under date of tlie sth inst: And what guaranties should satisfy the South? In my estimation, nothing short of amendments to the Constitution, that would make negro slavery legal and perpetual in every State in the Union, and upon every foot of territory that now belongs, or ever shall belong, to the United States.. It is not only possible, but probable, that such a reaction may take place in the public mind. When we are no longer one people, and the North I see that they, as well as the South, are de pendent upon the products cf slave labor for all their material prosperity (not to say for their very subsistence), they will begin to ’ reason upon the slavery question. And to reason from facts, not indulging passion, is to come to the conclusion that negro slavery is light, poliiieally, morally and religiously. ******* Whether Lincoln will attempt to coerce tbe seceding States (I take it for granted that there will be such) is a matter of much so liciUide among the Abolitionists in ibis State. Some claim that'it will be his duty to do so; others say no. There is a disposition mani fested by a portion of the Black Republicans to back down from their extreme positions, I but the greater portion of them are more ul na and impudent than ever. They breathe i nothing but fire and slaughter against the 1 South. I wish that every submissionist in the soutli was compelled for one week to listen to their impudent, threats and insane i vituperations. If it diJ not cure him, he might be set down as incorrigible. They even go so far as to threaten with violence those who say one word in defence of the rights and institutions of the South, but as knavery and cowardice are usually combined there is little to fear from them. Mb. Bcchaxax’s Style ofConciliation.— The President, it will be seen, proposes to en-,’ graft tbe Fugitive Slave law of 1850 into the] constitution, and make it part of the fundaif mental law of the land. At the same time he ; declares that unless the Personal Liberty j bills are at once repealed, no human power | can save the Union. We are sorry to hear it; ! for his first recommendation is admirably cal culated to render the repeal of those utterly, impossible. Mr. Buchanan must know very well than the harsh and unjust provisions of the FugiJn tive Slave law—under which more than one | free colored citizens of the North have been i sent into slavery, have afforded the pretext for these bills, and in the view of tens of thousands of our citizens made them abso lutely necessary. If those provisions could be modified, if the law could be divested of its odious and repulsive features, without impair ing its efficiency in the least, there would be the slighest difficulty in procuring the re peal of every one of the Personal Liberty laws, Yjjiicli gave such serious offende to the Southern States. But without some such amendments, or at least some indication of a willingness to take them into consideration,'’ it is idle to expect that the Northern State)*) will sweep them from their statute books® merely at the beck and will of the South. Mr. Buchanan’s style of compromise is ceT-S tainly peculiar. Instead of the Fugitive Slmh law, in order to conciliate the North, he coolly proposes to make that law, with defects and unjust provisions, part and nM cel of the Constitution. He could not pflßju bly have made any recommendation more tain to arouse the resentment of the NiflU than this. And no severer blow could hwtjl been given to the rising spirit of compronuH|) and conciliation, than it thus receives at thi l hands of the President. —New York TYmssJlH Neio York City a Republic. —Mayor WjSRK of New Y’ork is great on “sensations his newest sensation, it is said, will be cial message to the Common Council, mandiug that, as soon as South cedes from the Union, measures will be i tskyf to erect the city and county of New YhJB; with the adjacent counties of Westchcci^,. ea( j Kings. Queens and.Suffolk, into a sepsw State, in order to cut loose from the 43 jport of itionists and Republicans of the rural distflE rernor’s Tlrtf message, it is said, is already in goo® n,t man written, and that it was to submit it totjmifed the tain hgih authorities that took the Matt far any Washington, a few days since. 9 ividual. The John Brown Pikes. —One of the ll kich * re instruments of death specially prepared l “ e et * u ” the murder of our people by the hands (W slaves may be seen at the store of .V Js&C’r D *7 B Taylor A Hoyt, on College Avenue, Wttrw elf all the calm, suhmissionists in the State {apt ?V w * B look at it for one minute, and thepyunk oi their wives and children at home. injH|gi t many would go away quite as they go in. —Athens Banner. [For the Federal Union. ] Co-operation Among the Seceding States. Messrs. Editors: As I have been honored by the request from several citizens of this and adjoining States, for my opinion as to the proper plan to .be adopted by the seceding States, for the purpose of securing unitedand harmonious action—may I ask of you a cor mr in your “Daily” for the expression of an oj iuiun perhaps of but little consequence. Such co-operation I deem of great impor tance. The greater the number of States which retire together from this Union—the more dignity and moral weight will the move ni.-nt have. Any haste in one State to move in advance of the others, (though not. so in tended) will have or be construed into an ap pearance of a disregard to the will and action of others. And while lam free to admit that each State must act for herself and resume by her own independent will her delegated sovereignty, yet I conceive that it is possible and highly desirable that all of them should assign some common day for such resump tion. In the,meanwhile proper steps might be taken not only to secure harmonious ac tion, but to provide for a future Confederacy. so be more explicit—South Carolina holds hezCQivention on the 17th of this month— t> “ 3rd of January—Alabama and ‘ M vissippi on the 7th, and Georgia oh the D ili ot ihe same month. Other States may appoint earlier or later days. If the Con vt itiion offiShulh Carolina would by ordinance de .lare that State out of the Union, the ordi nance to take effect at some future day —say tiie 15th or 20th of February, and by the same ordinance should provide for commissioners or delegates to meet similar commissioners from other seceding States—at an earlier day, (say Ist. February,) to consult and consider the propriety of stepping from the one Union into another, based upon the Constitution of the United States; and if the several Conven iens which follow should in like manner fix upon the same day for secession, and make i uilar provisions for delegates for consulta tion, we should present to the other. States and the world an example of calm delibera tion worthy of a free People. While at the stme time there would he no symptom of hesitancy or indecision, which could be con strued into the slightest doubt ns to the pro priety of our action, or the fixedness of our purpose. And all this can bo consummated before the hated dynasty is inaugurated as our Government. But two objections suggest themselves to my mind as to this course : First, By giving notice of an intention, the seceding State invites preparation by the General Govern ment to defeat it. This may be avoided by provision in the Ordinance for earlier action in such an event. Second. Is such consultv ton and negotiation Constitutional while we in the Union ? I think it is on the 1 art of a State seceding and only postponing the day of secession, while it might not he on the part of States purposing still to remain in the Union. I have said that the new Confederacy should be based upon the Constitution of -Uie United States. Our people love that Con stitution, while they are heartily sick of the Union. Os necessity some changes will be lequired—and the Convention of Delegates thus chosen could provide for sucli changes. Thus we could have true co-operation, that is, among States of similar views and inten tions, and thus we would provide for an almost immediate discharge of all the func tions of Government. With great diffidence I make these sugges tions for the considerat ion of more experienced minds. Respectfully, Thos. R. It. Cobb. —. o luuncu .e Secession Demonstration in Sa- L vanuali! The meeting last night at Masonic Hall was the'largest und enthusiastic we Tver aawVin Savannah. At an early hour in the streets in tiie neighborhood bJubtl®' wei ' e Pronged with people of all Ujososi .yfue Sons or ilie South, the Minute -Tilen, aad the Southern Rights Club, was formed at the Exohange under the direction of John M. Gucriu and, Esq., Chief Marshal. iVith torches and banners, and preceeded by a band of music, they then marched up the Bay to Whitaker street, up Whitaker to South Broad street, down South Broad to Drayton, and thence to the Hall. Not more than one ihirdoftbe immense crowd could gain en trance. and the larger part of the procession formed themselves in a line on Bull street, in front of the Hall. The meeting inside was organized by call ing His Honor, Mayor C. C. Jones, Jr., to the Chair, Rev. J. F. O’Neill acting as Vice-Pre sident, and C. 11. Way as Secretary. Ilia Honor, the Mayor, on taking the Chair, explained the object of the meeting, after which ex-Mayor Arnold, after some ap propriate remarks, proposed the appointment of a committee of thirty-three to nominate candidates for the convention. The motion was put, both inside and outside of the Hall, anfl carried unanimously. The committee reported the following names as nominees for delegates to the Con vention : Capt. Jno. W. Anderson, . Capt. F. S. Bartow, Cfil. Augustus S. Jones. Resolutions were unanimously passed in structing the delegation to vote tor the imme diate secessisn of Georgia from the Union. Speeches were made by Jloii. Henry R. Jackson, F. S. Bartow and others, and the meeting is still in session as we go to press wftli our country edition.— Savannah Xeu-s lZth. Muscogee Moving—Secession Meeting—Great Enthusiasm. —The people of Muscogee in fa vor of immediate secession, assembled at the Court House at 12 M., on Tuesday the 11th. On motion Hon. A. H. Chappel was called to the Chair, and Oliver Cromwell and A. J. Floyd appointed Secretaries. After an impressive prayer by Rev. J. H. DeVotie of the Baptist Church, a committee of five, consisting of John A. Jones, Esq., R. J. Moses, Esq., Dr. John E. Bacon, and Mr. Richard Dozier, reported the following reso lutions, which were unanimously agreed to, to-wit: m Resolved, That this meeting cordially ap prove the call of a Convention by the Legis lature of the S.ate of Georgia, to determine the “mode, manner, and time of resistance” to Black Republican rule. Resolved, That we consider SECESSION as the only mode and measure of resistance, and , that, we consider the 16th day of January, -*ct as soon thereafter as practicable, as ucJriME, aud that we cordially invite the co iteration of the slave States of this Union in [pis mode and measure of resistance. * s'pon motion of Mr. D. P. Ellis, the meet ing proceeded to nominate candidates for delegates to tbe State Convention, by ballot, which resulted as follows: Hon. Henry L. Benning received 248 votes. James N. ltamsey, “ 199 “ A. S. Rutherford, Esq., “ 142 “ Hon. A. H. Chappell, “ 71 “ Mr. R. M. Gunby, “ 62 “ Mr. F. S. Dillard, “ 27 “ Dr. J. E. Bacon, “ 19 “ Scatterring, “ 14 “ ! The three highest on the ballot were de clared elected and the election-made unani f mous amid great applause. Hon. James N‘ ['Ramsey was loudly called for, who made a Isliurtr pointed, eloquent speech, which was received. B. A. Thornton, fEsq. also made a few appropriate, well-timed Lremirks for separate State action and the I independence of Georgia. I. The:* meeting adjourned in the finest I humor, amid enthusiasm and cheers for the I’ticket and old Muscogee. The men selected [ will bear the secession flag with honor to a I glorious victory. The Burch Divorce Case. [ Napierville, Til., Dec. 10, 1860.—The jury I in the case of Mr. Burch, the hanker, of Chi- I cago. vs. Mrs. Burch, for divorce, rendered a | verc to-day, for the defendant Mrs. jjßur^T 3 Van Arman, for the complainant, con jj eluded his argument at noon to-day, having I spoken nine hours. j then adjourned until two P. M. N OiilL'iening the afternoon session the Judge instructions iu behalf of both irty-two in all, and submitted the case R. o’clock. j ;ry was out an hour and a half, and ru with a verdict in favor of Mrs. P.. r verdict was received with demonstra- Bjof enthusiasm which spread rapidly h the village. pt-el for the defense made a motion for fTvcdy of the children and alimony, and m inis ir? ; nurned. The trial has whom can wc rot alone. His Omni pyre at seven o’clock, from the awful effebv rejoicings by the follies. Jfc hundred rockets £of the Tremont THIBTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. Second Session. SENATE Dec. 10. Mr. Powell’s resolution in regard to federal affairs was called up. He said that events were rapidly crowding one upon another, which, if not speedily suppressed, would re sult in a dissolution of the government.—The resolution proposes legislation to give power for the correction of the evils which have pro duced the present state of affairs.—Duty to the country requires that they should act promptly. The eleventh amendment was made i and in 1803 the twelfth was made. | Our lathers acted in emergencies, and so can i we. Mr. King—l am not one of those that de- J spair. Mr. Collamcr moved that part of the reso lution be stricken out except so much as re ferred to federal affairs, and that it be refer red to a special committee. Mr. King inquired whether additional legis lation was necessary to maintain the consti tution. Mr. Y'ulee inquired what was intended by the amendment. Mr. Green said he would not vote for the resolution for an amendment to the constitu tion or legal ennetments ; unless the popular sentiment goes with it, or the strong arm of government goes with it, it is not worth a straw. Mr. Latham said that California will re main with the Union—'the great North and West—no matter what occurs. The Pacific railway was the great desideratum of her peo ple. Mr. Powell accepted Mr. Collamer’s propo sition to strike out. Mr. Foster said the remark had been made that the management of the government was in the hands of the democratic party. We were told that the Union is in danger of disruption and will fall to pieces 1 will, therefore, cordially give my support to the resolution, and hope the committee will decide promptly for the harmony and peace of the country. [Applause.] Mr. Douglas said:—l am ready to act with anybody—any individual who looks to the settlement of this question, or that will aid in the preservation of the constitution I trust we may lay aside all party grievances, feuds and jealousies, and look to oufi country, not our party, oil this occasion. I desire to hear no words of party while” meet ing and discussing a question upon which the fate of the country depends. Mn Davis said that the proposition pre sented was not very hopeful of good results. It lias been suggested to cure the public evil by investing the federal government with physical power, Buch as rightfully belongs to the minority alone. Some refer evn to party. Sir, we have fallen on evil times when party politics are shaken by this slavery agitation. The formation of republican government was peaceable. Our fathers fought the war of the revolution to maintain their rights as set forth in the Declaration of Independence. Mr. Powell said, I speak of the present gov ernment. Mr. Davis—The government is a machine. It is an agency of the Stale. I cling to the government not merely because of the name and form, but on account of its spirit and purpose. It was formed to insure domestic tranquility—to provide a common eiefense; not disloyal armies and navies, and bring by common force a State fogethcr. Do we want anew government, and are we to exercise military force over the people of the State? This is not the means our fathers provided for [Hitting down insurrection. When it was proposed that Congress should execute the lews, it was refused upon the ground that to make war upon any State would rear a mili tary despotism. Ilow long would it be before a inilitry force would turn on the minority? It is proceed ing under the name of Union to carry ou war against each State. This 1 will resist as sub versive of the theory of our constitution, ififieli is oik- of the equality of the sovereign States. It was made by States, and made for States. [The debate was further continued by Mr. Foster and other Senators.] HOUSE.—Mr. Hawkins explained at length why he could not serve on Mr. Botcler’s com mittee; and, in the course of his remarks, he rebuked the'incongruous construction of the committee. He was particularly severe on Winter Davis, who did not represent the senti ments of his State. Ilegave fair warning that Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia and South Carolina would certainly secede, and Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas would certain ly follow. The selection of the committee tended to disgrace and irritate the South. The time for patching up peace had gone by. Messrs. Vallat-dighain and McClernand complained that the Democracy of the North west were not represented on the committee. Mr. Sickles said in the eventof a dissolution of the Union, New York city would set up for herself as a free port. To settle the present question, the Republicans must repeal their unjust laws, as well as give proper protection to Southern rights. If they will not respect the Constitution of our fathers, it can’t be expected they will amend it, guided by such men as Seward, Giddings and Sumner, so as to secure the objects sought. No vote was taken on Mr. Hawkin’s request to be excused. Mr. Sherman, by consent, reported a bill authorizing the issue of ten millions in Treasury notes, to meet public necessities— which passed. The bill provides for six per cent, interest, and authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to issue them as necessity re quires, to the highest bidder, for specie, with out restriction as to par value. The House then adjourned. Agricultural Resources of Georgia. —Dr. Meredith Reese, A. M., M. D., L. L. D., of New York, in the American Medical Gazette of December, 1860; thus notices the Reportof Prof. Joseph Jones, of Augusta, Ga., to the Southern Cotton Planters’ Convention of Georgia: Prof. Joseph Jones, M. D., of the Medical College, having been appointed Chemist to the Cotton Planters’ Convention of the State, has published his first report, in a huge oc tavo pamphlet of 312 pages. It exhibits the agricultural resources of that State to be im mense and inexhaustible, and proves how little has been done to develop them by the sparse population of that extensive State, in which millions of acres of the finest land, rich to repletion, with every native material for agricultural improvement, are lying unculti vated, not only going to waste, but rapidly deteriorating for lack of industrious laborers. The luxuriant crops yielded to the past gene ration by the spontaneous richness of the soil, and this with but little labor or cultiva tion, have exhausted its productiveness, and the inhabitants by tens of thousands have mi grated to other parts of the State and to other States in quest of more productive lands. The agricultural survey, now commenced by Prof. Jones, as the appointee of a Con vention of Cotton Planters, if fostered by the State and carried out to completion, can not fail to work a mighty revolution in the and commercial status of that great State, for Georgia has a Territory 322 miles in length from North to South, and 224 miles in breadth from East to West, having thus an area 58,000 square miles, while her whole population scarcely exceeds that of the sin gle city of New York, including half a mil lion of the colored race, either bond or free, and includes almost every variety of climate, extending, as it does, from the almost tropi cal regions wpon the Atlantic coast to the cool aud bracing atmosphere of the Blue Ridge, thus covering the finest climate of any State in the Nnion. Surely the time cannot be distant when agriculturists will rally to develop ihe resources of so desirable a coun try, and rescue its worn-out soil from the sterility to which the richest lands of earth are destined when exhausted by their own productiveness and abandoned without labor to the elements, annually degenerating by neglect. We copy the above with much pleasure from the Chronicle <j- Sentinel. Some days since we received a copy of the work, refer red to by Dr. Reese, and intended before this to acknowledge its reception and commend it to the public for its varied and intrinsic mer its. The work oontains twelve chapters whicli make three hundred and twelve pages, to which is appended a copious index. It was published at the Chronicle & Sentinel office of this city, and is a highly creditable specimen of typographical execution. Dr. Jones is eminently qualified to fill the posi tion of chemist to tho Cotton Planters Con vention. The varied learning displayed ip this report on the Agricultural resources of Georgia, its many valuable suggestions, and its practical truths, commend it to thecon sideration of all intelligent^Agriculturistt. Eromthe Washington Constitution. The Resignation of Hon. Howell Cobb. We are authorised to announce the resigna tion by the Hon. Howell Cobb of the high and responsible office of Secretary of the Treasury, which he has held since the lorma tion of President Buchanan's Cabinet, and the President’s acceptance of the same. The following are Mr. Cobb’s letter tender ing his resignation, and the Presidents reply : Washington City, Dec. 8, 1860. My Dear Sir: A sense of duty to the State of Georgia requires me to take a step which makes it proper that I should no lon ger continue to be a member of your Cabinet. In the troubles of the country consequent upon the late Presidential election, the honor and safety of my State are involved. Her people so regard it, and in their opinion I freely concur. They are engaged in a strug gle where the issue is life or death. My friends ask for my views and counsel. Not to respond would be degrading to myself and unjust to them. I have accordingly prepared and must now issue to them, an address which contains the calm aud soleniu convic tions of my heart aud judgment. The views which I sincerely entertain, and which therefore I am bound to express, differ in some respects from your own. The exist ence of this difference would expose me, if I should remain in my pjßsent place, to unjust suspicion, an?? put you in a false position. The first of these consequences I could bear well enough, but I will not subject you to the last. My withdrawal has not been occasioned by anything you have said or done. Whilst dif fering from your message upon some of its theoretical doctrines, as well as from the hope so earnestly expressed that the Union can yet be preserved, there was no practical result likely to follow which required me to retire from your administration. That ne cessity is created by what 1 feel it my duty to do; and the responsibility of the act, there fore, rests alo!ne upon myself, To say that 1 regret, deeply regret, this necessity, but feebly expresses the feeling with which I pen this communication. For nearly four years I have been associated with you as one of your Cabinet officers, and dur ing that period nothing has occurred to mar, even for a moment, our personal and official relations. In the policy and measures of your Administration I have cordially con curred, and shall ever feel proud of the hum ble place which my name may occupy in its history. If your wise counsels and patriotic warnings had been heeded by your country men, the fourth of March next would have found our country happy, prosperous, anil united. That it will not be so, is no fault of yours. The evil has now passed beyond control, and must be met by each and all of us under our responsibility to God and our country. If, as I believe, history will have to record yours as the last administration of our pre sent Union, it will also place it side by side with the purest and ablest of these that pre ceded it. With t.lie kindest regards for yourself and the members of your Cabinet, with whom I have been so pleasantly associated, I am most truly and sincerely, your'friend, Howell Cobh. To the President. Washington, December 10, 18(50. My Dear Sir : I have received your com munication of Saturday evening resigning the position of Secretary of the Treasury which you have held since the commencement of my administration. Whilst 1 deeply regret that you have determined to separate yourself from us at the present critical moment, yet 1 admit that the question was one of your own decision. 1 could have wished you had ar rived at a different conclusion, because our relation , both official and personal, have ever been of the most friendly and confiden tial character. I may add that 1 have been entirely satisfied with the ability and zeal which have displayed in performing the duties of your important oflicc. Cuui.a/.y reciprocating y uni sciitimei.U of personal regard, I remain, very respectfully, your fri'end, James Buchanan. iion. lie well Conn. Knowing as we do the reverence and affec tion which Mr. Cobb feels for tho President, and the unbounded confidence in and regard for him which the President entertains, we can comprehend the regret which this sever ance of official intercourse must have caused to both ; and we arc well aware that nothing but an imperative sense of duty would have impelled Gov. Cobb to the step he has taken. Hosts of friends, who, like ourselves, have learned to know his worth, to value his high qualities of head and heart, to admire his great talents, and to appreciate his frank, genial manners, will miss him from among us as regretfully as we shall. We know that tho same high and honorable motives which have ever guided his public and private career have actuated him in his present course, and are sure that even those who differ most widely from him in opinion, must honor and respect his convictions of duty. Gov. Cobb returns immediately to his na tive State', Georgia, where we have no doubt his sage counsels and varied experience will prove of immense value to his fellow-citizens in the stirring scenes in which they are called to play so prominent aud important a part. Where has the Gold Gone To ?—The London Times, of Nov. 15, in its money article, says that, since the autumn of 1859, the banks of France and England together have experi enced a drain of j£15,000,000. Some fair portion of the outflow, it adds, has doubtless been directed to Northern Germany, the largest receipts of grain having been from Prussian ports, while a demand for a further portion may reasonably be attributed to an increased activity of coin among the people, especially in England, in consequence of the unparalleled extent of commercial traffic. The Times continues: But these are all inadequate to explain the largeness of the sum that has been absorbed. Perhaps they may solve the question as to £5,000,000, but there will then remain £lO,- 000,000 to be traced out. The difficulty, how ever, wili vanish when we look at the vast military operations that have been going on in various parts during the last twelve months. In Syria and China the outlay must have been immense, and these are about the two worst countries in the world from which we could look for a speedy flowing back of any thing that may be expended. At the same time the French army at Rome lias been maintained on a scale of increasing costliness, and through out the whole of Italy and Sicily, the move ments of armies have necessitated a constant use of coin, while the inhabitants of those countries they have, doubtless led to board ing. In the midst of all these charges, France has parted with £BOO,OOO to the Viceroy of Egypt, and is every day augmenting, in every quarter, the expenses of her armaments, aud also of her diplomatic establishments. The Times concludes with the remark that “it is hard, even for England, with her bound less trade and extraordinary credit, to main tain the scale of expenditures now'being forced upon her: but for France, the financial policy of the Emperor, must, sooner or later, be ruinous.” The Spirit. Below we give the opening paragraph of the Marietta Stateman’s account of the Cobh Cos., meeting. Cobb County a unit—No Submsssion for her— ff’he Leaders at Fault-, but the People Right. — A Good Ticket Nominated by Acclamation. Tuesday was a glorious day for the good old county of Cobh ; and the voice which she sends greeting to her sister counties of the State will not only be regarded as in keeping with her prominence, her patriotism, and her devotion to the rights of tho South, hut will thrill with delight the hearts of Georgia’s sons, from the rich Savannahs to her lofty mountain peaks. We wish every man in the oounty could have been present at the patri otic feast which was served up ; for, like the supper of old, which fed a multitude, from five loaves and three fishes, there was en kindled from the doubt, distrust, and parti san feeling which existed at the opening of meeting, enough of genuine patriotism, brotherly love, Southern valor and devotion to this beautiful, sunny home otours, to tiro a million hearts, and nerve a million arms in her defence. The following is the ticket : —Hon. George D. lfioe; Elisha H. Lindley ; Allen J. Winn. A writer in the London Shipping Gazette styles tlfb iron screw steamships, now exten sively employed in navigating the waters of Northern Europe, as “sea-going coffins.” No legs than six or seven of them were lost (five foundered) in a gale October 3a and 4th. the loss of life amounting to about two hundred persons. tfo. 21. An Appeal to the South. no. v. Ihe Southern Stales shoulti leave the Union now, because the time is propitious to the move ment, and the separation at no far distant day is inevitable. I do not believe that there exists on the face of the earth two nations who more cor dially detest each other, than the slavehold ing and non-slaveholding States of this Re public. It was bad enough before Lincoln’s election ; it is ten times worse, if possible, now. It takes a long, long time to cool in ternational hatred, even when the causes have ceased, and mutual interests have shed their cooling influences upon it. With the people ot the North, it has maddened lega tion, poisoned the fountains of justice, eclipsed reason, blinded judgment, benumbed sensibility, subdued delicacy, banished cour tesy, deadened humanity, leveled distinctions, neutralised oaths, justified extortion, white washed bribery, honored theft, sanctified butchery, profaned pulpits, desecrated chur ches, and in divers respects set at defiance all the laws of God and man. Is not this true? Look at their mis-uamed Personal Liberty Acts They alone verify much that I have said. Their title is a falsehood. They imply a breach of oath and constitution in all who en acted [hem, M They harbor runaways. They shock j ustice and the moral sense. They (some of them) make it criminal in witnesses to speak the truth. They make it shockingly criminal for a white man to claim his rights, and for no other offence they cast him into prison from two months to fifteen years. That is personal liberty, is it ? And, moreover, they impose a fine on him from one to five thousand dollars. Name the offence, not capital, so sorely visited, as that of a man’s saying “this is tny negro, and I claim him.” May God deliver me from all connec witli a batch of judicial monsters who can thus legislate. Look at their tariff. Look how their courts decide all questions wherein the master’s and the slave’s interest are brought in issue. See their versions of the Constitution, of their oaths, of the Bible. Look to Mattison and hip confreres in Con gress. Hear their glorying in man stealing. Sec their mobs, their raids, their murders, their house burning. Mark Montgomery, fresh from Boston, tiie second Brown. See their many gatherings in that oity. High, low, white, black, male, female—all on a level, all tongue-clattering, all furious. See the conventicle of preachers, professors, stu dents, women and children, in the North Church of New Haven, subscribing for Sharpe’s rifles. See genteel ladies in common plot with dirty negroes, nay, united with them in connubial bonds. Listen to their insults, their sarcasms, their dares. What mean these bedlam scenes? Why, persons a thousand miles from these people own slaves, and they wish them set free. It wili cost the owners $2,400,000,000 to set them free. No matter, they must be set free, or men will turn demons and women furies. But orphan children own a half million of them, and these cannot be set free. No mat ter, they must be set free in some way. But the poor own a few. No matter, they must be set free. But many poor own none. No matter, they live among those who do own them, and they must be burnt out and poison ed with the rest. Does history or romance furnish any parallel to this? Such are the pieople on the one side; on the other, there is no retaliatory legislation, no bending of jus tice. A little while ago a clever estate in South Carolina was decreed to free negroes iu Ohio. Negroes claimed as slaves are often set free by our courts. The Northern men and the Southern man has equal justice. A man comes reeking from the land of mobs and violence, to the land of the mobbed, sues in our courts for his just debts and recovers —none inquiring whence he came or what his creed. No mobs here, no bribery, no contempt of law, no tw'-rtug of oaths. They are taxed to enricl— Dupont’s J>- -‘hey com plain, and tV-’- .The y arc ro HAY—Eastern per ton 1V v , of tin I —Northern per ton —'- *nvi. HIDES— pert* ( r IKON —Swedes. per }b this They yieli/uTSh and endure"R’Jg tor tin sake of the Union, and this is called cowa’ lice. But enough of this. How long can sue. people live together un der one government ? How much more in tolerant must the one become, before the pa tieuce of tho other will wear out ? You have just reached the point when you are as much despised for your spirit as you are for your property. They see that neither taxation, robbery nor invarim can rouse you to resis tance, and they h. ve begun to shake the lash over you, dare you to fulfil your threats, and tell you that you shall “eat dirt.” Your at tachment to the Union I know is very strong ; but the world does not know it; and it wili write you down as the most arrant cowards that ever disgraced the earth if you do not go out f the Union, or declare war against your oppressors. Y'ou must rise and vindi cate your honor and your rights before long ; ‘ and why wait until you can endure no lon ger ? Asa South Carolinian I should vote against her having any fellowship with you, if, after-having stood by and seen her fight your battles, you some, with the dirt of Yan kee heels upon your necks, to link your des-’ tiny with hers. 1 should be jealous of that more than connubial love of yours, and fear ful that if your task-makers should throw you a pet word and a cruni of comfort, your first love would revive in all its long-cherish ed ardor, and you would desert the Palmetto Confederacy for the glorious Union. Cojae, now, and she. will receive you with open arms, and thank you for your countenance. A. B. Loxgstreet. The Relief Bill. —Tiie Bill for the Relief of the People, and the Suspension of the Banks, has been passed over the Governor’s veto. In the Senate, the vote was 95 to 13; in the House, 108 to 20. This bill goes into operation immediately. No more debts are therefore to be collected by law until December Ist, 1861. This will be a great relief to the people. The most punctual men will find some difficulty in meeting their engagements, money being so scarce. The farmers can now hold their cot ton, and await a better price, which they may confidently expect in the course of a few months. We hope that they Will hold it, and we urge upon them so to do, that none of it may reach n northern mamet. Abolition manufacturers at the North are already get ting into trouble for the lack of material. They say wc are compelled to Bell our cotton; let us show them that we are not. Yet while the law so favors those who can not meet their many engagements, we trust that none who have the money will take ad vantage of the Relief Bill to withhold pay ment — Bainbridge Argus. Spirit of Columbus—9l,6oo Raised? As an evidence of the spirit in Columbus, to resist Republican rule, the citizens have contributed over sixteen hundred dollars to equip and put in marching order the “South ern Guard,” embracing five military corps of tbe city. One gentleman, an intelligent member of this community, when called upon, contributed SIOO, and stated that he had-one hundred bags of cotton, the money from which, he would gladly give to the cause of Southern Rights. All who know this patriot will give him crodit for being willing to do what he says. Nor was be alone. There were others willing to contribute any amount at a moment’s warning, if necessary. They feel that a grateful couutry will freely give the tribute of their just applause to those who • advocate the deliverance of the South at this perilous moment. The ladies, too, are with us and do not hesitate to declare their senti ments. The cause prospers! We take the above from the Columbus Times of the 11th inst. Having been requested to call the attention of our citizens to the fact that our “Southern Guard,” the Minute Men, have not yet been equiped, we can think of nothing better to say, than, let Augusta emu late her western sister. Washington Items. Washington, Dec. 12. —Ex-Gov. Thomas, of Maryland, has been nominated by the President to-day as Secretary of the Trea sury, and been confirmed. He accepts the position and will enter upon the discharge of Ins duties at once The progress of the secession movement in Louisiana excites a good deal of interest ■among the Northwestern members. They say they cannot permit it; that the Gulf States must not cut loose from the great Northwest. A Unit for Secession.— The South Caroli nian says : “So far, there has not been a single opponent of secession elected in the State. Our Convention, will, therefore, we Ihave no doubt, bo unanimous for immediate secession.