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pm it. vaj'---* Cobb to t!ie SgHjgHF/’ Georgia. HU OPrem-d numerous Cojjfi'nunir i; ions gggSKT portions of the State, asking on the present condition of tlie accompanied with the request that be placed before the public. impossible to answer each of those communications, and I have therefore taken the liberty of addressing my reply to the peo ple of the State, asking for what I have to say that consideration only which is due to convictions deliberately formed and frankly expressed. The whole subject may properly be consid ered in the discussion of the following en quiry : Does the election of Lincoln to the Presidency, in the usual find Constitutional mode,'justify the Southern States in dissol ving the Union ? The answer to this enquiry involves a con sideration of the principles of the party who elected him, as well as the principles of the man himself. The Black Republican party had its origin in the anti-slavery feeling of the . North. It assumed the form and organization of a par ty for the first time in the Presidential con tests of 1856. The faetthat it was composed of men of all previous parties, who then and still advocate principles directly antagonis tic upon all other questions, except slavery, shows beyond doubt or questiou, that hostili ty to slavery, as it exists in the fifteen South ern States, was the basis of its organization and the bond of its union. Free trade Dem ocrats and protective tariff Whigs, internal improvement and and anti-internal improve ment men; and indeed all shades of parti sans, united in cordial fraternity upon the isolated issue of hostility to the South, though for years they had fought each other upon all other issues The fact is important because it illustrates the deep-rooted feeling which could thus bring together these hostile elements. It must be conceded that there was an object in view, of no ordinary inter est, which could thus fraternise these incon grous elements. Besides, at the time this party organised, there was presented no bright promise of success. All the indications of the day pointed to their certain defeat. So deep, however, was this anti-slavery sentiment planted in their hearts, that they forgot and forgave the as perities of the past, the political differences of the present, and regardless of the almost certain defeat which the future had in store for them, cordially embraced each other in the bonds of anti-slavery hatred, preferring defeat under the banner of Abolition to suc cess, if it had to be purchased by a recogni tion of the constitutional rights of the South- The party has succeeded in bringing into its organizational! the Abolitionists of the North, except that small band of honest fanatics who say, and say truly, that if slavery is the moral curse which the Black Republicans pronounce it to be, they feel bound to dis solve their connection with it, and are tliere - fore for a dissolution of the Union. Such I * may denominate the personnel of the Black Republican party, which, by the election of Lincoln, has demonstrated its numerical ma jority in every Northern State except New Jersey. I have said that the circumstances which marked the origin and organization of this party show that there was an object in view, of no ordinary character. To see and ap preciate that object properly, we must refer to its first and most important declaration of principles, which occurred in 1856, at the time of the nomination of Mr. Fremont for the Presidency. “Resolved , That, with our republican fa thers, we hold it to be a self-evident truth, that all men arc endowed with the inaliena ble rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and that the primary object and ulterior designs of our Federal Government were, to secure the rights to all persons with in its exclusive jurisdiction; that as our rc- publican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at tempts to violate it for the purpose of estab lishing slavery in any Territory of tlie United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein. That we de ny the authority of Congress, of a Territo rial Legislature, of any individual or asso ciation of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in of the United w lil io i ’ 11 ie\s power it is jioth the right and WH|of Congress to prohibit in tlie Territories Oiose twin relics of barbarism —polygamy and slavery.” There can be no misapprehension of the doctrine here announced. It is as plain and explicit in its language as it is false and in famous in its teachings. Upon its announce ment, the people of the Northern States were asked to pass their judgment upon its truth and correctness. The response may be found in the votes of nearly a million and a half of northern people, in favor of the election of John C. Fremont, its advocate and represen tative; and 1 may add tliai the elect ion of Mr. Fremont upon this doctrine was t ily defeated by the personal popularity of .dr. Buchanan in tlie State of Pennsylvania. In that memorable canvass, the doctrines- thus announced by the Black Republican party were boldly and earnestly defended by the supporters of Fremont everywhere. If there was any departure from the standard of principles thus formally and officially erected, it will be found in the more offensive and ex treme doctrines of the men who advocated his election, and spoke as by authority for the party of which they were the most active and efficient representatives. I will not weary you with a tedious detail of their infamous sentiments, to be found in the editorials and speeches of almost every advocate of Fre mont’s election in 1856. They are too familiar to every causual reader of that re markable canvass, and can never be forgotten. If these doctrines aud principles have ever been disclaimed or repudiated, either by Mr. Lincoln or any responsible man of liis party, I have seen or heard of it. Though they were not, repeated in the same language by the Chicago convention, which liomimiked Lin coln, they were virtually endorsed, with the addition of a repudiation of the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, as will appear in the extract below from the platform of 1860, anil have, both by Mr. Lin coln and his leading supporters, been defend ed and elaborated in the most emphatic language, and with the most embittered spirit. “7. That the new dogma, that the Consti tution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all the Territories of the United States* is a dangerous political ‘heresy, at varience with the explicit provisions of that instru ment itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 8. That the normal condition of all the ter ritory of the United States is that offrcedoni. That as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our National ter ritory, ordained that ‘No-person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law,’ it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is ne cessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in a Terri tory of the United States.” Can there he a doubt in any intelligent mind, that the object which the Black Re publican party has in view, is the ultimate extinction of slavery in the United States ? To doubt it, is to cast the imputation of hy pocracy and imbecility upon the majority of the people of every northern State, who have stood by this party through all its t rials and struggles, to its ultimate triumph in the elec tion of Lincoln. lam sure that no one can entertain for them, individually or collec tively, less personal respect than I do, and yet I do give them credit for more sincerity and intelligence than is consistent with the idea that, on obtaining power, they will re fuse to exercise it for the only purpose for which they professed to seek it. Ido believe that, with all their meanness and duplicity, they do hate slavery and slaveholders quite as much as they say they do, and that no ar gument addressed to their hearts or judg ments, in behalf of the constitutional rights the South would receive the slightest con sideration. What might be effected by an appeal to their fear and cupidity, I will not now stop to discuss. In the nomination of Mr. Lincoln for the residency, the Black Republicans gave still more pointed expression to their views and zeelmgs on the subject of slavery. Lincoln ia neither the record nor the reputation of a s atesman. Holding sentiments even more o lous than those of Seward, he was indebted ° e comparative obscurity of his position or a triumph over his better known competi ,) r ’ the boldness and ability with which , had advo <mted the doctrines of he higher law and “the irrepressible con ffict, he had exhibited to the public a char acter so infamous, that even Black Republi cans would not hazard the use of his name. Xo find a candidate of the same principles and less notoriety was the great work to be performed by the Chicago Convention. That duty was successfully discharged in the se lection and nomination of Mr. Lincoln He had placed on record his calm and sol emn declarations on the subject of slavery, sentiments which remain to this hour without retraction, or even modification, by himself. In the pamphlet copy of his speeches, revised by himself, and circulated throughout the Presidential canvass by his supperters, we find the following elcar and unequivocal de claration of liis views and feelings on the subject of slavery: “I did not even say that I desired that slap very should be put in course of ultimate ex tinction. Ido say so now, however; so there need be no longer any difficulty about that. It may be written in the great speech.” “/ have always hated dupery. I think, as much as any Abolitionist. T have been an old line Whig. I have always hated it ; but I have always been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the Nebraska bill began. I always believed that everbody was against it, and that it was in course of ultimate extinction.” “Wc are now far into the fitfh year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only ceased but has constantly augumented. In my opin ion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘A house divided against itself cannot stand.’ I bdlieve this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. 1 do not expect this Union to be dissolved; Ido not expect this house to fall; but Ido expect it will cease to be divided; it will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of sla very will arrest the further spread es it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it for ward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.” Commenting on this, he afterwards said: ‘‘l only said what I expected would take place. I made a prediction only; it may have been a foolish one, perhaps. I did not even say that I desired thatslaery should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I do now, however; so there need be no longer any difficulty about that.” “If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question whether slavery should ’be prohibited in anew Territory, in spite of the Bred Scott decision, I would vote that it should.” “What I do say is, that no man is good enough to govern another man without the oth er man's consent. I say this is the leading principle, the sheet anchor of American Republicanism. Our Declaration of Independ ence says : “ ‘Wc hold these truths to be self-evident, —that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are insti tuted among men, deriving their just power fram the consent of the governed.’ “I have quoted so much at this time to show, that according to our ancient faith, the powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed. Now, the relation of master and slave is, pro tanto, a violation of this principle. The master not only governs the slave ‘Without his consent, but he governs him by a set of rules altogether dif ferent from those which he prescribes for himself. Allow all the governed an equal voice'in, the government; and that, and that onlyis self-government.”* Again, in a speech delivered in Chicago, during the last I’residential election, which we find published in tlielllinois State Journal, the State organ of the Black Republican par ty of Illinois, on tlie 16th of September, 1856, Mr. Lincoln said : “That central idea, in our political opinion, at the beginning was, and until recently con tinued to be, the equality of men. And, al though it was always submitted patiently to, whatever equality there seemed to be as a matter of actual necessity, its constant work ing has been a steady progress toward the PRACTICAL EQUALITY OF ALL MEN. “Let past differences as nothing be; and, with steady eye on the real issue, let us re inaugcrate the good old central ideas of the Republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us ; God is with us. We shall again be able, not to declare that all the States, as States, are equal; nor yet that all citizens, as citizens, are equal; but renew the broader, better declaration, including both these and much more, that all men are created equal.” Yet again, in liis speech at Chicago, on the 10th of July, 1858, Mr. Lincoln said : “I should like to know if, taking the old Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and making exceptions to it, where will it stop ? If one man says, it does not mean a negro; why not another say, it does not mean some other man? If that declaration is not the truth, let us get the statute-book in which we find it, and tear it out. [Cries of “No, no!”] Let us stick to it, then ; let us stand firmly by it, then. * * * * Let us diseard all this quibbling about this man ami the other idan —this race and that race and the other j-ace being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position—discarding the standard that we have left us. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people through out this land until wc shall once more stand up declaring that all men are created equal. * * * * I leave you, hoping that tlie lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are created free and equal.” In these declarations Mr. Lincoln has cov ered the entire abolition platform—hatred of slavery, disregard of judicial decisions, ne gro equality, and, as a matter of course, the ultimate extinction of slavery. None of the e doctrines, however, are left to inference, so far as Mr. Lincoln is concerned, as we sec lie has avowed them in the plainest and clear est language. They arc not exceeded by the boldness of Seward-, the malignity of Gid dings, or the infamy of Garrison. It-was the knowledge of these facts which induced his nomination by the Republican party ; and by the free circulation which lias been given to them in the canvass, it would seem that Mr. Lincoln is indebted to tlieir popularity for his election. Tlie insincerity of his dis avowal of the doctrine of negro equality, when pressed to the wall, after the solemn declarations I have quoted, is too transpar ent to require remark. Such, tnen, are the sentiments and princi ples which an overwhelming malority of tlie North have indorsed by their votes for the man who announced and defended them. In this inquiry into the doctrines and prin ciples of the Black Republican party, wc can not leave unnoticed tlie announcements which have been made to the country by tlieir ablest recognised letter. Gladly would J. turn from the nauseating recital; but to learn and ap preciate the truth of (lie case,*we must look to the whole record, however steeped in in famy, or covered with falsehood. I affix to these extracts the names of the Senators who uttered them—names, I regret to say, too familiar to all the readers of American po litics. “Thus, these antagonastic systems are con tinually coming into closer contact, and col lision results. Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think it is ac cidental, unnecessary, the work of interested fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irre pressible conflict between opposing and en during forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plan tations of Louisiana, will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Or leans become marts for legitimate merchan dize alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must againbe surrendered by their farmers to slave culture, and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more a mavket for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful at tempts at final compromise between the slave and free States, and it is the existence of this great fact that renders all such pretended compromise, when made, vain and ephmer al.”—-Mr. Seward. “The interests of the white race demand the ultimat e emancipation of all men. Wheth er that consummation shall be allowed to take effect, with needful and wise precau tions against sudden change and disaster, or be hurried on by violence, is all that remains for you to decide.”— Mr. Seward. “Slavery can be limited to its proper bounds; it can be ameliorated. It can be, and it must be abolished, and you and I can and must do it. The task is as simple and easy as its consummation will be benificent, and its rewards glowing. It only requires to follow this simple rule of action : to do everywhere and on every occasion what we can, and not to neglect or refuse to do what we can, at any time, because at that precise time, and on that particular occasion, we cannot do more. Circumstances determine possibilities.” **** “Extend a cordial welcome to the fugitive who lays his weary limbs at your door, and defend him as you would your paternal gods. “Correct your own error that slavery has any Constitutional guarantees which may not be realised, and ought not to be relinquished.” * * “You will soon bring the parties of the country into an effective aggression upon slavery.”— Mr. Seward. “What a commentary upon the history of man is the fact, that eighteen years after the death of John Quincy Adams, the people have for their standard-bearer Abraham Lincoln, confessing the obligations of the Higher Law, which the Sage of Quincy proclaimed, and contending, for weal or woe, for life or death, in the Irrepressible Conflict between freedom and slavery. 1 desire only to say that we are in the last stage of the conflict, before the great triumphal inauguration Os this policy into the Government of the United States.” Mr. Seward. “In what I have done, I cannot claim to have acted from my popular consideration of the colored people, as a separate and distinct class in the community, but from the simple?; S,~From Howell’s Lifip of Lincoln, page 270. conviction that all the individuals of that class are members of the community, and, in virtue of tlieir manhood, entitled to every orig inal right enjoyed by any other member. We feel, therefore, that all legal distinction be tween individuals of the same community, founded in any such circumstances as color, origin, and the like, are hostile to the genius of our institutions, and incompatible with the true theory of American liberty. Slave ry and oppression must cease, or American liberty must perish. “In Massachusetts, and in most, if not all, the New England States,"the colored man and the white are absolutely equal before the law. “In New York, the colored man is restric ted as to the right of suffrage by a property qualification. In other respects the same equality prevails. “I embrace, with pleasure, this opportuni ty of declarng my disapprobat ion of that clause of the Costitution which denies to a portion of the people the right of , suffrage. •‘True Democracy makes no inquiry about the color of the skin, or place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance or condition. 1 regard, therefore, the exclusion of the col ored people, as a body, from the elective franchine, as incompatible with true Demo cratic principles.”— Mr. Chase. “Fof myself, I am ready to renew my pledge, and I will venture to speak in behalf of my co-workers, that we will go straight on, without faltering or wavering; until every vestige of oppression shall be erased from tlie statute books—until the sun, in all its journey from the utmost eastern horizon through the mid-heaven, till he sinks behind tlie western bed, shall not behold the foot-print of a single slave in all our broad and glorious land.”— Mr. Chase. “Language is feeble to express all the enormity of this institution, which is now vaunted as in itself a form of civilization, ennobling, at least, to the master, if not the slave. Look at it in whatever light you will, and it is always the scab, the canker, ‘the bare bones,’ and the shame of the country ; wrong, not merely in the abstract, as it is often admitted by its apologists,’ but wrong in the concrete also, and possessing no single element of right. Look at it in the light of principle, and, it is nothing less than a huge insurrection against the eternal law of God, and also the denial of that divine law in which God himself is manifest, thus being practically the grossest lie and the grossest atheism. Barbarous in origin; barbarous in its law; barbarous in all its pretensions; barbarous iit the instruments it employs; barbarous in consequences; barbarous in spirit; barbarous wherever it sbows itself.- Slavery must breed barbarians, while it de velops everywhere, alike in the individuals and in the society of which he forms a part, the essential elements of barbarism. “Violence, brutality, injustice, barbarism, must be reproduced in the lives of all who live within their fatal sphere. The meat that is eaten by man enters into and becomes a part of his body; the madder which is eaten by a dog changes his bones to red ; and tlie slavery on which men live, in all its five-fold foulness, must become a part of themselves, discoloring their very souls, blotting their characters, and breaking forth in moral le prosy. This language is strong; but the evi dence is even stronger. Some there may be of happy natures, like honorable Senators, who can thus feed and not be harmed. Mitli ridates fed on poison, and lived; and ii may be there is a moral Mithridates who can swal low without bane the poison of slavery. Mr. Sumner. “Send it abroad on the wings of tlie wind that 1 am committed, fully committed, com mitted to tlie fullest extent, in favor of im mediate and unconditional abolition of slave ry, wherever it exists under the authority of tlie Constitution of the United States. Mr. M’ilson. If all men are created equal, no one can rightfully acquire or hold dominion over, or property in, another man, without his con sent. If all men are created equal, one man cannot rightfully exact the service or the la bor of another man without his consent. The subjugation of one man to another by force, so as to corifpel involuntary labor or service, subverts that equality between the parties which t he Creator established.— Mr. Seward. “All this is just and sound ; but assuming the same premises, to wit: that all men are equal by the law of nature and of nations, the right of property in slaves falls to the ground; for one who is equal to the other, cannot he the owner or property of that other. But you answer that the Constitution recog nizes property in slaves. It would be suffi cient, then, to reply, that this constitutional obligation must be void, because it is repug nant to the law of nature and of nations.” Mr. Seward. “If is written in the Constitution of United States, in violation of the divine la that we shall surrender the fugitive slave. You blush not at these tilings, been use they are familiar as household words.”— Mr. Seward. “The Supreme Court also can reverse its spurious judgment more easily than we can reconcile the people to its usurpation.” * * * “The ’people of the United States never can, and they never will, accept un constitutional and so abhorrent. Never, never. Let the court recede. Whether it recedes or not, we shall reorganize the court, and thus reform its political sentiments and practices, and bring them into harmony with the Constitution and the laws of nature.” Mr. Seward. Similar extracts from tlie same aud other equally high authorities might be produced to an indefinite extent. 1 have confined myself to Senators —men high in authority, and who bring to the support of their doctrines un questioned evidenee of tlie sanction and ap proval of the people tuey represent. All of these Senators have been endorsed by re election to the Senate, and by elevation to other posts of honor and distinction. Some, if not all of them, are indebted for tlieir po sition aud popularity to tlie very avowal upon which 1 am comineiiti ig. It is worse than idle to say that tlie people condemn these doctrines, and that they are tlie extravagant ebulitions of exsited partizans. This is im possible. Otherwise these sentiments would not be repeated and reiterated, in and out of season, by these Senators, and always with more than usual emphasis and bitterness as tlie time for their re-election approaches. Nor would State Legislatures continue to re turn them to Congress if the people did not approve and sanction the doctrines thus an nounced by those chosen to represent them. In the other branch of Congress, the Black Republican representatives have gone even farther than Senators, in their abuse and de nunciation, not only of tlie institution of slavery, but of slaveholders. No language is deemed too harsh—no epithet too course— no denunciation too bitter, in tlie estimation of these men, to be applied to the people of the South. The official record ot Congress is filled with the most inflammatory appeals, not only to tho people of the North, but to the slaves of tlie South, inciting insurrection, stimulating revolls, encouraging arson and murder, and denouncing sladeho'lders as pi rates and barbarians. I shall not stop to make quotations from these speeches It is only necessary to open any volume of the Congressional Globe for the last few years, and turn to the speech of any Black Repub lican on the subject of slavery, and you will find ample evidence of the truth of the state ment. ~To such an extent has this habit, on the part of menbers of Congeess, of abusing the people of the South gone, that a citizen of a Southern State cannot visit the Capitol of his country, and linger for an hour in its halls during the session of Congress, without hearing and epithets applied to himself and section of the most offensive and insulting character. The venerable men, of all sections, who served in Congress twenty-five and thirty years ago, listen to these discussions or read them in the papers with equal astonishment and mortification. I will not pause to comment upon this state of things, but will proceed with my inquiry into the principles and objects of this party. Whilst these announcementsarcbeiugmade in the halls of Congress, and by those who have been commissioned to speak for the people of the North, it is not strange that the public press should be filled with similar seuti ments, only clothed, if possible, in more vul gar language. 1 simply allude to the fact, without intending to weaken the argument by bringing to the witness-stand the lower order of Black Republicans, of the class of Webb, Wentworth, Greeley, Stc. They simply do the bidding of wiser beads. With them it is thrift. With the others it is sentiment— passion—power; and the fact that so many instruments can be found to do the mental work is only evidence of the extent to which the doctrines and principles have taken root in the popular heart. There is one dogma of this party which lias been so solemnly enunciated, both by their na tional conventions and Mr. Lincoln, that it is worthy of serious consideration. I allude to the doctrine of negro equality. The stereo typed expression the Declaration of Indepen dence, that “all men are born equal,” has been perverted from its plain and truthful meaning, and made the basis of a political dogma which strikes at the very foundation of the institution of slavery. Mr. Lincoln and his party assert that this doctrine of equality applies to the negro; and necessarily there can exist no such thing as property in our equals. Upon this point both Mr. Lin coln and his party have spoken with a dis tinctness that admits of nq question or equi vocation. If they are right, tho institution of slavery, as it exists in the Southern States, is in direct violation of the fundamental prin ciple of our Government; and to say that they would not use all the power in their hands to eradicate the evil and restore the Government to its “ ancient faith,” would be to write them igtlvcs down self-convicted traitors, both to Principle and duty. * These principles have not only been de- language of its ad jHMttMM^Hhcfcnders^u^iavn^taote|r[|i) found their way into the statute-books of ten of the Northern States. Every good citizen, North and South, ad mits that the Constitution of the United States, in express terms, requires our fugitive slaves to be delivered up to their owners, when escaping into another State. Congress has discharged its duty in passing laws to carry out this constitutional obligation; and, so far, every Executive has complied with ht 6 oath •f office, to see this law duly executed. The impediments thrown in the way by lawless mobs; the threats of violence to which the owner has been, on different occasions, sub ;ected; and the expense to which both the Government and the owner have been put, are matters of small consideration, compared with the more pregnant faetthat ten sovereign States of the Union have interposed their strong arm to protect the thief, punish the owner, and confiscate the property if the citizen of a sister State. Such are tho laws passed by these Northern States, to defeat the fugitive slave act of Congress, and annul a plain provision of the Constitution of the United States. These laws arc the legitimate fruit/ot the principles and teachings of the Black Repub lican pariy, and have therefore very natural ly made their appearance upon the staiutc books of States under the control and in tlie hands of that party. The existence cannot ami should not be overlooked by those who are desirous of knowing what this party will do on the subject of slavers whenever they have the power to act. I call attention lo them, not only as an important item in the evidence I am offering of the principles and objects of the Black Republican party, but for the more important purpose of presenting a plain and palpable violation of the consti tutional compact by ten of tte sovereign parties to it. These very States are x aigoug the loudest in their demands for uncondition al submission on the part of the South to the election of Lincoln. The inviolability of the Union is the magic word with which they summon the South to submission. The Sou.h respouds by holding up before them a Consti tution basely broken—a compact violated. That broken Constitution ami vio lated compact formed the only Union we ever, recognized: and if you would still have us to love and preserve it, restore to it th.lt-'Wtnl spirit of which it has been robbed by your sacrilegious hands, and make it again wiai our fathers made it—a Union of good faith in the maintenance of constitutional obliga tions. Do this; and the Union will find in all this lend no truer or more devoted sup porters than the evev-loyal sons of the South. This, however, tlie Black Republicans will not do, as the facts I am now developing will show, beyond all doubt or question. In the election which has ju-d transpired, the Black Republicans did not hesitate to an nounce, defend, and justify the doctrines and principles which I have attributed to them. During the progress of the canvass I obtain qd copies of the documents which they wey* circulating at the North, with a view of as certaining the grounds upon which they were appealing to the people for their support and confidence. With the exception of a few dull speeches in favor of a protective tariff, in tended for circulation in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and a still fewer number of piti lul appeals for squandering the public lands, the whole canvass was conducted by the most bitter and malignant appeals to the anti-sla very sentiment of the North. Under the sanc tion of Senators and Representatives in Con gress, tlie country was tiooded with pamph lets and speeches holding up slaveholders as “barbarians, more criminal than murder ers,” and declaring unhesitatingly in favor of immediate and unconditional abolitionin eve ry State in the Confederacy where it now ex ists—doctrines w hich are the necessary and legitimate consequences of the universally recognized dogmas of the Black Republican party. It is worse than idle to deny that such are the doctrines and principles of their par ty because all of them have not reached that point of boldness and honesty which induce men to follow principles to tlieir legitimate conclusions. One thing at least is certain ; the managers of the canvass believed that sucli doctrines were popular, or they would not have spent both their time and money in giving them such general circulation to the exclusion of other matter. The election of Lincoln in respone to sucli appeals show that these men properly understood the popular sentiment of their section, to whom alone they appealed for votes to elect their candi date. From tiiese doctrines, principles, and sics of the Black Republican party, I propose to extract ilie aims and objects of the partly* It will be borne in mind, that I rely upon the declaration of tlieir principles : Ist. Asffuade by tlieir national convention, lid. As /con tained in tlie deliberate and repeated decllsEay tions of their successful candidate i'otH| £> ■ lency. 34. As a 4..mi"r jby honored anl trusted if- dei-TijAthn the United States. I invito attention following propositions, as tlie plain anil le gitimate objects proposed to be carricd/out to the extent of their power: First. That slavery is a moral, social, and political evil; and that it is the duty of the Federal Government to prevent its exten sion. Second. That slavery is not recognized by the Constitution of the United States; and that the Federal Government is in nowise committed to its protection. Third. That property in slaves is not en titled to the same protection at the hands of the Federal Government, with oilier proper ty. ? Fourth. That so far from protecting, it is tlie duty of tho Federal Government; whom ever its power extends; to prohibit it, aud therefore it is tlie uuty of Congress, by law, to prevent any southern man from going into the common Territories of the Union with his slave property. Fifth. That slavery is such an evil and curse, that it is the duty of every one, to the extent of his power, to contribute to its ulti mate extinction in the United States. Sixth. That there is such a conflict between slave and free labor, that all tlie States of the Union must become either slave or free; a M as all Black Republicans are opposed?to slavery and slave States, their policy and doctrines lock to all those States becoming free, as not only the natural but desired result of tlie “irrepressible conflict.” Seventh. That the Declaration of Inde pendence expressly declares, and tlie Consti tution recognizes, tlie equality of tlie negro to the while man; and that the holding the negro in slavery is violative of his equality, as well as of that, “ancient faith,” which Mr. Lincoln says is violated in tlie present rela tion of master and slave in tlie Southern States. Kiyhlh. That tlie Southern States do not stand upon an equality with the non-slave holding States, because, whilst it is the re cognized duty of the General Government to protect the latter in the enjoyment of all their rights of property, and would esjiecially be required to protect tlieir citizens from any act of confiscation in the common territories of the Union; it would be the duty of the same General Govern incut not only to with hold such protection from the citizen of a Southern State with his slave property, in the common domain, but io exercise that power for his exclusion from that common territory. isinth. That the admission of more slave States into the Union is rendered a moral if not a physical impossibility. To appreciate the full import of these doc-* trines and principles of tlie Black RSpul!iaj can party, they should be looked at iu-'coM nection with tlie constitutional rights anpj guarantees claimed by the Southern States. They are briefly : 1. That the Constitution of the United States recognizes the institution of slavery as it exists in the fifteen Southern States, 2. That the citizens of the South have the right to go with their slave property into the common’territories of tho Union, and are en titled to protection for both their persons ami property, from the General Government dur- v ing its territorial condition. 3. That by the plain letter of the Consti tution, the owner of a slave is entitled to re claim his property in any State into which the slave may escape, and that both the Gen.- eral and State Governments are bound under’ the Constitution’ to the enforcement of tills’ provision; the General Government by posfl tive enactment, as has been done; and tliij State Governments: by interposing no obsta® cle in the way of the execution of the lam and the Constitution. \ m I decline to enumerate other constuutiomw rights, equally clear, because 1 prefer to cow fine myself in this argument to those whiefl have been fully recognized by tlie higbefl judicialatribunal in the country. No law aift Constitution-abiding man will deny That t rights here enumerated are within the clears provisions of the Constitution, and that tli£ South is fully justified in demanding their rM cognition and enforcement. Otherwise o>, are asked to pay tribute and give allegiance,- to h government which is wanting^either in’ the will or power, to protect us in ment of undoubted rights. I apprehend®’ is equally clear that the antagonism betweiA these recognized rights and the principles of the Black Republica%party ft plain, direct, and irreconcilable. •The or the other must give way. minded mam who ndsjits t li” rights claimed by the Sent It, v. ;lftft| she ought to yield. It only quire whether the- Batch - ; will recede from it ••lin-.ri, ]i - - - •,]>:, ii;• h^HHHft trines have inaugurated. Those tite hope that such will be tho ‘tfte my n st jndgi.u-ni. 1 fiftp 1-’ id - jUp It i|j|| ’ jm indicate, with unffl|H£ certainty, that'there is no reasonable hopin’ such a result. I know that there arwtliose who say and believe that this party is\incapablc of exer cising the power it has\obtained without breaking to pieces, and they'iswk confidently to its overthrow at an early period. It may be that a cool philosophy, located <at a safe distance from the scene of danger, mey rea son plausibly upon the chances of overthrow ing a party utterly unworthy of public Con fidence ; but men looking to the security of their property, and father and husbands anx ious for the safety of their families, require some stronger guaranty than the feeble as surance of partisan speculations, to quiet their apprehensions and allay their fears. .This lhay be the case ; but unfortunately for the future peace and security of the South, the causes which may lead to its dissolution and defeat arise outside of the slavery ques tion. So far from the question of slavery leading to such a result, it is only subject up on whicn the party thoroughly harmonizes. Hostility to slavery is the magic word which holds them together; and when torn to pieces by other dissensions, hatred to the South and her institutions swallows up all other trou bles, and restores harmony to their distracted ranks. On this point wc are not left to mere conjecture; the history of the party in the ten nullifying States affords practical proof of the fact. In which of these States did the Black Republican party loose power in consequence of their acts repealing the fugi tive slave law and nullyfying the Constitution of the United States? So for from their anti-sla very legislation being an element of weak ness, it has proven in nil these States the shibboleth of their strength. In New York and Pennsylvania, tlie corruptions of this party were so palpable and infamous, that their own press cnedout against it. Those of the party who made pretension of honesty felt the shame and humiliation brought upon them; and yet, when the Presidential battle wa* to be fought, it was only necessary to raise the Abolition banner, and these acts of Arutd and corruption were forgotten and for g*iyii the greater and more absorbing feel iiflfTfliosulity and hatred to the South and her institutions. Shall we close our eyes to ‘these historical facts, and indulge the vain hosts that these men will play a different pan simply because they are transferred to anew theatre of action ? I do not doubt that the Black Republican party will be guilty of sim ilar and greater frauds iu the Federal Gov ernment ; nor do I doubt that their wrang ling and quarrels over the offices and patron age, will plant in their party the seeds of strife and dissension, which would lead ordi narily to their speedy downfall and over throw ; hut I feel assured, by the teachings of the past, that the magic word of anti-sla very, will again summon them to a cordial and fraternal re-union to re-new and contin ue the war upon slavery, until they shall have accomplished the great object of their organi sation —“its ultimate extinction.” What arc the facts to justify the hope, that, the Black Republicans will recede from tlieir well defined position of hostility to the South and her institutions ?—Are they to be found in the two millions of voters, who have de liberately declared in favor of these doctrines by their support of Lincoln ? Is tlie hope based upon the fact that an overwhelming majority of the people of every Northern State save one cast their vote for the Black Republican candidate? It is drawn from the fact that, on the fourth of March next, the chair of Washington is to be filled by a man who hates the institution of slavery as much as any other abolitionist, and who hits not oniy declared, but used all the powers of his intellect to prove, that our slaves are our equals, and that all laws which hold other wise are violative of the Declaration of Inde pendence, and at war with the law of God — a man who is indebted for It is present ele tion to the Presidency alone to liis abolition sentiments —anil who stands pledged to the doctrine of “tlie irrepressible conflict,” and, indeed, claims to be its first advocate?—or, shall we look for this hope in the whispered inti mation that, when secure of his office, Lincoln will prove faithless to the principles of liis party; and false to Ids own pledges, or, in liis emphatic declaration of May, 1850, that lie would “oppose the lowering of the Republi- can standard by a hair’s breadth ;” or iu the public announcement made by Senator “Trumbuli” of Illinois, since the election, in the presence of Mr. Lincoln, that he, Lincoln, would “maintain and carryforward the prin ciples on which he was elected,” at the same .time lidding up the military power of the United Slates as tlie instrumentality to en force obedience to tlie incoming abolition ad ministration, should any Southern State secede from the Union; or in the prospect of a mare efficient execution of the fugitive slave , wlien the marshals’ offices in all the Hfeheva have been filled with of ihe*, flection of Lin-’ (loin, by the decisive vote of more than two to one, in her Legislature, to repeal tlie Per sonal Liberty Bill of that State; or shall we look for it in tlie doctrines of negro equality, which finds among its warmest supporters the brightestlightsof the Black Republican party; or in tlie announcement solemnly made by Conventions, speakers, papers, and all other organs of the party, that the recognized rights oftlie South to equality and protection of slave property shall never be tolerated ; or in fact, that the party is not oniy sectional in its principles, but sectional iu its membership ; thereby giving to tlie South (lie promise ol’ such boon as she may hope to receive from 1 “Black Republicans in tlieir newly assumed character of guardians and masters ; or in the warning voice of their ablest statesmen, that the decisions of the Supreme Court in favor of our constitutional rights are to be met, not with reason and argument for reversal, but with tlie more potent and practical remedy of “re organization of tlie Court,” by adding a suffi cient number of abolitionists to reverse ex isting decisions; or in ibe pregnant fact de veloped by the census returns now coming in,, that the numerical majority of tlie North is steady and rapidly increasing, with the pro mise of still further increase, by tiie addition of more free States carved out of that com , mon territory, from which the Soifili is to be excluded by unjust and unconstitutional le gislation ? or in such manifestations of Nor thern sentiment as led to tlie nomination by this party of John A. Andrews for Governor of Massachusetts, after lie had declared liis sanction and approval of the John Brown raid; or in tlie election of the same Andrews to that oflice by seventy thousand majority, after lie had declared, in his anxiety to abolish slavery, that “lie could not wait for Providence” to wipe it out, but must himself undertake that duty with the aid of his Black Republican brethren; or shall we be pointed io the defiant tones of triumph which fill the whole Northern air with i lie'wild shouts of joy and thanksgiving, that the days of slavery are numbered, and the hour draws near when the “higher law” and “hatred of slavery and slave holders” shall be substituted for “the Constitution” and the spirit of former brother hood; or to the cold irony which speaks through their press, of the “ inconvenience ” of negro insurrections, arson, and murder, which may result in the South from the election of Lincoln. In none of these, nor of the other facts to which I have before referred, can anytiiing he found to justify the hope suggest ed by those confiding friends, who, in this hour of gloom and despondency, are disposed to hope against hope. ” Turning from these indications in the po litical world, to the more quiet and peaceful L-walks of social and religious life, let us | pause, for a moment, and look to the pulpit, .the Sunday schools, and all the sources of Christian influence, for one cheering beam of of light. Unfortunately, wherever you find the presence of Black Republicanism, it is engaged in this work of educating the hearts of the peopleto hate .the institutionof slavery. The pulpit forgets every other duty and doc trine to thunder its anathemas against this institution, whilst the Sunday school room is made the nursery of youthful Abolitionists. -This hope - we are asked to adopt will find in ’ these sources no encouragement or support. On the contrary, nothing has contributed /more to the creation of that bitter feeling of hatred, which now pervades the two sections of the country, than the religious teachings of the North. It has broken social relations, severed churches, and now t hreatens, in com pany with its political handmaid, Black Re publicanism, to overthrow our once happy and glorious Union. I refer to one other source, upon which the South is asked to rely, and will then close the argument. We are expected, in view gs all these facts, to rely for our safety and protec tion, upon an uncertain, and, at best, trem bling majority in the two Houses of Congress, and told, with an earnest appeal for further delay, that with a majority in Congress against him, Lincoln is powerless to do us harm. I doubt not the sincerity of those who present this appeal against Southern ac tion ; but their confidence in its merit only shows how superficial lias been their consid eration of the subject. It is true that, with out a majority in Congress, Lincoln will not be able to carry out, at present, all the ag gressive measures of his party. But let me ask if that feeble and constantly-decrcasiug [majority in Congress against him can arrest [that tide of popular sentimental the North [against slavery, which, sweeping down all [the barriers of truth, justice, and constitu tional duty, has borne Mr. Lincoln into the [Presidential chair ? Can that Congressional [majority; faint and feeble as it is known to [be, xepeal the unconstitutional legislation of Kliose ten nullifying States of the North ? [Can it restore the lost equality of the South lorn States ? Can it give to the South its con ‘stitutional rights? Can it exercise its power in one single act of legislation in our favor without the concurrence of Lincoln ? or can it make Christians of Beecher, Garrison, Cheevcr, and Wendell Phillips, or patriots of Seward, Chase, and Webb? Can that ma jority in Congress control tho power and pa tronage of President Lincoln ? Can it stay his-arm, when ho wields the offices and^a tronage of the Governnoent, to cement and strengthen the anti-slavery sentiment ,wliich brought his party into existence, and which alone can preservo it from early and certain dissolution. Can it prevent the use of that patronage for the purpose of organizing in the South a baud of apologists—the material around which Black Republicanism hopes, during his four years, to gather an organiza tion in Southern States to be the allies of this party in its insidious warfare upon our family firesides and altars ? True, but over anxious friends of the Union at the North, faithful but over-confiding men of the South* may* catch at this congressional, majority straw, but it will % only be to grasp and sink with it. The facts and considerations which I have endeavored to bring to your view present the propriety of resistance, on the part of the South, to the election of Lincoln in a very different light from the mere question of resisting the election of a President who has been chosen in tlie usual and constitutional mode. It is not simply that a comparatively obscure Abolitionist, who hates the institn tionn of the South, has been elected Presi dent, and that we are asked to live under the administration of a man who commands neither our respeet nor confidence, that the South contemplates resistance even to disun ion. Wounded honor might tolerate the out rage until, by another vote of the people, the nuisance could be abated ; but the election o Mr. Lincoln involves tar higher considera tions. It brings to the South the solemn judgment of a majority of the people of every Northern State—with a solitary exception— iu favor of doctrines and principles violative of lier Constitutional rights, humiliating to her pride, destructive of her equality in the Union, and fraught with the greatest danger to the peace and safety of her people. It can be regarded in no other light than a decla ration of the purposes and intention of the people of the North to continue, with the power of the Federal Government, the war already commenced by the ten nullifying Statesof the North, upon the institution of slavery and the constitutional rights of the South. To these acts of bad faith the South has heretofore submitted, though constituting ample justification for abandoning a com pact which had been wantonly violated. The question is now presented, whether longer submission to an increasing spirit and power of aggression is compatible either with lier honor or her safety. In my 4iml there is no room for doubt. The issue must now be met, or forever abandoned. Equality and safety in the Union arc at an end ; and it only re mains to be seen whether our manhood is equal to the task of asserting and maintaining independence out of it. The Union formed by our fathers was one of equality, justice, and fraternity. On tlio fourth of March it will be supplanted by a Union of sectional ism and inured. Tlie one was worthy of the support and devotion of freemen—the other can only continue at tlie cost of your honor, your safety, and your independence. Is there no other remedy for this state of things but immediate secession? None worthy of your consideration has been suggested, except the recommendation of Mr. Bucbatian, of new constitutional guaranties—or rather, the clear and explicit i-ecognition of those that already exist. This recommendation is the counsel of a patriot and statesman. It exhibits an appreciation of the evils that arc upon us, and at the same time a devotion to the Constitution ami its sacred guaranties. It. conforms to the record of Mr. Buchanan’s life on this distracting question—the record of a pure heart and wise head. It is the language of a man whose heart is with a sense of the great wrong anti injustice that has been done to the minority section, min gled with an ardent hope and desire to pre serve that Union to which he has devoted the energies of a long and patriotic life. The difficulty is, there will be no response to it from those who alone have it in their power to act. Black Republicanism is the ruling sentiment at. the North, and, by the election of Lincoln, has pronounced, iu the most formal and solemn manner, against the principles which are now commended to the country for its safety and preservation. As a matter of course, they will spurn these words of wisdom and patriotism, as they have before turned tlieir back upon all the teach ings of the good and true men of the land, or else they will play with it in tlieir insidious warfare to delude tlie South into a false security, that they may the more effectually rivet their iron chains, and thereby put re sistance iu the future beyond our power. They have trampled upon the Constitution of Washington and Madison, and will prove equally faithless to tlieir own pledges. You I ought not —cannot trust them. It is not the faithless to their own pledges. You ought I not—cannot trust them. It is not tlie Con ’ stitution and the laws of the United States j which need amendment, but the hearts of tlie % northern people. To effeift- the first would be a hopeless undertaking, whilst the latter is an impossibility. If the appeal of the PresideqJ was made to brethren of the two sections of the country, we might hope for a different response. Unfortunately, however, Black Republicanism lias buried brotherhood in the same grave with the Constitution. We are no longer “brethren dwelling together in unity.” The ruling spirits of the North are Black Republicans—and between them and the people of the South there is no other feel ing than that of bitter and intense hatred. Aliens in heart, no power on earth can keep them unitetk Nothing now holds us together but the cold formalities of a broken and vio lated Constitution. Heaven has pronounced tlie decree of divorce, and it will be accepted by the Sout h'as tho only solution which gives to her any promise of future peace and safety. To part with our friends at the North who have been true and faithful to the Constitu tion will cause a pang ir*every Southern breast; for with them we could live forever, peaceably, safely, happily. Honor, and fu ture security, however, demand t he separation, and in tlieir hearts they will approve, though they may regret the act. Fellow-citizens of Georgia, I have endeavor ed to place before you the facts of tlie case, in plain and unimpassioned language; and I should feel that I had done injustice to my own convictions, and been unfaithful to you, if I did not, in conclusion, warn you against the dangers of delay, and impress upon you tlie hopelessness of any remedy for these evils short of secession. You have to deal with a shrewd, heartless, and unscrupulous enemy, who, in their extremity, may promise any thing, but in the end, will do nothing. On the 4th day of March, 1861, the Federal Gov ernment will pass into I lie hands of the Abo litionists. It, will then cease to have the slightest, claim cither upon your confidence, or your loyally ; and, in my honest judge ment, each hour that Genrgi-i remains there after a member of tlie Union, will be an hour of degradation, to be followed by certain and speedy ruin. I entertain no doubt either of your right or duty to secede from the Union. Arouse, then, all your manhood for the great work before you, and be prepared on that, day to announce and maintain your independence out of the Union, for you will never again have equality and justice in it. Identified with you in heart, feeling, and interest, I re turn to share in whatever destiny tlie future has in store for our State and ourselves. HOWELL COBB. Washington Citv, Dec. 0, 1860. A correspondent of the Semi-Weekly True Flag of Rome, Ga., (an able little sheet by the way, which we are always happy to greet) writes as follows : Messiis Editobs.—l will bet SIOO that cot ton will be 10 cts per lb in 90 days after Geor §ia secedes—sloo that it will be 20 cts and 100 that it will be 25cts. Any gentleman who wishes tc take the three bets together, can call on the editors of the Hag, Rome Ga., and be accommodated. NO BACK OUT. “According to thy faith, be it unto thee.” Camden Races. Camden, Dec. 12.—For the three mile race, this day, the scoring was : Alden 1 1 Exchequer (?) ,~r..2 2 Twer Bills Distanced. In the second race, for mile heats, the re sult w. s: Cantey’s Flora McCaa 1 2 2 Mooke’s filly 2 1 3 Bullion A 33 1 [.Special Dispatch to the Charleston Courier. Ought to be Commuted. —The first sentence in the address of Gov. Magoflin, of Kentucky, before the State Agricultural Society, contains two hundred and sixty-four words, lie should have commuted that sentence. A dwarf only forty inches high, while being made sport of in a bar-room, in Colum bus, Ohio? tho other evening, fell oft’ the counter backwards and was killed. Col. llardee, U. S. A., Jias been requested to address the New York State Military As sociations, upon the occasion of their annual meeting at Albany.— N. Y. Herald, Wthinst. Aid from Connecticut. —Gov. Gist, of South Carolina, has received a letter from a gentlo manin Connecticut, enclosing a SI,OOO check, with a request that it be invested in the new issue of South - Carolina 6 per cent, stock, intended to raise funds for arming the State. The correspondence is published. Columbia, Dec. 10.—The Report of tho Board of Health, (which will appear in Mon day’s paper,) announces 14 new eascsof small pox. The panic among the members .is in creasing rapidly. Both tho Convention and Legislature will very probably adjourn to meet in Charleston, on Tuesday. Ex-Secretary Cobb and Hon. Win. Porcher Miles reached herefrom Washington < o-<lny. They are in good spirits, and entertain high hopes of a speedy dissolution. WEEKLY TREE DEMOCRAT. OFFICE IN LaFAYETTE IIALL, Broad street, unity 84 OO Weekly 1 50 Invariably in Advance. JOHN I . ELI.S, News Editor. AUGUSTA, GA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, DEC. 19, 1860. PROSPECTUS OF THE TRCK DEMOCRAT Change is written upon all earthly exis tence. Through the dark centuries of the past we behold not only the ghastly phan toms of myriads who had lived, but, also, the shadowy forms of empires which once flourished in all the elements of power and greatness. Time, in its flight, seems to be dropping upon these United States the bale ful dews of dissolution. The Union is no longer the beneficent dispenser of justice, liberty, and happiness to the people of our Southern land. Under the malignant auspices of Black Republican ascendency there is no hope for the South but in the resumption and exercise of all her sovereign powers. The True Democrat originated in a politi cal necessity. The friends of Equality in the Union had no organ iu this city to advo cate tlieir principles, and it was established to fill that much needed political want. Subsequently, it was the only organ, here, of those who advocated the doctrine and necessity of State secession. We arc pleased 111 another papers have become converts, and we trust that they will continue in the faith first taught them by the True Democrat. As all the old parties have temporialy dis appeared, and the issue, now, is submission or resistance, we shall not announce, for the present, any other line of policy than that which has been indicated in our columns for the past few weeks. We shall counsel our people to throw off the tyrauy of Northern fanaticism and sub stitute Independence and Freedom in its place. Wc shall hail liberty as a celestial goddess, and counsel our people to enjoy it in a Southern Confederacy. How rich, bow great and powerful it may become, will ap pear, from time to time, in our columns. Wc can only allude to sucli matters in a brief Prospectus. Strict attention will be paid to our News and Market columns. In all re spects, the paper will be valuable and useful to those who may become its patrons. Terms —Daily, $4 ; Weekly, $1 50. Pay ments invariably in advance. There will be no club rates. All business communications will be addressed to the Firm, and all others to the Editor. Wm. J. Vason & Cos. Gov. Cobb’s Address to tlie People of Georgia. Wc publish (liis morning a portion of Gov. Cobb’s able address, and will complete it on Tuesday next. In order that our readers may be in possession of liis views, in advance, wc present a few id’ its leading points. Ist. The Black Republican party originat ed in Northern opposition to slavery. 2d. Men of all parties, however much they differed in opinion upon oilier topics, united in a determination to destroy tlie institution of slavery. 3d- The constitutional rights of the South were to lie ignored. 4th. The Supreme Court decision was re pudiated. sth The Black Republican party will ad here to the principles which brought it into power. 6th. Lincoln declared liis hatred of slavery and that it must be ultimately overthrown. 7th. He declared that the negro is the equal of the white man. jßth. Seward, Chase, Sumner, Greeley, ffiibb, and oilier trading Black ij.epwtdicans, Mich the same doctrine. Woth. They teach that there is a law higher pan the Constitution, which justifies a disre gard of its provisions. 10th. Ten sovereign States have legislated upon this idea. 11th. The South claims protection, the North resists the claim. ‘ 12th. The Northern pulpit and Sundy school have tauglit the people of that section to hate the institution of slavery. 13th. A temporary majority in Congress against Lincoln will be unable to secure the rights and safety of tlie South. 14th. Tlie whole power of the Government, with Lincoln at its head, will be used to de stroy southern rights, equality, and safely in the Union. 15th. There is no remedy but secession for existing difficulty, worthy of consideration save that of new constitutional guarantees as proposed by Mr. Buchanan, and they will be spurned by our Northern enemies. 16th. Mr. Cobb entertains no doubt of tlie right or duty of the people of Georgia to se cede from the Union, for she never will again have equality and justice in it. The Dangers of Disolutiou. We doubt not some people are deterred from advocating immediate secession lest war, with all Us attendant horrors, might be pre cipitated upon us. Timid politicians have so often Hashed (lie fires, of war into the eyes of our people tlia l it is not surprising some timid people should cry Union ! Union ! to avoid its dangers.— But, we ask such, what do they expect to gain by remaining in the Union? Do they not see that t-lie North will grow stronger and the South weaker? Out of the Union the North would require annually forty-five to fifty millions of dollars to meet the expenses of her separate government. How could she obtain that immense sum ? Her exports will not reach more than seventy millions, and, of course, her importations could not largely exceed that amount. It would take from seventy to eighty per cent, upon tiie importations to raise a sufficient um for governmental expenses. Her people would not submit to such excessive taxation in favor of importers. Hence the Northern government would be forced to direct taxation for its maintenance. Direct taxation to the extent required, with the existing heavy debts of her States, (nearly $250,000,009), would produce revolution among her own people. She would not tax cotton, for that is necessary for her factories. Indeed, her manufactories would be broken down by En glish competition, and the loss of the South ern markets for her fabrics. The North would find it difficult to feed her people. Many of the poorer classes would become like the peasants of Europe, ye i like the serfs of Russia. They would rise up in their numerical strenglh, and the despera” tion of poverty and want, and sack the meat and flour houses of the rich. They would do it. They would handle the shining gold against the will of the banker. Agrarianism and anarchy would prevail until substituted by monarchy or despotism No! the North could not invade the South. We do not ap peal to Southern men to assert their independ ence merely because the North is unable to •oerce them. We say, if war should come let it come. Brave men might fall on both sides, yea, many brave men and valuable citizens; but enough of our Northern inva ders would find their last resting places on Southern soil to induce the rest to go back and look Southward as to aland of vengeance. Freomen will not stop to calculate the evils of war when they must be slaves or fight. “Greeting, and at Slch a Time.” At the meeting held in Savannah on ■Wednesday night last, Col. Henry R. Jackson accepted the nominalion in behalf of Capt. John W. Anderson, and Col. Aug. Seaborn Jones. The item, peculiarly gratifying to us is the following, which we copy from the offi cial proceedings: “In conclusion, Col. Jackson alluded to tho fact that Riohmond had been the first to pledge her delegation to inmusdiato and separate State action, and culled for throe hearty cheers for Richmond county, which wero given.” j Valedictory. Five months ago, at the earnest solicitation** of many friends of the Breckinridge and Lane party, wc commenced the hazardous experi ment of establishing the fourth daily paper in Augusta, designed solely to be devoted to tlie advancement of the cause of True Democracy. Kor reasons in which the public will not be interested, our Proprietorship iu the paper ceases. We desire to return our thanks to many personal and political friends for their efforts in our behalf. W e return our acknowledg ments also to our brethren of the press gene rally, and to the citizens of Augusta, sub scribers and advertisers. To our successors in the Proprietorship of the True Democrat, to its Editors and attaches, we wish mnch prosperity, and a patronage commensurate with its deserts. In the hands of those who have abundant means to make it a permanent journal, and conducted ed itorially by capable and efficient men, Aay it continue to extend its influence and its cir culation, and flourish to a ripe old age. J. V. Kennickell. J. W. Taylor. M. J. Divine. C.reat Meeting Monday Night. We had time, only, to allude briefly in our last weex’s issue, io the imposing assemblage of our citizens at the City Hall on Monday night. Sucli a meeting to nomi nate candidates for any purpose was never before held in tliis city. The calls of busi ness and the temptations of firesides, on an inclement evening, were iusulficient to keep the people at home. Tlie citizens went to the Hall in throngs. All seemed to feel that it was no ordinary occasion. Richmond county, in primary meeting, i>a> to ijlter hei. voice for submission or resistance to an or ganized tyranny, existing with the pale of the Union. See the official proceedings in another column. Read the resolutions which were unanimously adopted. They show that the citizens of Richmond are not willing to walk down to the self-destroyer’s doom. It was not the voice of hasty passion, but, of well-unit tired reflection and stern determi nation. Let not the Union skeptic abroad, imagine that the immense assemblage was composed of young America alone. The old were there as well as the young, not to check the wrestle of the latter but to direct it with wisdom. There was much division of sentiment as to who should be put in nomination as can didates for the Convention. It Was impossi ble to gratify the wishes of all. A patriotic disposition was manifested to y iold individual preferances to tlie general will, which, doubt less, was equally participated in by aspirants and tlieir friends. This great meeting have put in nomination a ticket strong in ability and in the confi dence of the people. The Hon. George W. Crawford, who lias served his State and country with distinguished ability and pat riotism, is called from his retirement to aid in weaving a Southern bond of Union rich and peaceful and enduring, to protect and bless a people of common sympathies and in terests. Dr. I.l*. Garvin and John Pliinizy, Esq , are citizens of sterling integrity and intelligence, in whom unbounded confidence can lie placed by those whose dearest inter ests will for a time be under their care and keeping. No one can object that those inter ests will be exposed by tlie wildness and way wardness of youthful indiscretion. All three have passed the meridian of life, and have had varied experience in the cares and toils ot business. Our candidates are before the people. They are the approved standard bearers ol the friends of Southern honor and freedom and they will be triumphantly circl ed to sit in the grand Council which will re clothe the noble old Commonwealth of Geor gia with the glorious robes of all her original sovereignty. —• —• . Kflbrtsto Settle the IDffifiJjHjV/, or the in the present controversy. that a caucus of Southern Senators was held ou the Bih instant, but we caiinol see how they could do aught to save the Union.— Hence we were not surprised to learn that they adjourned without accomplishing any thing, or concurring in any plan of settle ment. Doubtless all hopes of compromise paled before the burning brand of degrada tion which tho North holds up in the election of Lincoln, and will apply to the South if she submits to ids inauguration and governmcni. Mr. Lincoln was elected upon a single idea — hostility to the institution of slavery. TJM S , determination to destroy it was the universnj j sentiment of his supporters. That spirit 1 blazed like the flame of a furnace. Anti- j slaveryism was the combustible material that put the Northern mind on fire. What, then, if Mr. Lincoln should utter a few conciliatory words ? Cun the-people of the South repose confidence in them ? Are the people of the South blind, that they cannot see the ruse by which they are to he entrap ped ? Throughout the campaign, the Black Republicans held up Mr. Lincoln as the dead ly foe of slavery. He was represented as the valiant, faithful, uncompromising champion of their principle—opposition to the institu tion. They told us Ho would not flatter Neptuno for his Trident; Nor Jove for his power to thunder. We should remember that there is a throne behind the throne. Though clothed with the trappings of the Presidential office, Lincoln would not dare to shake off his bondage to the demon of fanaticism if lie were disposed to do it. lie will he its slave even if he shall desire to shake oft’ its chains. “All the States,” said he, must be either free or slave.” They cannot exist halffree and half slave. Has not Mr. Lincoln persisted in referring en quirers to his former declarations as the in dices of his future policy. We do not say it is impossible for the Union to be saved, but we do say it is impossible for it to be done by any propositions, from the North, which can be satisfactory to the South, ‘without the most complete stultification of the former They would have to eat their own long reit erated words—forswear all their principles and become tho red-hot enemies and and? nouneers of tlicir own hellish doctrines. It is scarcely possible they will do this. Ws trust that Southern men will hold no Con gressional caucuses to build bridges for the Black Republicans to walk across the chasm which they have dug for themselves and the Union. They could not be trusted with new oaths upon their lips when those which so lately escaped them were impiously violated in the name of God. Black Republicanism may soften its mien—Lincoln may steal some thing of the glow of virtue—but it wilf be only to deceive the South and prepare beg for a predetermined sacrifice. Southern /con tentment, for a time, will be degredationj and submission, under deceitful promises, will b eventual ruin. “Get behind me, Satan” should Be tha auswer of Southern men. One More. J Vie notice one more banner, suipended across Broadway, it extends from Globe Hotel to tho corner opposite, thestorßofPouL i.ain, Jennings & Cos. It measures l thirteon by twenty feet, and is the handiwork of Mr. J. G. Cofon. The following is a discription of the banner; GEORGIA, TIIK EMPIRE STATE OP THE SOUTH. A Cotton Plant, around which is coiled a Rattlesnake Has resumed her Sovereignty. ! N o Submission, The rattlesnake which is coiled around the Cotton Plaut, has eight rattles, and ono but ton. Is the button for Cuba ? Sudden Death. It is with unfeigned regret that wo record tho death of Mr. Crombe, Mail Agent on the route from Augusta to Columbia. Mr.; Crombe left this city on Thursday, i n appa-i rent good health, but died on Friday night at liis home in Orangeburg District, g’ .CJ Ho was a good man and a faithful agent, t ; Southern Rights,