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iimv TIM! WM. J. VASofflSPo. JAMES M. SMYTHE, Editor. AUGUSTA, GA. SUNDAY MORNING, DEC. 16, 1860. Gov. Cobb’s Address to the People of Georgia. We publish this morning a portion of Gov. Cobb’s able address, and will complete it on Tuesday next. In order that our readers may be in possession of his views, in advance, we present a few of its leading points. Ist. The Illack Republican party originat ed in Northern opposition to slavery. 2d. Men of all parties, however much they differed in opinion upon other topics, united in a determination to destroy the institution of slavery. 3d- The constitutional rights of the South were tube ignored. •4th. The Hfiprcme Court decision was re pudiated. 6th. The Illack Republican party will ad here to the principles Which brought it into power. 6th. Lincoln declared ids hatred of slavery and that it must be ultimately overthrown. 7th. He declared that the negro is the equal of the white man. Bth. Seward, Chase, Sumner, Greeley, Webb, and other leading Black Republicans, teach the same doctrine. 9th. They tench that there is a laic higher than the Constitution, which justifies a disre- gard of its provisions. 10th. Ten sovereign States have legislated upon this idea. 11th. The South claims protection, the North resists the claim. 12th. Tho Northern pulpit and Sundy school have taught the people of that section to hate the institution of slavery. loth. A temporary majority in Congress against Lincoln will be unable to secure the rights and safety of the South. lith. The whole power of the Government, with Lincoln at its head, will boused to de stroy southern rights, equality, and safety in the Union. 15th. There is no remedy but secession for existing difficulty, worthy of consideration save that of now constitutional guarantees as proposed by Mr. Buchanan, and they will be spurned by our Northern enemies. 16th. Mr. Cobb entertains no doubt of the right or duty of the peoplo of Georgia to se cede from the Union, for she never will again have equality and justice in it. —• •. Letter from Hon, Howell Cobb to the People of Georgia. I iiavo received numerous communications from different portions of the State, asking ray views on the present condition of the country, accompanied with the request that they might be placed before the public. It is impossible to answer each of those communications, and I have therefore taken the liberty of addressing my reply tothepco pleof the State, asking for what I have to say that consideration only which is due to convictions deliberately formed and frankly expressed. The whole subject may properly be consid ered in the discussion of tire following en quiry : Does the election of Lincoln to tlie Presidency, in the usual and Constitutional mode, justify the Southern States in dissol ving the Union ? The answer to this enquiry involves a con sideration of the principles of the party who elected him, as well as the principles of the man himself. The Black Republican party had its origin in the anti-slavery feeling of the North. It assumed the form and organization of a par ty for the first time in the Presidential con tests of 1856. The fact that it was composed of men of all previous parties, who then and still advocate principles directly antagonis tic upon all other questions, except slavery, Shows beyond doubt or questiou, that hostili ty to slavery, ns it exists in the fifteen South ern States, was the basis of its organization and the bond of its union. Free trade Dem ocrats and protective tariff Whigs, internal improvement and and anti-internal improve ment men ; and indeed all shades of parti, zans, united in cordial fraternily upon the isolated issue of hostility to the South, though for years they had fought each other upon all other issues The fact is important because it illustrates the deep-rooted feeling which could thus bring together these hostile Clements. It must be conceded that there was an object in view, of no ordinary inter est, which could thus fraterniso these incon grous elements. Besides, at the time this party organised, there was presented no bright promise of success. All the indications of the day pointed to their certain defeat. So deep, however, was this anti-slavery sentiment planted in their hearts, that they forgot and forgave the as perities of the past, the political differences of the present, and regardless of the almost certain defeat which the future had in store for them, cordially embraced each other in the bonds of anti-slavery lintred, preferring dofeat under the banner of Abolition to suc cess, if it had to be purchased by a recogni tion of the constitutional rights of the South- The party lias succeeded in bringing into its organizationull the Abolitionists of the North, except that small band of honest fanatics who say, and say truly, that if slavery is the moral curse which the Black Republicans pronounce it to be, they feel bound to dis solve their connection with it, and arc there fore for a dissolution of the Union. Such 1 may denominate the personnel of the Black Republican party, which, by the election of Lincoln, has demonstrated its numerical ma jority in every Northern State except New Jersey. 1 have said that the circumstances which marked the origin and organization of this party show that there was an object in view, of no ordinary character. To bco and ap preciate that object properly, we must refer to its first and most important declaration of principles, which occurred in 1856, at the time of the nomination of Mr. Fremont for the Presidency. “Resolved, That, with opr republican fa tliors, we hold it to be a self-evident truth, i that all men are endowed with the inaliena- j bic rights to life, liberty, and tho pursuit of! happiness; and that the primary object and 1 ulterior designs of our Federal Government ‘ Here, to secure the rights to all persons with in its exclusive jurisdiction; tiiat as our ro- j publican fathers, when they had abolished j slavery in all our national territory, ordained | !g!|9HgHRPj ~ i"\ -n jK.';.’- ; SBHil M lishing slavery in any Territory States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein. That we de ny the authority of Congress, of a Territo rial Legislature, of any individual or asso ciation of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall bo maintained. “ Resolved , That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Territories of the United States for their government, and that in exercise of this power it is botli the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism—polygamy and slavery.!’ There can he no misapprehension of the doctrine here announced. It is as plain and explicit in its lnnguagc as it is false ami iu famuus in its teachings. Upon its announce ment, the people of the Northern States were asked to pass their judgment upon its truth and correctness. The response may be found in the votes of nearly a million and a half of northern people, in favor of the election of JobnC. Fremont, its ndvoeate and represen tative; and 1 may add that the election of Mr. Fremont upon tills doctrine was only defeated by the personal popularity of Mr. Buchanan in the State of Pennsylvania. In that memorable canvass, the doctrines thus announced by the Black Republican party wore boldly and earnestly defended by tho supporters of Fremont everywhere. If there was any departure from tho standard of priaciplesthus formally and officially erected, it will be found in the more offensive and ex treme doctrines of the men who advocated his election, and spoke as by authority for tiie party of which they were the most active and efficient representatives. 1 will not weary you with a tedious detail of their infamous sentiments, to he found in the editorials and speeches of almost every advocate of Fre mont’s election in 1856. They are too familiar to every causual reader of that re markable canvass, and can never be forgotten. If these doctrines and principles have ever been disclaimed or repudiated, either by Mr. Lincoln or any responsible man of his party, I have seen or heard of it. Though they were not repeated in the same language by the Chicago convention, which nominated Lin coln, they were virtually endorsed, with tlie addition of a repudiation of the decision of the Supreme Court in the Died Scott case, as will appear in the extract below from the platform of 1860, and have, both by Mr. Lin coln and liis leading supporters, been defend ed and elaborated in the. most emphatic language, and with the most embittered spirit. “7. That the new dogma, that the Consti tution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all the Tcrritoricsof the United States, is a dangerous political Jheresy, at varicnce with the explicit provisions of that instru ment itself, with cotempornneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the pence and harmony of the country. 8. That the normal condition of nil the ter ritory of tlie United States is that offrecdom. That as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our National ter ritory, ordained that ‘No person should bo deprived of life, liberty, or property without-; due process of law,’ it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislyjgK.is ne-, cessary, to maintain this pruvyWHitjUM’ Constitution against all it; an<l we deny the authority of territorial legislature, or of any to give legal existence to slavery in a Terri tory of the United States.” Can there be a doubt in tiny intelligent mind, that the object which the Black Re publican party has in view, is the ultimate extinction of slavery in the United States ? To doubt it, is to cast the imputation of liy pocracy and imbecility upon the majority of the people of every northern State, who have stood by this party through all its trials and struggles, to its ultimate triumph in the elec tion of Lincoln. lam sure that no one can entertain for them, individually or collec tively, less personal respect than I do, and yet I do give them credit for more sincerity and intelligence than is consistent with the idea that, on obtaining power, they will re fuse to exercise it for the only purpose for which they professed to seek it. Ido believe that, with all their meanness and duplicity, they do hate slavery and slaveholders quite as much as they say they do, and that no ar gument addressed to their lieart9 or judg ments, in behalf of the constitutional rights of the South would receive the slightest con sideration. What might he effected by an appeal to their fear and cupidity, 1 will not now stop to discuss. In the nomination of Mr. Lincoln for the Presidency, the Black Republicans gave still more pointed expression to their views and foelings on the subject of slavery. Lincoln had neither the record nor the reputation of a statesman. Holding sentiments even more odious than those of Seward, he was indebted to the comparative obscurity of his position j for a triumph over his better known competi- I tor. By the boldness and ability with which Mr. Seward had advocated the doctrines of the “higher law” and “the irrepressible con flict,” he had exhibited to the public a char acter so infamous, that even Black Republi cans would not hazard the use of his name. To find a candidate of tiie same principles and less notoriety was the great work to be performed by the Chicago Convention. That duty was successfully discharged in the se lection and nomination of Mr. Lincoln. He had placed on record his calm and sol emn declarations on the subject of slavery, sentiments which remaih to this hour without retraction, or even modification, by himself. In the pamphlet copy of Ills speeches, revised by himself, and circulated throughout the Presidential canvnss by his supporters, wo find the following clear and unequivocal de claration of his views and feelings on the subject of slavery ; “I did not even say that I desired that sla very should be put in course of ultimate ex tinction. Ido say so now, however ;so there need be no longer any difficulty about that. It may be written in the great speech.” “/ have always hated slavery. I think, as much as any Abolitionist. I have been an old line Whig. I have always hated it; but I have always been quiet about it until this new era Os the introduction of the Nebraska bill began. I always believed that everbody was against it, and that it was in course of ultimate extinction.” “We arc now far intoiho fitfli year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object aud confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Unuer the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only censed but has constantly augumentod. In my opin ion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘A house divided I against itself cannot stand.’ I bdlieve this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect this Union to be dissolved ; Ido not expect this house to fall; but Ido expect it will cease to be divided; it will become all one thing or all the other. Either the epponents of sla very will arrest the further spread of it, and | place it whore the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate I .. a 111. ■’ ■ Hn i , k, > fjj. l 1 H ’ ■’ 1 I\| <'■ 11” 1 w il’d ik i prediction only; it may have been a foolish one, perhaps. I did npt even say that I desired that slaery should be put in course of ultimate extinctio’n. I do. now, however; so there need be no longed any difficulty about that.” “If I were in Congress, and a vote should conic up on a question whether slavery should bo prohibited in anew Territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it should.” “What I do say is, that no man is good enough to govern another man without the oth er man’s consent. I say this is the leading principle, the sueet anchor of American Republicanism. Our Declaration of IndeMnd ence says. ‘“Wo hold these truths to be self-evident, —that all men are created equal; that they arc endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments arc insti tuted among men, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed.’ “I have quoted so much at this time to show, that according to our ancient faith, the powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed. Now, the relation of master and slave is, pro tanto, a violation of this principle. The master not only governs the slave without his consent, *riiut ha governs him by a set of rules altogether dif ferent from those which ho prescribes for himself. Allow all the governed an equal voice in the government; and that, and that only is self-government.”* Again, in a speech delivered in Chicago, during the last Presidential election, which wo find published in the Illinois State Journal, the State organ of the Black Republican par ty of Illinois, on the 16lh of September. 1856, Mr. Lincoln said : “That central idea, in our political opinion, at. the beginning was, and until recently con tinued to be, the equality of men. And, al though it was always submitted patiently’ to, whatever i [uality there seemed to be as a matter of a lual necessity, its constant work ing has been a steady progress toward the PRACTICAL equality of all men. “Let past differences as nothing be; and, with steady eye on tho real issue, let us re inaugernte the good old central ideas of the Republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us; God is with us. We shall again be ablcj not to declare that all the States, as States, are equal; nor yet that all citizens, as citizens, are equal; but renew the broader, better declaration, including both these and much more, that all men are created equal.” Vet again, in his speech at Chicago, on the l()th of July, 1858, Mr. Lincoln said; “I should like to know if, taking the old Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men arc equal upon principle, aud making exceptions to it, where will it.atop ? If onfcjunU says, it docs not mean a Xfnßs; why .not another say, it. does, not other man? .-If that declaration truth, let us get the statute-book in find it, and tear it out. [Cries of Lit us stick to it, then ; let us stand urrittyby it, then. * * * * Let us discard all this quibbling about this man and tiie other man —this race and that race and the othefcrace being inferior, and therefore they mutt be placed in an inferior position—di irdingthe standard, that we have left us. J us discard \ all these things, and un.t ■ ye one through lout this land until we shall once more stand up 1 declaring that Air, men or eqvH&t* i* * * * T leave you. hoplngVthat' the lamp of liberty will burn in your oosomslSHß there shall no longer be a doubt that all irteiF are created free and equal.’’ In these declarations Mr. Lincoln has cov ered the entire abolition platform—hatred of slavery, disregard of judicial decisions, ne gro equality, and, ns a matter of course, the ultimate extinction of slavery. None of these doctrines, however, are left to inference, so far as Mr. Lincoln is concerned, as we sec he has avowed them in the plainest and clear est language. They are not exceeded by the boldness of Seward, the malignity of Bid dings, or the infamy of Garrison. It was the knowledge of these facts which induced his nomination by the Republican party; and by ihe free circulation which has been given to them in the canvass, it would seem that Mr. Lincoln is indebted to their popularity for his election. The insincerity of his dis-r avowal of the doctrine of negro oquaUHti, when pressed to the wall, after the declarations 1 have quoted, is too cut to require remark. Such, tuon, are the sentiments and pjMra files which an overwhelming North have indorsed by their mail who announced and defended tiie^^H In this inquiry into the doctrines and pnlS* ciples of the Black Republican party, we caiK; not leave unnoticed the announcements wliiaffl have been made to the country by their ablest* recognised letter. Gladly would I turn from the nauseating recital ; but to learn and ap preciate the truth of ho case, we must look to the whole record, however steeped in in famy, or covered with falsehood. 1 affix to these extracts the names of the Senators who uttered them—names, I regret to say, too familiar to all the readers of American po lities. “Thus, these antagonastie systems are con tinually coming into closer contact, and col lision results. Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think it. is ac cidental, unnecessary, the wmk of interested fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irre pressible conffict between opposing and en during forces, aud it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plan tations of Louisiana, will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Or leans become marts for legitimate merchan dize alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must againbe surrendered by their farmers to slave, culture, and to tiie production of slaves, audl Boston and New York become once more a market for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful tempts at final compromise between the and free States, and it is the existcuce of ths great, fact that renders all such pretendeeP compromise, when made, vain and ephmer al ” — Mr. Seward. “The interests of the white race demand the ultimate emancipation of all men. Wheth er that consummation shall be allowed to take effect, with needful and wise precau tions against sudden change and disaster, or be hurried on by violence, is all that remains for you to decide.”— Mr. Seward. “Slavery can be limited to its proper | bounds; it can be ameliorated. It can be, and it must be abolished, and you and 1 can and must do it. The task is as simple and easy as its consummation will be benifieent, audits rewards glowing. It only requires to follow this simple rule of action : to do everywhere and on every occasion what wc can, and not to neglect or refuse to do what we can, at any time, because at that precise time, aud oil •From Howell's Life of Lincoln, page 279. i that particular occasion, we cannot do more. | Circumstances determine possibilities.”**** “Extend a cordial welcome to the fugitive | who lays his weary limbs at your door, and defend him as you would your paternal gods, j “Correct your own error that slavery has any Constitutional guarantees which may not j be realised, and ought not to be replenished.” | * * “Y*ou will soon bring tliMparties of Dhe country into an effective aggrKsTon upon H^very.”— Mr. Seward. W“What a commentary upon the history of man is the fact, that eighteen years after the death of John Quincy Adams, the people have for their standard-bearer Abraham Lincoln, confessing tlic obligations of the Higher Law, which the Sage of Quincy proclaimed, aud contending, for weal or woe, for life or death, in the Irrepressible Conflict between freedom and slavery. ; I desire only to say that we are in the last stage of the conflict, before the great triumphal inauguration of this i olicy into the Government of the United States.” Mr. Seward. . “In what I invoke, I cannot claim to. have acted from consideration of the colored people, as a separate and distinct class in the community, but from the simple conviction that all the individuals of that class are members of the community, and, in virtue of their manhood, entitled to every orig inal right enjoyed by any other member. We feel, therefore, that all legal distinction be tween individuals of the same community, founded in any such circumstances as color, origin, and the like, are hostile to the genius of our institutions, and incompatible with the true theory of American liberty. Slave ry and oppression must cease, or American liberty must perish. “In Massachusetts, and in most, if not. nil, the New England States, the colored man and t lie wliiio are absolutely equal before the law. “In New York, the colored man is restric ted as to the right of suffrage by a property qualification. In other respects the same equality prevails. “I embrace, with pleasure, this opportuni ty of declarng my disapprobation of that clause ot the Oostitution which denies to a portion ol the people the right of suff rage. “True Democracy makes no inquiry about the color of the skin, or place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance or condition. 1 regard, therefore, the exclusion of the col ored people, as a body, from the elective franchine, tvs incompatible with true Demo cratic principles.”— Mr. Chase. “For myself, 1 am ready to renew my pledge, and I will venture to speak in behalf of my co-workers, that we will go straight on, without faltering or wavering; until every vestige of oppression shall be erased from the statute books—until tlic sun, in all its journey from the utmost eastern horizon through the mid-heaven, till he sinks behind the western bed, shall not behold the foot-print of a single slave in all our broad and glorious land.”— Mr. Chase. “Language is feeble to express all the enormity of this institution, which is now [vaunted as in itself a form of civilization, ennobling, at least, to the master, if not the Blave. Look at it in whatever light you will, and it is nlwnys the scab, the canker, ‘the bare bones,’ and the shame of the country; wrong, not merely in the abstract, as it is often admitted by its apologists, but wrong in the concrete aIBO, and possessing no single element Os at it in the light of principle. Mid itxs nothing less than a huge insurrection against the eternal law of Gu.l. and also the dental-of that divine law in which God; -MMilk manifest, thus 1m .:,:. practically iilb grojM*tx lie and thogro !ltfcbarOljjriH,,Originjdhtafbtir,ms in riW*!w, I übAr'iin all its peeri n i:arbarmis in tiie inatrwM|4S’ it enipb.;. ‘ : hsrbarinis in consequences'; bin spirit; barbarous kboVs itself. — Slavery must breed barbarians, while it de velops everywhere, alike in ihe individuals and in the society of which ho forms a part, the essential elements of barbarism. “Violence, brutality, injustice, barbarism, must be reproduced in the lives of all who live within their fatal sphere. The meat that is eaten by man enters into and becomes a part of bis body; the madder which is eaten by a dog changes bis bones to red ; and the slavery on which men live, in all its five-fold foulness, must become a part of themselves, discoloring their very souls, blotting tlieir characters, and breaking forth in moral le prosy. This language is strong; but the evi dence is even stronger. Some there may be of happy natures, like honorable Senators, who can thus feed and not be harmed. Mith srWates fed on poison, and lived; and it may he there is a moral Mitlu idatcs who canswal 1™ without bane the poison of slavery. Mr. Sumner. HB**Send it abroad on the wings of tiie wind Hlmtlam committed,?fully committed, com- Imittcdjto ‘ the fullest extent, in favor of im jnediate and unconditional abolition of slave- W, wherever it exists under (lie authority the United States. Mr. H'il.nm. If all men lire created equal, no one can rightfully acquire or hold dominion over, or property in, another man, without liis con sent. If all men are created equal, one man cannot rightfully exact the service or tiie la bor of another man without his consent. The subjugation of one man to another by force, so as to compel involuntary labor or service, subverts that equality between the parties which the Creator established.— Mr. Seward. “All this is just and sound ; but assuming the same premises, to Wit: that all men are equal by the law of nature and of nations, the right of property in slaves falls to the ground; for one who is equal to the other, cannot be the owner or property of that other. Hut you answer that the Constitution recog nizes property in slaves. It would be suffi cient, then, to reply, that this constitutional obligation must be void, because it is repug nant to the law of nature aud of nations.” Mr. Seward. “It is written in the Constitution of the United States, in violation of the divine law, that we shall surrender the fugitive slave. You blush not at these things, because they are familiar as household words.”— Mr. Seward. Itihe Supreme Court also can reverse its ■■■B|ttadudgjpiont more easMy than wc can UMBQfIIW people to its usurpation.” * * * “The people of the United Stales never can. and they never will, accept principles so un constitutional and so abhorrent. Never, navwt-Let the court recede. Whether it Lfl|iljHiyMpt>t, we shall reorganize the court, •ntlifliMwjWbrm its political sentiments and practices, and bring them into harmony with the Cdnfttilution and the laws of nature.” Mr. Seward. Similar extracts from the same and other equally high authorities might be produced to an indefinite extent. I have confined myself to Senators —men high in authority, and who bring to the support of their doctrines un questioned evidenec of the sanction and ap proval of the people they represent. All of these Senators linve been endorsed by re election to the Senate, and by elevation to other posts of honor and distinction. Some, if not all of them, are indebted for tlieir po sition and popularity to the very avowal upon which I am commculi Jg. It is,worse than doctrines, and that they are the extravagant ‘■ 1 1. ! -i ! :i - is - Gjf 11,111- for .... re :-: .• I: ]'•■ ■: ii ibe Biplliiil ■ . nounced by those ciioscn to In the other branch of Congcss, the lttacK Republican representatives Hive gone even farther than Senators, in theßabuse and de nunciation, not only of of slavery, but of slaveholdutfr No language is deemed too harsh—nowpithet too course— no denunciation too bitlir, in the estimation of these men, to be applied to the people of the South. The official record of Congress is filled with the most inflammatory appeals, not only to the people of the Norlh, but to the slaves of the South, inciting insurrection, stimulating revolts, encouraging arson and murder, and denouncing sladehoiders as pi rates and barbarians. I shall not stop to make quotations from these speeches It is only necessary to open any volume of the Congressional Globe for the last few years, and turn to the speech of any Illack Repub lican on the subject of slavery, and you will find ample evidence of the truth of the state ment. To such an extent has this habit, on the part of menbers of Congccss, of abusing the people of the South gone, that a citizen of a Southern State cannot visit the Capitol of his country, and linger for an hour in its halls during the session of Congress, without heaving language and epithets applied to himself and section of the most offensive and insulting character. The venerable men, of all sections, who served in Congress twenty-five and thirty years ago, listen to these discussions or read them in the papers with equal astonishment and mortification. I will not pause to comment upon this state of things, but will proceed with my inquiry into the principles and objects of this party. [to be continued.] imperial Dotircs. The undersigned, Commission Merchants of Augusta, do hereby give notice that from and after :his date wc shall each require CASH ou delivery of all purchases under fifty dollars ; and above that sum, approved Bankable Paper will be required ou the delivery of the pur chase. J. A. ANSLEY & CO., stovall, mclaugiilin & co., CHARLES BAKER, T. W. FLEMING & CO., J. C. & I). B. JONES, R. J. BOWE & CO., F. WOODRUFF. dccl2-d&w2w WANTED. Augusta & Savannah R. R., Dec. sth, IB6o. — Wanted to hire, fifty able bodied NEGRO MEN, to work on Road. Apply to M. A. CONNER, Supervisor, or W. C. JONES, Agent. dcc6-tf ■ Charles G. Butler for Tax Collec tor.—l offer myself to the citizens of Richmond county for the office of Tax Collector at the ensu elcction in January next. dcc4-td* CHARLES G. BUTLER. —=^ fi@" , RemOVal.-?? r begs to in form his customers, and the public gcnorally, that lie has removed from hie old store, opposite the Au gusta Hotel, to the Store recently occupied by O’DONOIIOE A WRAY’, a few doors above the the Planter’s Hotel where he is now ready to fill orders from his old customers, and all who may favor him with their patronage. His Stock consists of choice old Brandies, Wines, Whiskeys, Ale, Cider, and Segars. The Montebello Champagne Wine constantly kept on hand. * THOMAS WHYTE. Bcp29 ts tsT Augusta A Savannah It it i 1 road • —On and after WEDNESDAY’, October 3d, the Evening Passenger train will leave Augusta at at fifteen minutes past two I\ M. oct2-tf W. C. JONES, Agent. >• tkif” Augusta & Savannah Railroad— Augusta, Nov. 21st, 1860.—During the Fair at Macon, commencing Dec. 3d, and ending Dec 22d, Tickets, to go and return, for one fare, can bo procured at this Office, as follows: December Ist and sth, to return on 7th. “ 10th’ “ 11th, “ “ “ 15th. “ 17th “ “ “ 20th. “ 20th “ “ “ 24th. Articles for Exhibition will be charged regular freight to Macon ; if not sold, will be returned free to Station from whence shipped. nov22-tf - W. C. JONES, Agent. BfeS” We are authorized to announce Dr. JAMES T. BARTON as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond county, at the ensuing election in January next. nov23-td School—Mrs. Mountjoy will re-open her school for boys and girls, on the first Monday in October, her residence on Reynold*! street, be tween Centre aud Elbert. septl6 66T Dutch Bulbous Roots in store Hyacinths, forty choicest varieties; Tulips, fif teen varieties; Gladiolus, four varieties; Cro cus, seven varieties; Imperial, five varieties; Lilies, four varieties; Narcissus, seven varieties, etc., etc. Just received by PLUMB & LEITNER, oct2-tf 212 Broad street, Augusta, Ga. BfeT- LOST.-A Gold Breast-Pin, (Ma sonic,) with the letter M and tho Greek words Alpha, Omega, engraved upon one sidVj, and a name upon the other. The finder will be suita bly rewarded by leaving it at this office. nov2o ts 8©“ I notify all persons not to trade for a Note given by mo to Messrs. Clemons, Brown A Cos., for One Hundred and Eighty Dol lurs. As tho consideration for which said Noto was given has not been complied with, I do not intend to pay it unless compelled by law. n0v.30-2 A. A. SIMPKINS. £K?- All Persons indebted tome, cith er by note or account, will please call and settle, us I wish to close up my old books, having formed a co-partnership with John C. Chew, on the 10th of last month. M. J. JONES. | p oct4-tf —— AST Goats! Goats!! Goats! I—After the 15th day of SEPTEMBER inst., the City Ordi nance in relation to Goats running at large in the streets of Augusta, will ba strictly enforced. JOHN A. CHRISTIAN, s epl-<Rf City Marshal. j Btion. H s -. Us'-t, H'JyP S lil 1 ■■- ‘ :! . -aid ■ thanks to the public for the generous patronage Jextended to ns, aud so licit a continuance of it to our successors. JAMES V. KENNICKELL. J. \V. TAYLOR. M. J. DIVINE. W. C. DILLON. SAMUEL M. SMYTHE. Augnsta, Ga., Dec. ltth, 1860. CO-PARTNERSHIP. The undersigned have purchased all right, title and interest in and to the said establishment of the True Democrat, and will continue its publica tion as heretofore. WM. J. VASON. W. C. DILLON. SAMUEL M. SMYTHE. Augusta, Ga., Dee. 14th, 1860. United States Hotel, BROAD STREET, .A.TTGrtJJST.A., GtA. MOSHRR & CREWS, PROPRIETORS. THIS large and long established HOTEL,. having been thoroughly re-fitted and ro-far nished this summor, is now prepared to satisfy all the warfts oftho reasonable terms. From its central position, int the healthiest part of tho city, the United States lias always enjoyed a large share of the public patronage; aud the Proprietors ore determined to spare neither pains nor expense fully to sustain it ancient reputation as a first class Hotel. THE undersigned, having disposed of his in terest in the above Hotel to Mr. Thomas Crews, returns his sincere thanks to the publie for their liberal patronage, and recommends tho new firm to their continued favor and patronage, decll-tf JOSEPH ROSAMOND. Meson Academy. THE Trustees of MESON ACADEMY are desirous of securing competent TEACHERS for tho Female Department of said Academy for the ensuing year. Applicants will address “B. F* Hardeman, at Lexington, Oglethorpe county/* The School will commence the first Monday in January, 1861. B. F. HARDEMAN. decS-lawtJl Chairman, Ac. and Choronicle copy once a week till Jan. 1, IS6I, and forward account to B. F. Hardeman. Important Notice. THE patrons and Boarder of tho “Imperial Lunch and Dining Saloon,” will bo furnished, with Meals on Sundays until further notice. From 7tolo a. m., Breakfast ; from Ito3 r. m., Dinner; and from 5 to 8, Supper. decß-dtf JOHN BRIDGES, Agent A FULL STOCK. Wc are prepared to sell to the trade generally Tow following articles, towit: Prime Clear SIDES; Prime Ribbed SIDES; Prime new packed SHOULDERS; Prime Leaf LARD; Prime Leaf LARD; Prime Leaf LARD; Prime Goshen BUTTER; MACKEREL, of different grades,. I’s, 2’s and 3’s; Prime RYE; Red ONIONS ; M. R. RAISINS;* M. R. RAISINS; M. R. RAISINS; FIGS, in Drams Prime Winter APPLES ; Primo Peach Blow POTATOES; Dried PRUNES Dried CURRANTS? Smoked HALIBUT; PirivfcdrilESitGNiSA; White FISII,'; White FISH; Scaled HERRINGS ; Ne. 1 HERRINGS, Smokod; Pickled SALMON; Pickled CODFISH; Prime large Dry CODFISH Adamantine CANDLES; Sterine CANDLES; SUOAR CRACKERS; Boston CRACKERS. —Also for Sale— Prime Eastern and Northern HAY. —ALBO Lime, Cement & Plaster, Always on hand, in quantities to suit tho demands of tho community. R. J. BOWE & CO., GENERAL COM. MERCHANTS, „„ 287 mtOAU STREET. nov23 JOHN MILLEDGE, Jr., ~ ATTORNEY AT EAYV, will practice in tho Counties of the Middle Circuit. | Office No. 3 Warren Bltek. oot!2-ly