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PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY, BY |i JAMES MeCAFFERTY, mcisroJH-srßEtr, opposite post office. |j Terms of Paper.— For a single copy,; one year. Two Dollars: for star copies, Ten Dollars; for thirteen copies, Twen- jj ty Dollars, payable in advance. I • Advertisements will be inserted at 50 jj cents per square for the first insertion, and "25 cents for each continuance — Twelve lines to constitute a square. A liberal deduction to yearly advertisers. fj" No letters taken from the Post Office unless postage free. OiHcers Augusta W. T. A Society. t Dr. DANIEL HOOK, President, Rev. WM. J. HARD, ) , C. S. DOD. > Vice Presidents t HAWKINS HUPP, Esq. ) WM. HAINES, Jr. Skcreimrv. ( L. D. LALLERSTEDT, Treasurer. , m§®g.LLAs\\£.m§> ; Rev. Dr. Ituscom oa Slavery. We have already noticed in our columns, a i work hy the Rev. Dr. Bascorn, entitled, “Meth- < odism and Slavery,” &c. Auxiliary to the dis- I cussion of the religious question in controversy | between the Northern and Southern divisions of j i the Methodist Episcopal Church, the pamphlet .; contains a most elaborate and powerful argument i on the subject o.'slavery as it exists in the south- i ern Slates, This argument gives some views i am) facts bearing on the question, which have i not usually been presented in essays and speech- i es on the subject; and which independent of the | religious considerations that have called them . fo:th are highly interesting and important. We i doubt if we could furnish any thing to our read- i ers that woulJ be more acct piable < f'ruhi Dr. liascom's Pamphlet. — It is more than two hundred years since the introduction of | slavery into this country, under the exclusive di- r reetion of the British government. The colo- I nies had no will or agency in bringing about this 51 result, and it is a well known fact that it was in 1 contravention of their wishes. During this en- 1 » tire term, slaves have been recognised and held j as property, under all the forms of government known to tin- country, and the Church should not j 1 forget, that it was the Christian governments of j 1 Eurojre, in tire loth and 17th centuries, by which 1 slavery, as a civil and domestic institution, was | re-introduced and re-established among civilized j nations, alter its nominal abolition among the j Western Gothic nations of that continent. And 1 1 the Christian European powers did, too. w hat had never been done before; they restricted the doom j of servitude to a single particular race, and link- I ed the destinies of slavery, in the system they , established, with the negro family. That it was an outrage, is felt and admitted by all. T hat all have a right to see the removal of the evil, is as ; readily admitted. It is, however, so interwoven j: with the very existence and life blood of a large portion of society, in this country, that it has long been a desideratum how cun this be done, ; without the introduction of greater evils. We have seen that the people of the non-slaveholding i States have no right to attempt to control the question, in any form. Their right to appeal anil remonstrance, provided they do not r> sort to 1 means calculated to agitate and excite, and thus , inlli't direct injury upon the South, is not deni- i ed, it is believed, in any quarter. As a right of comity, it is admitted. Alt attempts, however, to 1 conqa l or force the South, by exciting the popu lar mind, trying to produce disaffection among j slaves, and so disturbing the social system, as to i impair the value of conceded rights, and endari- j ger the common welfare, are burred by the Con stitution, and will always meet with prompt and determined resistance from the South. But fur- j tiler, however it may be regretted, it cannot he ! disguised, that negro slavery now exists, con-; fleeted with reputed inferiority of race, and the j incurable disability of color, and both tending,' l however unreasonably or unjustly, to perpetu ate evil. Unhappily in the enslavement of the ; 1 negro, the worse than misfortune, the universal 1 ignominy of color, adds to the hardship of ser vitude. and becomes a part of his evil dcstity, e- 11 »en where that servitude is exchanged for noini- 1 nal freedom. In this melancholy state of things, j I the outrage upon natural right, which all slavery j 1 implies, is made to derive countenance and sup j j port from nature herself, lor it is hut too true, that j hitherto, all races of men in all times, have uni- I ted, however wrongfully, in decreeing to the ne- i gro a separate social condition, and, by conse quence, de-tiny. Even when mixed up with ! j other races, the negro has not been allowed toll mingle. And it is a very singular fact, that the j i English, whether in Europe or America, have ! ehcrished the principle of exclusion, to which ;; we allude, beyond any other race known in his- < torv. !; Slavery at one time, was genera! throughout j | the colonies and afterwards States. But there j i were physical and invincible reasons in the j 1 North, why slavery should not obtain there, ini the wav and to the extent it did South. It was 1 introduced and tried, but did not work welt. — ' The severity of the climate, poverty of the soil, < and a necessary appeal, at an early date, to man- t ufactures and commerce as the staple pursuits of productive enterprise, and to which slave labor « was found inapplicable, all tended to expel sla- I very from the North. The slave was soon found i to be a had bargain, upon the hands of the r shrewd producer The constant influx too, of'l European adventurers, English, Irish, Scotch, U Dutch, Swiss, and so of the rest, tilling up the j I North to avoid competition with the more regu- I [ lar system of sla v e labor South, soon rendered jc Northern slave labor unprofitable, by the supe- ! rioritv and creator cheapness of free labor, so a that the political economy of the North alone, c was quite sufficient to either emancipate the r Northern negro, or send him a slave to the South, f It was the interest and policy of the North, to' l get rid of the negro. It was a speculation wor- s thy of Northern sagacity. Not so with the j South. As early as the first instance of Nor- 1 them abolition the slave question was one oL' life and death with the South. It was then and continues to be, vitally connected with the ten- (1 ure hy which life is held, and the order of society * maintained. The greater value of the slave c South, had been a centripital force gradually at- £ trading the slave from the North, for a long j« term of years, until when emancipation began, t there was found but a small number to get rid of. j S Their sale to Southern purchasers, had greatly t thinned the North of slaves as “unprofitable i servants,” and prepared the way for the eman- I cipation of the balance. Northern humanity, 1 which forbade the sale of the negro within the j I limits of Northern States, did not forbid histrans- jc portation and sale in the South, and to this pro- j a cess, the North owes a large share of its boasted | n freedom from slavery. Reasons have always ex- t isted in the South, both for the introduction and a continuance of which never existed in .tj the North, and it was as much the interest of the , t North to abolish slavery, as it was of the South 1 1 AUGUSTA WASHINGTONIAN. A WEEKLY PAPER: DEVOTED TO TEMPERANCE, AGRICULTURE, & MISCELLANEOUS READINGS. Vol. If!.] to retain it. it was a business arrangement, re sulting from motives of interest and policy with both, the South having the additional plea of its own safety to urgein the case. The North knew that to abolish slavery, was to banish the negro. The South knew that to abolish slavery, was to turn the negro loose, in countless numbers, with out restraint or control. Its abolition North pre sented no danger, then or in prospect; but it is admitted on ail bands, that its abolition South, at any time, for at least sixty years past, would have been attended with the most imminent dan ger. Even were the Southern States to try the experiment of keeping in slavery the present generation, while making legal provision for the iieedom ot the next, it would establish a princi ple, in the view of the mass of slaves, which would give birth to an amount of impatience and irritation, endangering the safety of the whole South. W hat was safe and laudable in the North, would have been suicidal and ruinous in the South. The utility of slavery mingled with and strengthened the religious Convictions ot the North. One of the fundamental princi ples of all slavery, the interest of the master, was attacked in the North, and made its appropriate impression. During all this period, however, emancipation in the South, without the removal ot the negro, would have been, nut Southern but Mationul madness, for it only would have dis posed and prepared the two races for mutual destruction. Any state of things, tending to dis turb the existing relations between the races in the South, and which does not at the same time, contemplate the removal of one, must tend to the destruction of one or both of them. Since the foundation of society, the white and Mark races have never co-existed, under the same govern ment on equal footing, and m ver can. If the two races, as is 1 ntiroly certain, cannot mingle, they must, as it regards equality of intercourse, wholly separate, and win re the number of blacks jis considerable, sueli separation without remu j v<d is impossible, except in a slate of slavery or I civil discord. The whole order of society in the I United States, mu.-t be first subverted and then re j modelled, before the negro Can, by possibility, de- I rive and enjoy the same hem fits of society with the white man. It is incontestibly true of the whole North, from Maine to Illinois, that in the ; proportion the legal distinctions between the w bite man and negro are abolished, new barriers to any thing like • quality of intercourse, are stu diously thrown up by the white population, hy means of which, the negro is re-enslaved, and I more hopelessly doound, to all the disadvantages of both caste and condition. The whole course j of the North, tbr a half century, proclaims their purpose and policy, not to mingle with the negro, and yet they are incessantly pursuing a course,' the object ot whic h is to compel the South to . mingle with them, tor this the South must do in 1 some form, or else keep them in slavery, unh ss they can he removed. The repugnance of which we speak is invincible. Nature, no less than the habit and the associations of age s, lias estabtish- I ed visible and indelible signs and reasons of sep aration. If we subdue and overcome the mere j fact of servitude, the evil re mains, as it regards the actual condition and welfare of the negro, and in most instances is increased beyond esti -1 motion. Wherever they are found, the free ne ; groes of this country are deprived of all the more important privileges of social humanity, and are j literally suffering a debasement, in everything ; except the name, worse than slavery. At every j contact with society they are repulsed arid put down. Their very color renders them alien to all about them—to every other race. They have no country, and unprepared by their previous des ' tiny to obey the voice and submit to the dictates jof law and reason, few of them act as though they had any property in themselves. Thou sands of them perish annnally lor want of the protection and supply realized in a state of sla very. After an experiment of fifty years in the North, no elevation of the negro character, no improvement of tbeir condition has taken place. As slavery recedes, the prejudice against the ne gro increases. All the non-slaveholding States, especially those where slavery has never exist ed, are tolerant even of the presence of the ne gro. Look at the impartial humanity of Ohio and other free States, whose laws not only ex clude the slave hut the “ free and equal” negro, and deny him not merely the right of holding property but even of residence, it is unlawful ior any citizen of < ;hio to employ a negro ( free of course,) to do a day’s work to keep him from starving, unless he shall have first given security both lor maintenance and good behavior. The whole movement of the North—the entire policy of the free States, has been a system ot death to the negro. In their miserable freedom, so called, they have died two to one in a stale of slavery. Interest or humanity may abolish abstract slavery, but the interposition of omnipotence seems necessary to relieve the negro from the weight of disabilities beneath which he is crushed. The declaration of his freedom is a fraud in every State of this Union. Both prejudice and law proclaim it im possible, in the existing state ol things. The or dinary eligibilities of citizenship are no where his. T he white man and the negro may not separate, j as to the “ bounds of habitation,” but they do not, \ cannot combine. They may he together, but to I mingle is impossible. The distinction, for exam- 1 pie, as it relates to color alone, appears so lound cil in an invincible law of nature, that in no in stance, in the history of civilization, has it yielded to the influence of circumstances. This may he all and utterly wrong ; our business is j with the fact only Kindred reasons and argu- J ment may be multiplied indefinitely. Dispropor- j lionate, inadequate compensation for labor, is as- : sumed as a iundamental element—one of the chief disadvantages of slavery, and it is an argu ment principally relied on by abolitionists, of ev every sect and color, and yet it is susceptible of theclearest demonstration, that the slave of the South* (in an annual estimate,) gets more than the free negro of the North; and, by the show ing of the Northern argument, is less a slave. — Every victim of injustice is a slave, and such is the negro every wherein the North. Crushed by the indirect tyranny of law, and the tolerance of public opinion, he is the miserable victim of all kinds of injustice and hardships. And what must be the sober decision of history with regard to those w ho pity the negro until he becomes free, an# then starve him to death 7 The mooted question of negro rights and worth, and his title to Northern sympathy and protection, are drop-j jted the moment the negro becomes free, and ap- AUGUSTA, GA. JUNK 7, 1845. peals to the Northern court of errors for the prom- j ised boon of equal, social and political rights.— j 1 Notwithstanding all the paraded humanity^of the ! North on the subject no actual abolition of sli- \ eery lias ever talcen place in the United iUutes. — j ' I lie proclamation to this effect is an imposition \ upon the civilized world. The servitude of the j negro, and the injustice, and hardships of his lot : have merely changed their form. The legal pnn- j , \ ciple of slavery is abolished in the North, but all j 1 ! New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, j &.C., Jo not contain a single negro who is free, ; in the sense ot the Declaration of American !n - dependence—not one. No where does the ne • gro meet the white man—no where is ho met hy - him upon terms of equality There is no civil, 1 social, domestic, or even religious intercoamiunity • ol enjoyment or suffering. They are deprived of • the most important rights of mankind. Both by i law and public opinion they are condemned to ' hereditary degradation and misery. Their liber- I tv is a lie and a cheat. In what do they find ’ ■ themselves free, except to be neglected, scorned, . - and trodden under foot. Prejudice, manners j • | and custom, turn aside and bear down the fruit- j ‘ ' less provisions of legislation. Theieisthat.con- | , j stitutntiy interwoven with the popular feeling of; 1 j the American | eople, in relation to the unlortu- : I i nate negro, which law can never efface It is ; - ; even true, that the prejudice against the negro in- ! I f creases with theprogressofemancipation. 'Take ■ any of the Northern States—that which nearest ! i i approaches the Utopia of modern abolitionism, ; , I and notwithstanding the affranchisemeut of the : i negro in law, if a white person marry a negro, ! ’ infamy is the result. Free negroes, with very J • few exceptions as to places, dare not avail them- i ! selves of the right of suffrage, even w here it is 1 , allowed. They are no where credible witnesses . | against white persons-(the attempt of the late , j General Conferi nee to make tin m such, notwith ’ standing.) '1 here is not a State in this Union • i where a negro is essentially an equal party in an r | action at law. W here is the negro admitted ns ' I equal jieer nnj compatriot with the white man 1 - Where as juror, judge, or counsellor lls there any office of trust or honor to which lie is etigi > hie ! What school receives the two races togeth - ;er without being placed under the public ban 1— • | Can the negro’s money procure him a seat at the • j Theatre or Opera w ithout some signal of his in < j feriority offered in atonement to those who wish - 1 it to he understood they Imt tolerate his presence, < . albeit tli ey have sworn him free and equal 1 . — I ! W hat hospital or poor house receives him, except - i opart from the priviledged white so Hirer with ; out. it may be half the sense or virtue of the ne r grol Even the Chuich assigns him a distant , ; seat and dilierent altar. ’J he grave itself pei pi t , j uates the distinction, hy disowning the fellow > ship id his dust. In life and death alike, he is 11 proscribed and trodden under foot as un alien • and outcast, and his degradation is thus made to i accompany him to the very gates of Heaven.— 1 ’ And all this is true to a muon greati r extent ni ■ (be North than in the South. The free negro - North is used—allowed to lire if he can, and at i 1 any rate is at perfect liberty to die , but no where s ! is he protected, encouraged, and rewarded, in all , I the liberty-loving North. Paradoxical as it may - seem, there is nothing resembling sympathy and - equality of moral relation hetwi en the race’s, ex ' cept in the South, where the one, in the propor -1 lion of seven in ten, is enslaved to the other.— ; Here, to & great extent, the children of the two / rucesgrovv up together, and, as a general rule, t cherish for each other, in a great or less degree, > interest and attachment. Similar reasoning ap -1 plies to the household circle, as it regards adults. • ; There is a natural sense of obligation and kind ’ i ness, on the one hand, and of dependence and 1 gratitude on the other, leading to many of the - kinder offices of human intercourse, without ' i which the heart must be utterly desolate. Ido • | not claim for the South that this view of the sub : ject applies to all slavehuldirig individuals and > families. There are but too many exceptions to the rule, and 1 shalll not attempt to protect them - from the execration they deserve, tor neglect and , cruelty in relation to their abused and suffering slaves. Nor do 1 intend to charge upon the Noith, or free States, that there are no individu -1 als or families who treat the negro as he deserves, ■ I speak only of the general rule, in both cases, ■ and am anxious togive lull force to the exceptions, ! j both as it regards number and weight. Individu- I i als and families in the South have, doubtless, ! acted infamously toward their slaves, and con -1 I tinue to do so, as individuals and families in the | North have, and continue to act, toward their ' ; hired and apprenticed servants, and formerly to ward their slaves also. Most cheerfully do we ! 1 bear testimony, that individuals and associations in the North, have, in many instances, acted nu -1 hi v toward the negro, whether free or slave.— What we ask, is, that the exceptions, in both ca ses, may be fairly contrasted with the general ! rule. The abolition of slavery has been extensively | agitated, three several times in the United States. I The first was about the time of the formation of ; the Federal Government. Shortly after theadop j tion of the Constitution, numerous abolition peti i tions reached Congress, under the administration ! j of Washington, praying the interposition of the | General Government. They were respectfully ! received and referred loan able committee, as all | such petitions should be, arid the report of the | committee was, that the General Government had nothing to do with the subject—no right to inter fere in any way, as the matter belonged wholly j to the slave bolding States, without any right on the part «.f individuals, societies, churches, or the j ! free States, even, to meddle with it. And so the ; I matter was disposed of, apparently to the satis- j ( faction of all concerned, and the excitement died i away. The next abolition era, connects with the ad- 1 mission of Missouri, thirty years after, when the ! compromise to which we have alluded took place, I and again settled the question. The third move ment followed thatof England, in relation to that of Wost India Slavery, and has continued ever since, although the movements —the emancipa tion proposed here, and that which took place in the West Indies—are utterly unanalagous. Here, the negroes are in the midst of us, locally j mixed up with a great people, being to the white population as one in three. There, they were scattered among a cluster of distant islands, and were twenty to one as to number, rendering an expensive military force indispensable to safety, |in each island. Had four millions of negro j slaves been mixed up with the people of England, In land. Scotland anil Wales,does any sane per- 1 [No. 47. i son suppose they would have been emancipated Iby the English Parliament ! Or rather, is it not | certain they would not have been, unless their ! j instant removal (tail been provided for I It is an l instance, therefore, of the most stupid injustice, | to attempt to reason hy analogy from the one to the other. Long before any appeal was heard from the North, the voice of the South was em j piratic in the denunciation of negro slavery. The j • colonies of Virginia and Georgia, and even South I Carolina, boldly remonstrated against the iuipoli- 1 j cy and inhumanity of the slave trade, and its j consequences, when they knew their Sovereign \ was a smuggling slave merchant, dividing the J spoil with a large number of his own subjects, and those of other nations. The South too, has always shown itself more ready than the North,! to gei rid of the negro by removal and coioniza- : lion in Africa, or elsewhere, if it be found practi- j cable The great mass of Southern slaveholders resist general emancipation, not because it is in- j consistent with their interest, viewed as a ques- | I tion of political economy, hut because they know j i ! to be utterly incompatible with their safety. ' Upon the consequences of the immediate, indis- j i criminate emancipation ofthc slaves of the South, : 'j or emancipation by any other than very graduate j ! methods, 1 ain not disposed to dwell. All sober i | minded men, however, indulge the apprehension, ! j that were the slaves thus let loose, they might be | led to think and feel like the negroes of St. Do mingo, butchering the whole European popula-1 ■ tion, in gratitude lor the decree of the'French i Assembly of 1791, declaring them “free ami j equal” to the whites. Who does not know, that j every rash movement of the North endangers the I safety ot the South, and compels further resort to ; precautionary measures of safety, thus subjecting the slave to an abridgment of right and enjoy ment which had never before been thought of but ; tor the gratuitous obtrusion of Northern inter ference. It is already perceptible, that in the West In dies, unless other systems of servitude, the new types of slavery already introduced, should check the tendencies of the emancipation act, imposed j upon the islands against their consent, the Euro- \ pean rare, yielding to the negro, is likely to be come extinct. And should the North impose a ! similar emancipation upon the South, in violation, of the compromise ol tlieCnnstiiution, amonu the immediate and necessary effects, sooner or later, | the breaking upol the American Confrdrrnt on, j and the destruction of the negro race in the South j ! must betrumbered. Look at the Maroons of Ja- ! i maiea; ever since their freedom thry have utterly ; abandoned themselves to universal idleness, with I all its attendant evils and vices, obdurately refus ' ing to labor, under uny circumstances, even to prevent starvation. The bloody insurrections ' too, in the Island of Burbadots, in 181 ti, taking into the account, causes and consequences, is a comment to the same general effect. Improvi dence nod idleness, vagrancy ami crime, are the I notorious trims of emancipation in the United 1 States and the West Ind.es. Crime, in the Urn- j ted Stalls, among free negroes, is in something > like tenfold proportion, compared with what it is \ \ among Southern slaves, and the mortality is more j ■ than double. Our criminal and medical statistics l abundantly attest these fuels. A pretty exten j sive acquaintance with more than half the States i of this Confederacy, and about an equal number, North uml South, has led me to believe that tile slaves of the South are better conditioned and better satisfied than the free negroes of the North ; and, as a general rule, are better informed, espe cially on the subject ol their moral relations. Anil, also, that they are well disposed’, and in clined to virtue and morality, greatly beyond those of the North, or the lyui negroes of the South. The latter too, do much better in the South than in the North. Two reasons have long operated accordingly, in driving free negroes from the Noith, where they properly belonged, to the South. First, the repulsive inhumanity of the North, in so treating them that they have preferred seeking shelter in the Southern Stales. And, secondly, the fact, that even the free ne groes, so injuriously to the Southern slave inter est, have generally fared better in the South than in the North; and thus a large proportion of the freed slaves of the North, especially from 1790 to 1830, subsisted, in act, on Southern charity. About three millions and a half of slaves are j now part and parcel oflhe population ot the Uni- j ted States. They are here in our midst, .and j must he governed, and must have support. Thev were originally entailed upon us, against our will and wishes, by the mother country, during our j colonial existence; hut being hete, they must j 1 remain and he controlled, unless some plan can j be adopted for tlisir removal. Remaining, how j can they be governed, except in a state of slave ry 1 Every State in the Union isdisposed to cast off the few who are free. Every where their pre sence is regarded as an evil, if not nuisance. The South will not emancipate except upon con dition of removal. The North will not consent to receive even a fair proportion of them, should they become free ; and what is to bo done with • hem! Their gradual emancipation and remo val has never been objected to by the South; and carried out upon the piinciples of the original j compromise of the Constitution, never will be. ! We say to our common country, free us of the 1 danger, and we consent to the removal of the evil. In this view of the subject, three questions i press upon us:—our own good, in the slave States; the good of the negro, free and slave; i j and the common good of the country. In our i ; deliberate judgment, those who are conducting j the Northern crusade against Southern slavery, j ; have ini eye to either, or having any such end in i j view, have been infinitely unfortunate in the se- i j lection of means, and the temper displayed in the I | use of them. If the clamorous censors of South- j 1 ern policy are the true friends of the negro, why * | do they, in the same breath urge emancipation in I | the South and legislate to exclude the negro ' , from the free States? Is it merely intended in tli is way to annoy the South by a violation of the I plain duties of citizenship, or are they willing to be understood as conceding that there is no chance for the negro except in the South 7 Pseudo-Aristocracy. There is in this world a certain class i of people, who are continually aiming to 1 be something which they are not, nei- 1 ther have they in their power to become what they fancy they arc; we have no | better namebv which to know them than 1 WASHINGTONIAN' TOTAL ABSTINENCE PLEDGE. We, whose names are hereunto an nexed, desirous of forming a Society for our mutual benefit, and to guard against a pernicious practice, whicn is injurious to our health, standing and families, do pledge ourselves as Gen tlemen, not to drink any Spirituous or Malt Liquor*, I Vine or Cider. i pseudo-aristocrats. Men of this ciasi, who possess no more brains than an oys iter, but who have been cradled in the lap of idleness, and led at the table of laziness, fancy that they are entitled to j a place in the ranks of the aristocracy jof society—and that they can look ;down with contempt upon those who are far their superior in everything that con ! stitutes the man*. i If there is any class in society that should be treated with pitiful contempt, j by those who depend upon their talent, arid honest industry for tiieir success in i life, it is those who are prompted by a false ambition to aspire to any aristoernti i cal distinctions—wholly regardless of tho good qualities that are found in the hearts and minds of those whom fortune has seen (proper to place below them. We know , some of those psetidoisticul creatures who will read the literary productions of (some author with pleasure—sit in com pany and try to bring his oyster brain in- Ito exercise in criticising the merits of the work—and finally come to the grave conclusion that the work is one of high literary merit, and that it reflects great credit on the head and heart of tho au thor. But let that author come in that com pany in the capacity of a poor, humble mechanic, or hard working man, and such hair-brained fops will treat him with contempt, or scorn to notice him ut ail. Such persons do the most injury to themselves—they will sink where others (rise —one will be losing his wealth while the other by his talent and perseverance ■ will he laying the foundation for that prosperity which will never forsake him, and by which lie will ultimately be ena i hied to outride all the perplexities and i vicissitudes of this life, and secure for ( himself a haven of rest which the proud and ostentatious seldom think of seek ing. It Was self-taught men who built up our glorious institutions of Liberty, and yet a certain pseudo-aristocracy strike at the very foundation of all that is nohlo and magnificent in our land—all j that is good and generous in society : but we believe that their influence is limited (in American society, and that it will soon cease to exist must he the heurt-fi It wish of every lover of true social de mocracy.—N. Y. Express. The Carolina Mountains for Sheep Walks. —There is not in the world a li ner country for Sheep Husbandry than the mountainous regions of South Caro lina. If a few of our enterprising land holders, who are largely interested in those high-lands, would unite in some plan of operations for inducing the set tlement of respectable emigrants from Europe or the Northern States—emi grants familiar with the grazing business, and wool growing, OUr mountain regions would soon present returns scarcely in ferior in value to the products of tho lands in the best agricultural sections of the State. The entire districts of Spar ;tanburg, Creenville, Pickens, Anderson, with poitions of Laurens, Union and York, would afford room for many mill- ( ions of sheep. j Sheep Husbandry is rendered profita ble with land valued at thirty dollats an acre in the hard climate of Vermont, also in Spain, Germany and England in which country land cannot be bought at any price ; and with these examples before us, why shduld we longer neglect to im prove the resources within our reach*?— Let us hope that a few of our enterpri sing landholders will unite their efforts and go ahead resolutely in this good work. We think we could refer them j to persons who could devise a plan of op erations that cduld not tail to prove large ly beneficial to all concerned.—Colum bia Carolinian. Sharp shooting. “I belong to a rifle company in Ver ; mont, one hundred strong, called tbe •Mountain Peak Rangers.’ Our captain takes us out every week to practice ; he ! draws us up single file, ahd setting a bar ! rel rolling down a steep hill, we com mence shooting from the right to the left, Jby file, at the bung hole as it comes up! You know, stranger, this is pretty quick work. We then shoot by sections, then by platoons, and lastly by company. Al - the shooting is Over, our captain ex amines the barrel, and if he finds a sin gle shot that did’nt enter the bung hole, the member that missed, is expelled ; and I I assure you, sir, that I have belonged to this company eight years, and there | has not been a single member expelled 'during the whole of that time!'’