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fmslMmvM K XUjmblit.' JAMES GARDNER, JR , / and J Editor.. JAMES M. SMYTHE, ) aku sta, ga. WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOV. 26. Amusing. We have been amused for some time at the appropriation made by the Washington Onion and the Washington Republic,o( the triumph of the Constitutional Union party at the late elec tion in this State. The former claims it as a Democratic victory, and the latter as a Whig victory. They seem to have practiced ujion the rule, that one story is good till another is told, still we thought, by this time, with all the light ut the press, they would have seen that neither story, as told by them, is true. We think the Republic is Higher right than the Inion, but when it gets its eyes open, it will find that it will have to take its trouble for its pains in the premises. The leaders of the tri umpl ant party here, say that they belong to neither of the two great parties. They profess to wield a two-edged battle-axe, which they declare will cut terribly upon one party or the other, or both, as they may happen to come up to, or fall short of their demands. The truth of the matter is this. The late con test in Georgia was not fought between Whigs and Democrats, but Southern Rights men and Constitutional Unicn men. The latter made the people believe that the former were trying to blow up the Union. We heard of one Compro mise enthusiast, who contended that they were trying to blow up creation. No wonder, with these dreadful ideas in the people's heads, that the madcap, disunion, Southern Rights men, in stead of blowing up the Union, or creation, got blovved up themselves. It was, then, a Union victory obtained by false pretensions and repre sentations. That's the truth of the whole mat ter, let the Union and Republic dob and paint up the ease as they may. We admit, however, as we hinted before, that whiggery got somewhat the upper hand. As to how the whole matter will turn out, it is not exactly in the power of any one yet to say. Whether Mr. Toombs af ftett the “ obsolete ” about whiggery, or is play ing |Hi.ssum, we cannot yet say, but we think it most probable that national whiggery will get more kicks than lifts from him. We have been led to say more upon this sub ject than we intended at the outset, our object having been merely to allude to the singular ap parent blindness of our two Washington city co'einporaries. It is evident they need light, or pectacles, one. Tlio Constitutional Union Party. The professed object for which the Constitu tional Union party was brought into existence, was to save the Union. We think another mo tive was its orgiu, a master passion, the deep passion of a selfish and unquenchable ambition. But we wish not to stir up the fires of strife. Hence, we pass this point, and ask if the object, lor which this party was formed, has not been ac complished * lias it not saved the Union, llbavmi UVA lVw» ***.!• 1 C..» ll.« Uni-n In no danger!) anil run its legitimate course ! Why keep up its present organization ' There is no such party in any other State. Kvery where else, but in Georgia, parties are divided upon Whig and Democratic principles. Could any thing lie more ridiculous than for the Con stitutional Union party, of Georgia, to pretend to hold, in its feeble hands, the power to turn the scales in a great Presidential contest—to pre tend that the fate of (he Union depends upon its organization ? Why, therefore, should it stand in a state of lasting estrangement from all other parties, and pretend to be holier than the rest? Does it set itself up, now, to be the peculiar guardian of Southern rights, and the whole Union itself ? Some of the other Stales would be very apt to ridicule that pretension, if they did not absolute ly tieat it with contempt. It is perfectly idle to talk about making the entire Constitutional Union a Democratic party. There is too much Fillmoreism, and Webster ism, and Federalism, and Consolidationism, and theie's no telling how much other ism, in it, for that. You could as easily make a swan of a crow, as to make them Democrats. Then, let those who are opposed to all these isms, come out from among the rest, and join the Democrats. The Union Democrats will have no difficulty in doing so. for the Union is safe. The Worst red-eyed fire-eaters admit that. Those Union Democrats certainly do not sympathize with the isms to which we have referred. Their natural position is with their old friends, and, certainly, their political sympathies, as to na tional politics, are. Come, then, and unite with IIS. It has been announced that, that party will stand off, wrapped up in its supposed dignity, to see what the National Conventions will do. Did it not condemn the Nashville Convention for recommending this policy, as disorganizes and factionists ! Why, those Conventions may light the funeral torch ol the Union, the Constitutional Unionists profess to love so much. Its fate may depend upon their action. How important then, it is to go into those Conventions, with a’ view to shaping their resolutions and policy in such away as to make them, and the action upon them, compatible with the existence of the Union. This Constitutional Union party, in stead ol staying out, ought to go into the Con vention, the one or the other, as they may choose, to exercise there, its moral power, to the utmost extent, to have justice done for the sake of the Union. They certainly cannot, now, fear the Southern Rights or Democratic party, lor the members of that party desire, with clean hearts and honest motives, to go up to the great nation al gathering of the Democracy, to offer their best fruits upon the altar of a national reconciliation. We ardently hope and trust that, that will be the feeling throughout the Southern States. We would fain hope that it might be the feeling of our respected sister State of South Carolina. She would display her magnanimity, her devotion to the liberty and Union established by our fathers, if she would consent to make this trial, once again, in the spirit of brotherly love. Love has been said to be the cordial drop of life. Who knows but that, if it is distilled again, upon the hearts of our brethren from every sectiou of the Union, it may have a healing power to save, and j protect, and honor every section of our beloved I country. Let us do our duty, at least—make an other noble effort for the whole country, and its undivided glory and happiness. Concert Halt.—Theatre. The 1 heatrical Corps performing here is an excellent one, and they are nightly bringing out favorite pieces in a very creditable style. They announce for this evening the new and popular Drama of “ Isabelle, 1 with the amusing after piece of “ Dead Shot. :! The plays selected for the benefit of the family of Bernard Roe, for to-morrow evening, are the Comedy of the “ Honey Moon,” and 11 Mi chael F.arle, or the Maniac Lover.” Death of General Tarver. We regret to l«arn, through a letter from a friend, of the death of General Hartwell H. Tar ver. He expired at his residence, in Twiggs county, on the 19th instant. His family and community, sustain a heavy loss in the death of this good citizen and excellent man. He was distinguished for his integrity, energy of cl.a-ac ter, soundness of judgment and social qualities and virtues. He was reported the largest cotton planter in the State, and his kindness and charities will he re membered by many who experienced and re ceived them. Thus has fallen a good man and public spirited citizen. Reipiincut in Pace. Brigham Young, the Governor of Utah, has renounced all allegiance to the United States, and all the U. S. Officers who are not Mormons have been driven from the territory. Fiji.to.Vs old Cotton Factory, situated at the Northern extremity of Howard-st., Baltinore, was, together with seven or eight adjoining houses, totally destroyed by fire oil the 1 sth inst. The property was partially insured. The bill recently pending before the General Assembly of Vermont, to allow the Atlantic and St. Lawrence Rail Road Company further time to make their location in that State, finally passed on Friday, the 14th inst.: and was approved by the Governor. The cotton factory at Norfolk, which lias been lying idle lor several years, has been purchased by Mr. Alexander Dalrtmim.e, from Glasgow, (Scotland,) who intends to put it in operation forthwith, for spinning and weaving cotton cloths. The Steamer Gen. Taylor. — A roiiiuiuni, cation in the Pensacola Gazette of Saturday week iiii "ms us that the little steamer Gen. Taylor, which left that place on the 13th of last month with the commandant of the station on board had rather a rough time. She arrived in Tampa Bay on Sunday, the 18th, after having had a pretty severe time. The second day out they carried away the smoke stack in a gale of wind, hut under the skillful and experienced manage ment of her engineer, a piece of it was made lo answer, and carried her in safety to Tampa. In this gale she was obliged to heave to, and lay for twenty hours in a heavy sea. riding with a kedge and spar. She staid two days at Tampa repair ing stack and boilers. Oil Tuesday, the ‘JOth, she left for Key West, and after a good run arrived there on Thursday evening; remained until the aiith, when with a prospect of good weather ami a good r in, she put out for Savannah. On the 17th inst., Mr. Win. Hutchison slab bed Mr. Jackson McCurry at his residence, in Abbeville, so seriously in the left side that lie is not expected to survive. Hutchison says that McCurry was about striking his wife with an axe, when he interfered, and having a knife in his hand at the time,accidentally indicted (lie wound, lie expressed his intention of at once surrendering himself to the authorities. Col. W. W. Avery, who, as we have already mentioned shot Mr. Samuel Fleming in the Court House at Morganton, N. C., was acquitted on the 10th inst., by a Jury composed of high ly intelligent and respectable men, who were not out more than ten minutes before they agreed on their verdict. There never was (says the Rutherfordton N. C. Mountain Banner,) a ease tried in this country, the decision of which caused more universal satisfact ion, and we may say gra tification. Gold at the Mint.— The Philadelphia Bul letin states that the amount of gold bullion re ceived at the Mint in Philadelphia, from the Ist inst., to the 19th, reaches the large sum of $3- 000,000. This amount exceeds all the ship ments to Europe of the present month, including that by the Canada on Wednesday. Then we have the couple of millions received that morn ing by the Georgia, to meet future wants, so that there will still he a handsome excess in the im ports over the exports. The entire receipts at the Mint in Philadelphia promise to be larger this month than ever before, and a considerable amount lias also gone to the New Orleans Mint. (communicated.) To the People of Georgia—Let both sides be heard. 1 have noticed in the public prints, an address by a Committee of the Educational Convention recently assembled at Marietta, “To the Peo ple of the State of Georgia,” in which, in my opinion, they greatly overrated the advan tages of the Common School system, which they recommend to the people, and at the same time, do great injustice to the present system, both by underrating its advantages, and by over estima ting its defects. 1 took it but doing justice to the cause of education, to notice a few positions taken by the Committee in that address. And in doing so, I took the occasion to disavow all motives, but a desire to aid the cause of educa tion generally, amongst our people, and as freely to accord to the gentlemen composing that Com mittee, a similar worthy motive. In the address they say: " After much delibe ration and a very full expression of opinion by I a large majority, the Convention adopted a pie- j amble and resolutions, &e.” lam under the im- j pression, that before the preamble and resolution s | were reported to the Convention for its action, a large portion of the Delegates had left on the tip- j ward or morning train, —that when the report was made, it was accompanied by the adoption and rigid enforcement of a five minutes rule, against all the s[ieakers except Mr. Toombs, and one or two other favorite individuals, —that after the vote on Mr. Pierce's substitute, otiier Delegates left the room.—and that the time, from the report of the preamble and resolutions, to their final adoption, including the discussion on J Mr. P. s substitute, on one or two amendments. I and a recess for dinner, did not exceed four hours, j Under such a state of facts, I am at a loss to con- ! ceive, how there could have been either " much deliberation, or a very full expression of opin ion by a large majority Although I am decidedly convinced, by long experimental acquaintance, that our present sys tem is far pre erable to that proposed by the Committee : I shall not deny that it needs some modification, which however, may be easily made: yet I shall say. that it contains the rudi ments, or general features of the best plan that Georgia can adopt. This I expect to show, in meeting the objections to it which have been urged by the Committee, and in answering the argument in favor of their proposed system of district free schools. The first objection to the present system by the Committee is, the irregularities in the re turns of poor children to the Executive office. — These irregularities have occurred to a small ex tent : but the remedy is so easy and plain, that we should hardly expect to hear it seriously urged as an objection to the system. Let some other basis of distribution, at all times to be found in the office of the Executive, be adopted; say representative or voting population, Ike., and the defect is at once healed, and this objection ob viated ; for then no returns at all will be needed. The next objection, if 1 rightly apprehend it, is, that a large number of poor children are not sent to school at all. and that those who are sent are not, upon an average, more than tour months in each year. Both these positions may be true. With regard to the latter, 1 say that if poor child ren can he spared from labor, and allowed to go to school four months in each year, which is nearly one half ofa school year with us, it is as much as ought to be expected under nny system- In regard to the latter. 1 say, that 1 amsoriyto be compelled to admit its truth to some extent. Ifet the Committee have not shown that the same would not be true to a greater extent un der the proposed system, for a long series of years, and to an equal extent, in all time to come. I’hese consequences must inevitably result from their plan, and the manner of its introduction; since they propose to introduce their system very gradually, beginning with one school in each county. The consequences would be, the pre sent system being abolished, that all other parts of each county, for many years to come, would be wholly deprived of the means of education for their poor children, and at the end of this indefi nite term of years, would not be in a better con dition than they are, under the present system. The truth of this case is, no system can be de vised which can secure the constant attendance of all, orall the children of the poor, which does not use compulsion,and at ttie sametimes, does not make provision by the government, so (lie sup port ofa very large number of poor families, who are wholly dependent for clothing, home and sup port on the labor of those children. This the plan of the Committee d >es not propose to do, and therefore, cannot be expected to educate a larger number than the present system, if so large. To reach all the cliil Iren of the poor, to say nothing of those ol the middle and higher classes, any sys tem must be supplied with a fund so large, that the income of it will be sufficient to |>ay the board, clothing and tuition expenses, of all the children, and support a vast number of their parents. For if you take from them the labor of their children, you deprive them and their children of all their means of support; and the government must sup port them, or they must beg or steal. There can be no reasonable doubt, that our present system, with a much less fund, and some change in some of its features, will carry the benefits of educa tion to a much larger number of poor children, than the system of common district free schools, since the clients of the latter, (common schools) would be, to put down the intermediate schools between the College and the common schools, withdrawing their pupils from them, as well as the portion of the school funds which they re ceived under tlifc present system, and also, to limit the number of schools in the State, for all time to come, except perhaps in the cities and larger towns, to one school in each district.— While the effects of the former (the present sys tem) are, to encourage the building up of schools without limits; and at the same time, it extends a kindly, fostering influence to the Academies and higher schools. And I asked how the com mon schools would destroy the Academies ? The answer is palpably plain and obvious. Let a free school be established near an Academy, either in a village or in the country, and it will at once take so many pupils from the Academy, that the latter will be unable to sustain itself, and must go down. This effect is not produced by our present system, because the Academies get a share of the school fund by having poor children sent to them, which could not be done under the plan of the Committee. In this report alsoi it cannot fail to be apparent, that our present, system is greatly superior to the proposed plan. 1 have been wholly unable to deduce the con clusion, at which the Committee seem to have arrived, “that they (common schools, Acade mies, high schools and Colleges) will work well together, the common schools serving as feeders to them, and they in their turn furnishing the necessary teachers,” from any process of reason ing which has been suggested to my mind: and the Committee do not give the reasons. I think I have shown, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the proposed system of common schools, must operate very injuriously upon the Academies oi all grades. And as the Academies are almost the only “ feeders' 1 to the Colleges, if they be destroyed or materially injured by the common school system, 1 cannot see how its effects upon the Colleges, can be otherwise than very hurt ful. Another objection of the committee to the present system, which they seem to regard as the broad sword by which its existence is to be terminated at a single blow, is “its gross injus ice to the poorer counties where there is the greatest number of poor children, and the least ability, to bear taxation.’’ This sword may have two edges, and may cut both ways Allow the facts, in regard to Newton and Jasper, and Union and Gilmer, to be such as they are stated to be by the committee; and what do they prove? Why certainly, that Newton and Jasper would pay into the State Treasury, very nearly six times as much as Union and Gilmer, and would draw from the State fund less than one twenty fifth part of what would be drawn by Union and Gilmer. The argument of the committee can AUGUSTA WHOLESALE PRICES CURRENT, NOVEMBER 26, 1 8 5 L ARTICLE-. , WHOLESALE- DI-TT. ARTICLE-. PER WHOLESALE SOTI.” Bank \oVT 1)1 83&:;:j::::j 111 St* - ' BALE ROPE—Jute :.S.. ~iSi 81 25 cent. Summer do ....100® 112 Bank of Augusta Kentucky I - Lin-ced bbl.OOo <c 100 20 cent. Branch State of Georgia. Augusta BACON-Ham* \ Tanners 060 000 Bank of Brunswick Sides 11 («t 12 >2O lpct Lard lOu fa, 112 ~ . _ „ , 5h0u1der5....!..!.... a (,y 10} ) POTATOES bbl. 325 m 3 50! Georgia Rail-Road BUTTER—Goshen "rime .so., 20;./) 23 20 pcent. PIPES 062 a* 150 Mechanics* Bank BEESWAX ’. If "3 00 d ° z ; ® 3 ,* Bank of St. Marvs CAXDliES^pe^acotG„ ..... g| J® p cent r^MKNTO V..!.!!" !!!!! *! OM| 05& Bank of MiUedgeville '/.| '/ Northern Id I•£ 16 1., . , RAISINS—MaIaga, bunch, box 000:w3 2o ) „ Bank of the State of Georgia, at Savannah CHEESE—Nortnarn J<3 j , tlm Muscate 000®000 j W V Branches of ditto CUiFEE-Cuba............... fl J® * Fair... 4 00 g 4 50i Marine & Fire Insurance Bank, Savannah j ava ’ 1 Li'-i'iVra . ... I l ' S j f French Brandies gall 150 (gj 200 100 P ct. Planters* Bank. Savannah SHIRTINGS, bro. 3-4 1 yd.: j> 1 j Leger Freres 2 75 ® 3 W Central Bank of Georgia •S 7_v 1 S» uj 6 ai | Holland Gin 12o® 100 100 p ct. _ .. 1 brown, yd. wile C; 8J H | American Gin 038® 040 Central KK. & Banking Company. Savannah 53 SHEETINGS.K-0..5-! .!! 10® 13 g. t Jamaica Bum 150 (uj 200 100 p ct. Charleston Banks ,e . bleach-i. 3-4 ....' 11 (at d> N.E. Ruin, hhds ic bbls .... 031® 037 Bank of Camden | CHECKS.'..!.....'. * <>i 12 . * Whiskev Phila.A Balt .... 030® 032 Bank of Georgetown.'.'.'.'. S BED TICK » , Do New-Orleans 030@ 032 Commercial.at Columbia.. = OSNAIiCRGS. oz 3 ** o,vx%!!i. B f*“$ r 100 I£■ 100 Pet. Merchants', at Cheraw -t YARN, (as-orted; if. 1* "i l’ StGAß—Cuba Muscovado .fc.O 6$ ®8 Os Bank of Hamburg FISH —Mackerel. No. 1...' bid.] 12. 1 • 13 P. R. It St. Croix .. 0 7® 8J Alabama Notea ’. Do. N>. 2... .... *’} ) Havana, white 000 DO Tennessee • -ft * di« l)o. i»o. 0; $ 7 >2O Pet New-Orleans 0 7 (a) p ct. * 5 FLOUR Canal . . '....i ?> ) Clarified Brown 0 0 0 NOT BANKABLE. Augusta Canal. j) * i White., bus. 0 'J (g OS, Merchants Bank, at Macon * Georgia, .r00d....... « r > 2 [ 20 p ct Lump fc. 0 10 @ 0 11 . EXCHANGE. FEATHERS —LivjGeese. \b 32 o} 33 ) SALT—Liverpool 000 (a) 1 25 * On New-York GRAIN—Com. 100-e »>u-. 00 'o, 00 t , Loose 000<g 04* Philadelphia ’ .* * pren * ]).». sa/-k .... : ... for, j * v SOAP—American, yellow. sack 0 5 \w_ 0 630 p cent Boston Wheat— >Good \Vh:V» 100 12 SHOT—AII sizes 162@175 20 p cent. Charleston and Savannah.V.V.V. ])o KM r1 00 )anry ct SEGARS Spanish .M. 20 GUNPOWDER - y 6"5 25 f k * TALLOW—American 0 8 (co 0910 p cent Nashville. Tennessee HIDES—Dry * 0 I OQ u * TOBACCO —Georgia fc. 000@ 0 00 ! 30» rt STOCKS • Dry. salted ... 0 I<> \] 20 ? ci Cavendish........ 022g050 j 3O * ct ‘ 6 ceuts STOCKfe IRON —Pig W 00 30 p cent. TWlNE—Bagging 0 18 (g} 025 t par Swedes assorte-l. . on' 4i nb 4j 30 pcent. Seine 030(a0 50 | V CI . . . Ifunp . —.! .yd V-S 6 1 20 l> ct. 050®0 V- | Sue-t !*»• )•’}./) 11 ) * Gunpowder A: Imp otoft 1(X I- Nail Rods 5 -jj 0 Hyson 070 080[ re ' . LEAD Bir .10<» 6 7 w * Young Hyson o7otvo 75 J Savannah UhanilM'r of Commerce. White Lead !....! of** vCI WlNES—Madeira gall. 200%225 30 P cent. =”--=======r._-.-_ ■-~ LARD •!'* • a) 11 j Claret, Marseilles cask 025 (a} 0 6040 pcent. ROBERT HABERSHAM, President. MOLASSES—Cuba gall. 25 /J 27 Do. Bordeaux,doz 300a) 3 5040 pcent. C. GREEN. l*t Vice-President. New-Or!-an . ... (a) 40 ) t Cliampagne 900(a1500 40 p cent. KDW’D. PADELFORD. 2d Vice-President NAILS—Cut. Id. to 2 t ... 350 rg, 375 (* . Malaga 050 06240 P cent OCT A YUS COHEN. Secretary and Treasurer have no force, unless in thi case that the State | pav nothing to the counties, and that the tuition he paid entirely by a county tax. But in that case, w here is the inequality or “ gross injustice complained of by the committee 1 If Union anil Gilmer pay a larger tax, it is for the educa tion of their own children; they have the whole benefit of its expenditure; not a dollar of it goes to other counties. Now this really appears to me to be all fair, equal and just; and there fore, even in this view, is not an argument against the present system, or if it be, it is clear ly destitute of force or point, and does not kill oIF the system at a blo w. Now let us see how the other edge of this fata! instrument may be made to cut. Allow the object aimed at by the argument to be attained. Allow t.ieir system of common Free Sclio ils to be established. 1 hen Union and Gilmer would pay into the School Fund, according to the argument of the commit tee, less than one-fifth a.; much as Newton and Jasper, and would draw from tha' fund mire than tmnhj five times as much as they would. Is there any justice in this I No, indeed; but very “gross injustice,” and this u gross injustice, let me retort, “ must be fatal” to their Common School system. If there be any justice in such a sys tem, I am unable to see it. And I think il the committee will re-consider the argument, they must he sensible that they could scarcely have used one more potential, both for the destruction of their system, and for the establishment, be yond a cavil, of the present system, against which they wage a warfare of total extermina tion. To this mode of using the argument, the committee cannot reasonably object, inasmuch as it is the application ol tlie.r own principles— the other way of working their own rule —the other edge of their own instrument of death. If, then, these facts and thi3 reasoning be cor rect, and 1 think no one who is informed on the subject can doubt that- they are, then according to the admitted principle (injustice) of the com mittee. this objection t > their system must be “ lata!" to its introduction. Thus I have met. and I think, successfully an swered, all the objections urged by the Commit tee against our present system; or. at least, all which appeared to me to require an answer. And it really appears to me, that the system has passed through the contest, unhurt by its assail ants. In regard to the appointment of a “ Bureau oj Education,” I will only y, that such a Bureau would require a large outlay of money, and, in my opinion, would add no benefits, if it would not do actual injury to our present system. If, however, the sy.-tem of the Committee should be unwisely adopted, then, such a Bureau, to gether with many other heavy expenses, as well as other influences, might be required in giving efficiency to the system. Indeed, to put the system, as recommended, into successful and complete operation, and to provide offices for il distinguished" men, would require, I should think, the investment of a sum not less than ten to fifteen millions of 'ollars. This, however, is only a matter of opinion, not bused upon actual calculation. I cannot agree with the Committee, that sparseness of population constitutes no objection to the system which they propose, that is, the Common School system. lam decidedly of the opinion, that it is not only an objection, but an insuperable objection. If the Shite of Maine, as the Committee say in the address, “ has long had one of the best systems of Common Schools,” and has not been able, in this long time, 11 from the sparseness of their population.” to extend its benefits as yet, to some of the counties, but ex tends them gradually, “ as they become fitted for its operation,” (thickly ououga settled.) what reason is there to think, or to say, that the same cause, under the same or a similar system, will not produce the same or similar effects in Geor gia ! And what reason is there to suppose, that this cause will not continue to produce the same results, since it is not likely to be—indeed, never can be, removed ? for Georgia will always be sparsely populated, particularly in the middle and lower counties. I heartily agree with the Committee in the patriotic sentiment expressed in the rhetorical ' tlourish about the “ sons of Cavaliers,”' and the ,l descendants of the Puritans.” But if this is expected to have any influence in favor of their j system, I will only suggest, that the Puritans j were very different in character and circumstan ces from the Cavaliers—and that, therefore, a system might be very suitable for the descend ants of the Puritans, and yet very unsuitable for those who differ so widely from them, both in character and circumstances, as the sons of the Cavaliers. If it be true, as the Committee say it is, that 11 a portion oi the Stale of Tennessee has been only a fete years organized ” under a system of Common Schools, adopted “ as far back as 1530,” which system has been withholding its beneiiss tor nearly twenty years, from the poorest and j most destitute and needy portions of the State* does not the fact speak volumes against the sys tem ? and especially so, since, by its introduction, our present system must be destroyed, which* with its funds increased by a sum not exceeding : one-tenth of the amount required under the Common School system, would extend its bene fits at once, to every neighborhood which might be able to raise even a very small school. 1 1 shall not say merely, that we should “defer the | adoption of the system because all portions of the State are not in a condition to receive equal ben efits from its provisions," but. that we should act wisely to abandon its adoption altogether; be cause its adoption involves the destruction of a , system already in operation, which, in any com parison which can be made between them, is greatly its superior. Let us not destroy, but im prove our present excellent system. The idea of Districts seems to have a great in* ; tluence on the minds ol the Committee, in de j termining the value of any system. 1 am totally 1 at a loss to imagine any good arising from a sys i tern of Districts, which may not be obtained, ; with equal facility, under the present system : | and, without the evils inseparably connected i with the system of Districts. A few of these evils 1 may Im* permitted to mention. The sys tem would destroy an immense capital now in vested in school buildings throughout the State, ' answering all her educational purposes quite as well, under the present system, as new buildings would, under the projiosed system, and without the expenditure of a dollar from the school fund, since very few of these buildings would happen to be near the centre of the Districts, and there fore they must be abandoned, and become use less. Not only this; new houses must be built at or near the centres of the Districts, which would require the expenditure ot several millions of dollars. Now, all this expenditure would be incurred, and this destruction of valuable prop erty, merely for the sake of Districts, which, for aught that I can see, would, after all. confer no real advantages, and serve more to clog than to aid even the proposed system. Again, the District system would limit the number of schools in the county—would takethe direction of their children's education out of the hands of parents, the place where it should al ways be left, and place it in the hands of the i Government, the place where it never should be trusted. Still further; the State would have the control of the funds for the payment of the tui tion. and would return it to the people, in pay ment of their tuition, diminished by the amount of interest, while it has remained in the coders of the State, and in the hands of the officers, and also by the expenses of its transmission through these channels. Better that it should remain in the hands of its owners. Let them make a profit by the use of it during the year, then pay their tuition bills with the principal, and put into their pockets, the interest or profits of its uses. Let me not, however, be understood as being op posed to a system of Free Schools, in tolo. The children of tl ose who are unable to pay for their tuition, must have it free, or remain uneducated. To this extent, [ am an advocate of Free Schools but no farther. And this is the extent to which our present system is a free system, and if it be carried beyond this limit, its value would be pro tanto diminished. The Committee say, "We assert, without boasting, that in no State in the Union, are the higher and middling classes better educated than they are in the State of Georgia at this day." No sentiment expressed in the address is truer than this: and the Committee have as truly as signed the proper cause—the flourishing condi tion of our Academies, High Schools and Col leges. Now, let us examine this fact, and see if we may not cull from it, a lesson ol instruction, which may shed some light upon the question under discussion—the abandonment of our pres ent system, and the adoption of a new one. If we compare our State with the Northern States, we shall find the higher class there, at least as well educated as the same class with us; but the middle class, generally inferior in this respect, to , this class with us. For this inferiority there 1 must be some reasons, and they appear to me quite obvious. Their Colleges are as good and as numerous, at least, as ours, and, as the children of the higher class receive their education in this class of schools, as they do with us, they must necessarily be as well educated. But in those States, the intermediate schools, excepting in cities and large towns—schools in which the children of the middle class, there, as in all countries, receive their education, have been, to a great extent, superceded by their system of Common Free Schools ; so that, this class of citi zens are obliged to educate their children, as a general thing, in the Common Schools; and to be contented with such education for their children, as schools of that class can furnish; which we know, is but moderate. The case is different in Georgia. Under our present system, imperfect j as it is, we find Academies ably conducted, scat- | tered in profusion all over the country, as well a* the cities and towns, in which the children ui the middle class receive education approximatin'’ very closely to that which is obtained in the Colleges. And now, shall we abandon a system which is not only capable of affording, but actually afford, even in an imperfect state, sue, phrasing results, tor the adoption of one, who*- earliest results will inevitably be, to strike down our Academies and High Schools, which are ef fectively doing so much for the cause of educa tion in our State' Never, as I trust, while the motto of Georgia is. “ onward and upward.’’ With regard to the means of supplying the supposed deficiency of teachers for the lowei grade of schools, which is, perhaps, really le* s than many persons suppose it to be, I am con vinced that a Normal School is the best. And that, in addition to those furnished by the AcaJ emies and higher schools, one such school, capa ble of receiving thirty pupils, established at a cost of 1,000 to 1500 dollars, with a salary for a teacher of SSOO to S6OO, would supply the deficiency in a few years, and keep up a full supply of the demand afterwards. I disap prove of the plan suggested by the Committee of obtaining from the State a large appropriation for the Colleges, under the pretext of furuishis a few teachers for the country schools, as an equivalent for it. lam not op|*osed to the grant ing of appropriations by the State, especially to the State Institution, even to the extent ot her ability ; but I am opposed to granting appropria tions for any abject by ail indirection. If the Colleges need the aid of the State, let them haw it as a bona fide aid—a direct appropriation, with out the pretext. I shall notice but one more objection to the system of common schools at this time. But if is one, which I must say, with due respect for the opinion of the committee to the contrary, ii founded in reason and truth: and still further that in the absence ol all other objections, tin* one alone, ought to admonish the advocates ot that measure, that the people of Georgia w ill not abandon the present system, for that pro]*osed to them by the committee. 1 refer to the signal failure of the law of 1537, for establishing com mon schools. This failure was brought about, by a conviction in the public mind, after a trial had been made, that the system was inferior to that which had been superceded by it, (which was substantially the present system.) and mi suited to the character and condition of the peo ple. And 1 have been somewhat surprised, that it is agaiii to be pressed upon the acceptance ot the people of Georgia, after so signal a rebuke, for I think it was almost universally condemned. And now I have only to say, let our school fund be made as large as the available means 1 1 the State will permit—let the rates of tuition be regulated by the Schools to which the poor child ren may be sent, the same as other scholars.— let the distribution of the funds amongst the coun ties be made on some basis, at all times to be found in the Executive Office, —let the counties, as now, have the power to levy a county tax to supply deficiences, —and let the funds, after they shall have been received by the counties, be d>• bursed wholly at the discretion of the county authorities, who will do it more judiciously than the Legislature can, and our present system, thus amended, will do more for education in our State than any other which has yet been proposed. And now, with one additional remark. I sub mit the whole matter to the decision of the peo ple. To substitute the proposed plan in place oi our present plan, would be a great innovation and we should look well to it, before we mexe the change ; remembering all the while, that innovations are not always—yea, not generally, improvements: especially when, as in this case, the changes are great and involve important consequences. It is hoped, as the subject is of vital conse quence to the people, involving the best interests of the State, that Editors who have published the committee's address, will also publish this, in order that both sides may be heard, and a w ise and judicious decision made. Euhi • (Telegraphed for the Charleston Courier .) Further per Steamer Asia. England. —Kossuth continued to be receive, with the most unprecedented enthusiasm, fee submarine Telegraph between Doy p rand Catai* was in successful operation. Advices leceiyed in London represent the yield ot gold in Ae" South Wales to be equal to that ot California Accounts state the King of Hanover, Lncle ° Queen Victoria, to be dying. France —The new electoral law has been re jected, but not withstanding the defeat ol minis ters everything was tranquil. Baltimore, Nov. 24 6, 23 P- M. Cotton. —In the New York Market has ad vanced an eighth of a cent and sales amounted to one thousand bales. Naval stores have advanced. Flour has also advanced an eighth. , Baltimore, Nov. 24,9.52 A. M. Kossuth did not sail from Southampton in tne Washington, but was to have left in the Hum boldt on the 20th inst. * In the New- Orleans market on the 21st ana