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CONSTITUTIONALIST. BY JAMES GARDNER, JR. TERMS. Daily, per annum, in advance $8 00 Tki-Wekkly, per annum 5 00 Wkkkly, per annum, if paid in advance 2 00 These terms are offered to new subscribers, and to old subscribers who pay up all arrearages. In no case will the Weekly paper be sent at $2, on- R- less the money accompanies the order. In no case will it be sent at $2 to an old subscriber in arrears. gy When the year paid for at $2 expires, the paper, if not discontinued, or paid for in advance, will be sent on the old terms, i 2 50 if paid at the office within the year, or $3 if paid at the expiration of the year. IC7* Postage must be paid on all communications and letters of business. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. One square (12 lines,) 50 cents the first insertion, and 37 j cents for the next 5 insertions, and 25 cents for each subsequent insertion. Contracts made by the year, or for a less period, on reasonable terms. LEUAE ADVERTISEMENTS. Sheriff’s Levies, 30 iliya. $2 50 per levy; 00days. $5. . Executors, Administrator’s and Guardian's Sales, Real Estate, (per square, 12 lines) $4 75 Do. do. Personal Estate 3 25 Citation for Letters of Administration 2 75 Do. do. Dismission 4 50 Notice to Debtors and Creditors 3 25 Four Months’ Notices 4 00 Rules Nisi, (monthly) $1 per square, each insertion. By ALL REMITTANCES PER MAIL, ark at our RISK. {From the N. O. Picayune, 16th inst.) Further from Texas. The Southwestern American says that the Rangers belonging to the company ol Capt. Grumbles were ,to be paid off on the Bth inst. in the city of Austin. The cotton worm has made its appearance in the vicinity of Victoria and Lavaca. We learn that the steamship Mexico has sus teined no damage, and will probably be got alloat in a short time. Some idea of the force of the gale in which the Mexico grounded may be form ed from the fact that she had on twenty inches of steam and both anchors out, and had her head to the wind, yet could not be kept from dragging. The steamer Win. Penn, which sunk in the same gale, has been raised. She was not much injured. On the night of the sth inst. an unfortunate occurrence took place in Matagorda. An indi vidual who was arrested two weeks before for the crime of horse stealing, but who effected his escape, had returned to the place and hired himself as a hand to Mr. McPherson, who runs a boat on the bay. On the night above-mentioned, Mc- Pherson was sleeping in his boat at the wharf, when this individual came on board, accompanied by a Mexican. They attempted to put up the sails, but failing, began to examine McPherson's pockets. This awoke him, and he demanded their business on board. Receiving no satisfac tory reply, he peremptorily ordered the Mexican to leave the boat. This order was not obeyed and he struck the Mexican with his fist, and as the latter still manifested no disposition to depart, he seized the tiller and struck him severely over the head, fracturing the skull. The American, on seeing the Mexican attacked and so roughly treated, sprang overboard, and received a blow from McPherson while in the water. McPher son bore the Mexican to the wharf and went to obtain medical assistance. The case was thought to be hopeless. He however still survives, and there is a bare possibility that he may recover. The American made his escape for the night, but was found in the outskirts of the town next morning, and is now in custody tor his first of fence of horse stealing. By a communication from a Roma correspon dent in the Brownsville Sentinel, we learn that the condition of affairs in the valley of the Rio Grande is extremely deplorable. He represents the Indians as ranging at will over the whole country, plundering, murdering, and ravaging. In one incursion from Laredo to Roma, they had killed eight men. The depredations of the In dians are not the only evils to which they are compelled to submit. Armed bands of Mexicans from Mexico are roaming over the country, seiz ing and carrying off such large numbers of horses and cattle, that the vast number which formerly pastured in the forests and prairies between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, has become ma terially lessened. Some Americans, in convey ing goods up. to the river, had landed them on a sandbar, for the purpose of reshipping them in smaller boats, when they were pounced upon and seized by the vigilant Mexican authorities. The Sentinel says that Brownsville is terribly infested with thieves—burglaries and thiefts be ing of nightly occurrence. (Corrcsjjondence of the Picayune.) Indianola, Texas, June 25,1851. Dear Pic. —The engineers, Messrs. Girard and Schleischer, have completed the survey of the pro posed railroad route from San Antonio to the lower suburbs of this pleace, at the ship anchor age, known as Brown’s addition to Indianola. The distance from point to point is less than 140 miles; the elevation of the public square in San Antonio above the bay at Indianola is 610 feet. The engineers speak in the highest terms of the route and think the road can be built at SIO,OOO per mile. Stock enough has been subscribed to commence the work. It is proposed also to sur vey a route from one of the bays west, but it is considered more an act of courtesy than practi cability. There can be no doubt but Indianola is the point. This improvement is of great impor tance to New Orleans. With the road in opera tion and semiweekly steamers to that city, the amount of trade and travel between her and Indianola would soon be great. The whole valleys of the majestic Colorado, the Lavaca, Navida, the fertile Guadalupe, and the historic San An tonio, arc now coming into requisition to nurture and to sustain this favored young city. Indianola now offers fine openings for a few experienced cotton dealers; the exports next winter will be large and the field is open. After this year large amounts of hay will be shipped from this place to New Orleans; our fine beeves are now sent over by every Reamer. Wool, too, will ere long be exported in large quantities, as also sugar. Judge Rollins, Indian Agent, has sent seven teen Mexican children and one American, recov ered from the Indians. Col. Hardee’s expedition, it is hoped, will do much good among the faithless savages. Our cotton crop never promised better. Corn had suffered considerably for rain, but we have had delightful showers during the past week, and a fine crop will follow. Irish potatoes and other vegetables have made a great yield this season; and as to our unsurpassed melons they never were better nor more abundant. Our bathing season, too, is in full blast, and all seem determined to enjoy that great luxury. We have excellent bath ing-nouses, fine breezes, delightful evenings and our lovely beach; all ol which, with fine health and general prosperity, render the sovereigns hereabouts extremely felicitous. Yours, &c. Gulf Coast. Sanatory. —For the information of our frieuds abroad, we state that Charleston is, at this pe riod, in the enjoyment of as great a degree of health as perhaps ever blessed any city ot equal population. The weather, it is true, is warm, but seasonable. The thermometer keeps well up to the mark, but seldom ventures to over-top the figure of 90, which is a very bearable tem perature. The sea-breezes prevent the heating and close atmosphere from weakening and ener vating our can’t-get-to-watering-plaee inhabit ants, who look so fresh and rosy and healthful as to put to shame the returned seeker after pleasure abroad, who has undergone the fatigue of travelling for what can never be found away from “ sweet home.” The Greenville Mountaineer contradicts a re port that sickness prevailed in that section of country, and states that Greenville was never healthier than at the present time. — Charleston Courier , 21 st inst. New York, July 18 —10 p. m. Secretary Corwin —The State Departtnent — Mr. ’ Webster. —Secretary Corwin has ween telegraph- . ed to be in Washington on Sunday. The State Department has been reorganized, and Mr. Chew placed at the head of the Consular Bureau. Mr. Webster went to Boston this evening. AUGUSTA, GA. TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 22. For Governor. CHARLES J. MCDONALD. fiy Notice to Advertisers. —Our advertising friends will please hand in their favors by 5 o’clock, P. M. hereafter—the recent change in the time of arrival of the mail, inducing us to close our adver tising colurns earlier than heretofore. Masked Battery Politicians. A recurrence to the debates in Congress but a little more than one year ago would afford some edifying specimens of changes of position among prominent politicians in relation to the “ Compro mise” measures. The same may be said of edi torials of Southern papers, too, of the same period, which now are the apologists of those measures. It would teach not only charity , but humility^ to those who not only now see “ wisdom, justice, and liberality,” in those measures, but denounce, with clamorous invective, as factionists and dis unionists, all who still see in them, as they did then, nothing but injustice, unfairness, and the spirit of oppression. When Mr. Clay introduced his resolutions and Compromise measures, the same substantially as were afterwards adopted, except that they were less unfavorable to South ern rights, not a Southern Democrat in Congress, not a Southern Democratic Press, failed to de nounce them. No Southern Whig, or Southern Whig press had the hardihood then to advocate or defend them. They, too, denounced them or remained silent. Perhaps the most striking, and at the same time amusing changes of position are furnished by Foote, of Mississippi, and Clemens of Ala bama. The recent importation of Clemens into Mississippi, to take the stump in aid of Foote, in his candidacy for Governor, for he is sadly in want of help, has given occasion to the republi cation of a speech delivered in the Senate, May 20th, 1850, in which Clemens most unmercifully belabors Foote for BjT" “ inconsistency.' ■ He quotes on Foote from Foote’s own speeches, the most sweeping denunciations of the measures. It was in that same speech Mr. Clemens de nounced the policy of the Compromise bill, as “ the best we can get ,” in the following eloquent strain: “ A few more words, Mr. President, and I am done. lam told I ought to take this bill because it is the best I can get. Sir, I do not know that; but if I did, the same argument might be urged with equal force in favor of unconditional sub mission to any wrong ever perpetrated by the strong upon the weak. Good God, sir! has it come to this, that an American Senator is to ask himself, not whether a measure is unjust, ini quitous, and oppressive, but whether it is the best he can do ! —not whether he will consent to wear chains at all, but whether the links are to be round or square ?—not whether he will bear his shoulders to the lash; but what is to be the color of the cowhide with which they are to be inflicted? Sir, when I consent to ask myself such questions, I hope the walls of this Capitol will fall upon me and crush me. When I stop to inquire into the degree of the oppression rather than the fact , 1 shall feel that degradation has reached its lowest deep, and existence is but the privilege to be infamous.” Alas, for Mr. Clemen’s own consistency ; he too, is now a Compromise man, and the lash of invective, he in May, 1850, was pouring down on the recreant Foote, is now visiting his own shoulders. As early as January Gist, 1850, the members of Congress from Mississippi, to wit: Jefferson Davis, Henry S. Foote, J. Thompson, Wm. Me Willie, and A. G. Brown, addressed a circu lar to Gov. Quitman, stating, that in all proba bility, California would be admitted as a State into the Union, and asking instructions from the people and the Legislature, as to their course. The circular says: “ We regard the proposition to admit Califor nia, as a State, under all the circumstances of her application, as an attempt to adopt the Wiimot Proviso in another form.” Early in the session, Clemens had made a strong speech against the admission of Califor nia. Foote followed and indorsed the speech— complimented it highly—and said, among other things, “ I certainly agree ivith the Senator from Alabama, that these resolutions (Ckfy’s Compro mise resolutions) yield up the whole controversy to our insatiate enemies .” Foote changes ground after this, and becomes a Compromise —a masked battery man. Clemens, in this speech of May 20th, turns upon the hap less Foote, parades his indorsement of his anti- California speech, and thus tauutingly asks him ; “ The Senator from Mississippi avowed his full concurrence in all that I had said, and thus directly asserted, that the admission of California was worse than the Wiimot proviso itself. Let me ask him if he would be willing to-day to vote for the Wiimot proviso, as part of a general scheme of Compromise ? and, if he would not, how can he reconcile to himself to vote for a measure which he has formerly declared to be worse ? Sir, this is a dilemma from which there can be no escape. Whether singly, or as a part of a general scheme, that which is worse than the Wiimot proviso can never be sanctioned by the South, without a total abandoment of all claim to equal rights under the Constitution.” Again: Clemens quotes from Foote, who is commenting on the proposition of Benton to purchase a portion of Texas, and establish the boundary; “ Yes, sir, all these things I know, and, I hope, duly appreciated; but never did it enter my head to conceive that there was in existence a human being—a member of this illustrious body, too, representing among us one of the slave States of the Confederacy—who would dare to take it i upon himself to bring forward a bill like that : which has made its ghastly apparition among us this morning, and which, if it becomes a law without amendment, will completely unsettle | the question of slavery in all the vast domain ) which it proposes to purchase from the State of j Texas.” After quoting this, Clemens goes on to express his disgust at the proposition of Foote on the same subject: “He proposes now to cut off ten degrees of latitude from the State of Texas—enough for three free States—which we have his authority for saying will be instantly subject to the Wiimot proviso. He proposes further to tax us from ten to fifteen millions of dollars for the privilege of making them free States, and adding to the vast power now thieatening to crush us; and then, byway of adding the most galling insult to the deepest injury, he demands that we shall ac cept the outrage as a campromise—as compensa tion for the admission of California. Bir, if I must take this nauseous dose at all, I mean to take it in separate parcels. I prefer that Califor nia should come in singly to couple her admis sion with a surrender of ten degrees of slave ter- t ritory for the formation of free States. I prefer | that there should be an open exercise of power, rather than an insidious compromise which not only surrenders everything in dispute, but sur renders also the right to complain or resist.” Again: Clemens quotes from Foote, and fol lows the question with a resolution, one of a set offered by Foote against the admission of Cali fornia : On the 22d of January, in reply to the hono rable Senator from Connecticut, ne (Foote) fa vored us with a statement of certain important facts of which he has suddenly become entirely oblivious: “ I had heretofore recognized the honorable gentleman as a regular and diligent reader of newspapers, and should have supposed it hardly possible that he should have failed to see it pub lished in many of the now leading gazettes of the Union, as most certainly I did, that a member of the California Convention itself [Mr. Botts] rose up in his place, just at that precise moment when General Riley vacated the chair in the Convention which he had continued to occupy during its whole session, and said in substance, that he telt authorized to state the fact, that co ercive power had been employed to bring about the state of things then existing in California, and that the Constitution then about to be adopt ed had been forced upon the people of California. He charged further that orders had been given, in the most solemn and imposing manner, by the powers at Washington, that unless such consti tution as was adopted should be to the taste of certain high personages here—perhaps including the honorable Senator from Connecticut, (for he may have admonished them on the subject by a circular for aught I know) —unless such consti tution were adopted as would be suited to the taste of distinguished gentlemen in Washington, (including the President and his Cabinet.) the whole influence of the Executive would be thrown against the admission of California as a sovereign State; and that, on the contrary, in the event of such constitution as should prove agree able being adopted, then that influence would be exerted, through all legitimate modes, for the purpose of bringing California into the Union as a sovereign State.” Clemens, in concluding his showing up of Foote, says: “ I have now shown that every feature of this Compromise, when taken separately, has met the strong and decided disapproval of the Senator from Mississippi. What healing virtue there is in tacking them all together, I confess myself unable to comprehend.” Southern men, generally, thought with Jerry Clemens then, that, singly or in a batch, there was in this Compromise, no healing virtue for the South. But now, Foote is a candidate for Governor, and a defender of that very Compromise, and Clemens—the identical Clemens of May 20th, 1830—has gone to Mississippi to defend the Compromise too—to help Foote, and to convince the people of Mississippi of its healing virtues. Clemens gave a hard hit to Foote in the be ginning of this same speech, which, we think, will tell quite as effectually upon his friend Cobb, and who probably was in the mind’s eye of the speaker at the time; for it had become common talk in the streets and in every coterie at Wash ington city, and the general belief among South ern Democrats, that Mr. Cobb's motive for re fusing to unite with the Southern members of Congress in signing the Southern Address, was the hope of the Speaker’s Chair : “ The extraordinary efforts which have been made to manufacture public sentiment in its fa vor, and the denunciations hurled against those who, from a deep sense of duty, have expressed their opposition to a scheme of compromise so de lusive and so dangerous, demanded an exposure of its deformities. Certain letter-writers from this city have been industriously engaged in mis representing the acts and assailing the motives of those who, in common with myself, believe this to be a shameless surrender—not a compro mise. One in particular has admonished me that the Senator from Mississippi holds a proud position in a great national party, and therefore he cannot afford to be ultra. I have no doubt that the Senator has a national position, and I hope he may alway retain it. I hope, also, that the people of the South may take the view of the question suggested, and while repudiating his doctrines, that they may still cherish the kindest feelings for the man. It may not be amiss, how ever, to say a few words of this thing called na tional reputation. It is something I value very lightly. We are apt to prize objects in propor tion to the difficulties which attend the pursuit, and, estimated by this rule, national reputation is of quite too easy attainment to be sought with any great avidity. We all know a process by which any of us may secure it. It is not even beyond my grasp. I should only have to turn traitor to my convictions of duty, and abandon the interest of the South, to change entirely the notes of that whole pack of curs who are now yelping at my heels. Sir, I want no national re putation purchased at such a price. I spurn it as I would any other foul and loathsome thing.” Jerry must since have changed his mind about national reputation, and has concluded to adopt that process which makes it so easy of attain ment. But, the District of Columbia bill! The abolishing the slave trade there is sought now to be justified on the ground that it was but the re enactment of the law of the State of Maryland, made applicable to that part of the District ce ded by her. If a Southern State thought it proper such a law should prevail, why, it is ask ed, may not Congress pass it ? The answer is two-fold: Ist. The passage of such a law by a slave State does not establish the right of Congress to do the same thing. 2d. It is inexpedient to allow Congress to as sume the right of liberating slaves on any con tingency, in the Federal District or elsewhere, for once assumed it is difficult to limit the point to which the authority will be carried. On this subject, and others, mark how quick the Free-Soilers are to take advantage. The following is an extract from the speech of John Van Buren before the Democratic Free-Soil Con vention of Vermont: “ It may safely be assumed that the earnest contest of 1848 [that is the contest of tree soil ism] has led to the prohibition of slavery in that state [California.] The rapid pulsations of the great heart of liberty injected the blood of free dom into the veins of California, and she came thus into the Union, a free state She came in as the thirty-first state. She came in alone, without a slaveholding state attached to her to neutralize her strength, as Maine had in Missouri, and lowa had in Texas, and as the south claim should always be done when a free state was created. The majority of the states of this confed eracy have thus become free. The entire Pacific coast of the U. States was dedicated to freedom by the prohibition of slavery in Oregon and Califor nia. The slave traffic has also been prohibited in the District of Columbia, and a power has thus been exercised over that subject, which the south have denied and zealously resisted.— The same power exists to abolish slavery itself in the District, and its eventual exercise is thus rendered a mere question of time. The ground assumed by the Buffalo Convention was, that slavery within the United States should be ex clusively controlled by the state themselves, but i that the general government should relief itself i from all responsibility for the evil, by abolishing it where Congress had the power, and prohibiting its introduction where it did not then exist. The brief statement shows the extent to which the doctrines of that convention have thus far been canned into the action of the government, and, it seems to me, furnishes just ground of exultation to the advocates of those doctrines.” Yet, in the face of this—in the face of the universal boast of Northern men from Daniel Webster down, that the North gained every thpg and conceded nothing by the Compromise, we are told in the South, by Messrs. Foote, Cobb, Toombs, Stephens & Co., that the South gained a victory. There is one thing the South did not gain, and it was a right, Mr. Toombs once eloquently said, “At would never surrender. ” This is his lan guage : “I stand upon the great principle that the South has a right to an equal participation in the territories of the United States. I claim the right for her to enter them with her property and security to enjoy it! She will divide with you, if you wish it. but the right to enter all I shall never surrender, and that we will maintain the posi tions there laid down.” The name of Jefferson is invoked to give sanction to the propriety of the District of Co lumbia bill. The enactment in 1801, by Con gress, of the law of Maryland of 1796, which Mr. Jefferson signed, is now quoted to silence Southern remonstrance. Had Mr. Jefferson lived ty this day, who doubts that he would have re gretted that signature? He then could little have dreamed of the use Abolitionists are now making of it. Southern Democrats are told that they have no right to murmur, because, in the Presidential contest of 1819, they contended for non-inter vention, and that in the Compromise the South got non-intervention. We deny it. They got no such thing. There was the foulest intervention in the case of California to get the Wilmot Pro viso engrafted in her Constitution, and thus to deprive the South of all share in that territory. Had a territorial government been given to her in 1848, on the principles of non-intervention contended for by the Democrats of the South, leaving the Southern people free to go into that territory with their slavas as they believed they were entitled to do, they would not have been cheated out of their share of California and its vast depositories of gold. They would have gone there with their slaves. But for fear they would do this, the Northern members of Congress, aided by eight Southern Whigs voted down the Clayton Compromise bill, and left California and New Mexico, without gov ernment. A State government, with the intervention of the Wilmot Proviso in her Constitution, was given more than two years after to California. Territorial governments, without the proviso , were given to New Mexico and Utah. But in the meantime Southern men were afraid to carry slaves to a country without government—with out Courts under Federal authority—to give them the protection of the Federal Constitution and the recognized laws of property. Non-intervention then came too late. It was valueless without a distinct recognition of the right by Congress of the slave holder to carry his slave property into the common territory. This, Congress refused with shameful bad faith to the South. There were no two men in the Union that had claimed this recognition from Congress with more pertinacity, or in more bellicose lan guage than Mr. Toombs, and Mr. Stephens.— But it was refused—scornfully refused. Yet those gentlemen have so far changed their views as now to assert that notwithstanding that re fusal, the South has nothing to complain of. To show what Mr. Toombs once thought on this subject, we quote the following from his celebrated Hamilcar speech. “Our lives, our property, our constitutional privileges are really involved in the issue. Your position offers us the fate of Hayti, or, at best, of Jamaica, of resistance to lawless rule. I trust there is nothing in our past history which ought to induce you to doubt the alternative we shall accept. Though the Union may perish— though slavery may perish—l warm my coun trymen never to surrender their right to an equal participation in the common property of the Republic, nor their right to full and ample protection of their property from their own government. The day they do this deed “their fall will be like that of Lucifer, never to rise r.gain.” Mr. Cobb’s Suppressed Letter. Does Mr. Cobb believe a State has the right to secede, or does he deny the right of secession ? If he would publish that letter which Mr. Toombs advised him to suppress it would save his organs much labor in trying to mystify the people, and conceal the truth on this subject. In that letter Mr. Cobb denied the right of a State to secede, and asserted that if she attempt ed it the Federal Government had the right to coerce her back into the Union. This position Mr. Cobb does not deny occupy ing now. In none of his speeches before the people has lie denied that this is his position, or denied that the suppressed letter contains it. In his speech at Columbus he substantially reiterated this same State coercion doctrine. But notwithstanding all this, we find the fol lowing effort to represent Mr. Cobb as holding the opposite doctrine. The Chronicle St Sentinel has the following in its issue of the 20th inst. The Convention that nominated Mr. Benning passed a series of resolutions, among which is the following: “sth. That we rejoice to find in the following resolution of the Georgia Convention of last De cember, not only the strongest implied recogni tion of this right of secession, but also the ex press and particular recognition of the propriety of its exercise is a number of specific cases. Resolved , That the State of Georgia, in the judgment of this Convention, “ will and ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to the Union, any ac tion of Congress upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with the safety, the domestic tranquility, the rights and the honor of the slaveholding States, or any refusal to admit as a State, any territory hereaf ter applying, because of the existence of slavery therein, or any act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the territory of Utah or New Mex ico, or any act repealing or materially modifying the laws now in force for the recovery of fugi tive slaves,” and we do not think we are beyond this resolution when we say that if a State may exercise the right in These cases, it may exercise it in any.” Thus the Convention rejoices to find the doc trine of secession proclaimed in the Georgia Platform, the 4th resolution of which it ap proves and copies as above. Let us see how this declaration comports with the charge made so recklessly by their party a gainst Mr. Cobb, of “ denying the right of seces sion.” Mr. Cobb aided in laying the founda tion and rearing the superstructure of that plat form, and when constructed took his stand upon it, and has maintained it ever since. He is still upon it, as avowed in his recent letter of accep tance. Yet, in the face of all these facts, the party persists in charging him with “ denying the right of secession,” and will doubtless con tinue to charge it, notwithstanding the resolu tion of the Convention of their own party, in the Second Congressional District. Is it true that Mr. Cobb had anything to do with rearing the Georgia Platform ? Is there any evidence of it? Mr. Cobb was at Wash ington City when the convention met. Mr. Jenkins, Mr. Toombs, Judge Dawson, Mr. Stephens, Gen. Hansell, and Mr. Miller were a mongthe architects. But this is the first we have heard of Mr. Cobb having aided in the bu siness. That platform did not “ wholly approve’’ the compromise. Mr. Cobb has declared it to be “ wise, just and liberal .” Does that look as if Mr. Cobb helped to construct the platform ? But it is here said Mr. Cobb took his stand upon it, and has maintained it ever since. Ad mit that he has; but has he maintained that that platform contains an implied recognition of the right of secession. Mr. Cobb is very willing to stand on anything that will elevate him to office. But the people want him to stand up to that suppressed letter. They want him to give it to them, and then they can judge whether he de nies the right of secession or not. We challenge Mr. Cobb, Mr. Toombs and Mr. Holsey to pub lish it. Until this is done, and until Mr. Cobb manfully responds to the questions propounded to him by citizens of Bibb and other counties in published cards, the party will persist in charg ing him with denying the right of secession, notwithstanding the resolution of the Conven tion in the Second Congressional District. We want Mr. Cobb's recognition of the right of se cession. Come out from behind Mr. Toombs's masked battery, Mr. Cobb, and read Q ~3T that letter to the people. The Methodist Property Suit. —The Chris tian Advocate and Journal says that the negotia tions, consequent upon the earnest recommenda tions of the Court, for an amicable settlement of the unfortunate dispute between the two bran ches ot the Methodist Episcopal Church, have failed, the South making it a prerequisite that the justice of her claim shall he admitted, and the North refusing to make any such acknowledg ment. Sailing of the Africa. —The steamship Af rica, for Liverpool, sailed at noon on Wednesday from New York, taking out $1,001,543 in specie, and about ninety passengers. Release of Mr. Brace. —The Hartford Cour ant says that letters have been received (by the Franklin) from Mr. McCurdy (our Minister to Austria) dated June 27th, stating that he had received a verbal communication from the State Department at Vienna, that Charles L. Brace had been released, and was at Pesth, on his way to Vienna. Fatal Railroad Accident at Hari.em. —On the morning of the 16th inst. about a quarter before nine o’clock, as the accommodation cars at Harlem were filling for New York, and a large number of people were standing about on both tracks, the 8 o’clock express train from New York for New Haven, passed through at full speed, instantly killing two persons and wound ing a number of others. Wesleyan Female College. —The Macon Georgia Citizen says: “The examination of the pupils of this Institution commenced on Monday last, and was closed on Wednesday evening, by a musical concert, in which many of the young ladies participated, on the Harp, Violin and Piano, with vocal accompaniment. The College was densely crowded on this occasion, and the performances were well received. On Thursday the exercises of the Senior class were held in the Methodist church, where about 30 young ladies read their Compositions and re ceived the customary Degree from the hands of President Ellison, who made the Valedictory Address to the Graduates. The whole ceremonies of the day were inter esting and imposing as well as highly creditable to both Instructors and Pupils. We regret to hear that the worthy President of the College contemplates retiring from the control of the Institution, immediately. If so he has the proud satisfaction to know that he leaves it in a high and palmy state of usefulness and prosperity. Baltimore Coffee Market. —The N. O. Picayune of the 16th inst. says.—W« learn from ♦he circular of Messrs. White & Elder, brokers, of Baltimore, that the coffee market throughout the last month was steady, with a regular fair demand from the city trade and for the supply of Western and Southern orders. There were few or no heavy operations on speculation, and the market partakes generally of the dullness which usually prevails at this season of the year. Most holders were firm in their views and disposed to store rather than submit to a decline from the prevailing prices. Quotations were for prime 9 i-4c., good 9c., low grades 8 1-2 a 8 3-4 c. The imports at Baltimore from Jan. 1 to June 30, were 179,310 bags, of which 148,523 were from Rio. During the same period in 1850 the imports were 91,993 bags, of which 63,150 were from Rio; the increase this year consequently is 87,317 bags. The stock on hand was 34,200 bags of Rio, and 9,500 of other descriptions; against 50,500 at the same time last year. Quick Work. —The Goldsboro’, N. C. Repub can and Patriot, states that one half of the Neuse River Bridge, being one span of one hundred and twenty-feet in length, was raised in the after noon of Thursday last—one of the hottest days experienced this season in that locality—in three hours and a half. It is a lattice bridge, and when it is considered that the work had to be put up from one end, and that both sides were raised within that time, it must be regarded as an ex traordinary feat. We are glad to learn that there is every prospect of the train soon being enabled to pass over the River, the former bridge, it will be recollected, was sometime since destroyed by fire. The steam ship City of Glasgow left Philadel phia on the 17th inst. for Liverpool, taking out 66 cabin passengers, a full freight, and $15,000 in specie. The N. Y. Sun of Thursday morning, says that a steam ship is now building, and will be ready for sea by the Ist of December, which is intended to ply between that city and Galway, stopping at Halifax on the route. The contract with the builder is that the steamer shall make the trip between Galway and Halifax in six days, otherwise the parties contracting for the vessel are at liberty to reject her. The steamer is to be of the largest size, with accommodations for 800 to 1000 second class passengers besides having accommodations for first class passengers. The Bolt. Worm.— The Concordia (Lou.) In telligencer, of Saturday, 12th inst., says: “This destructive worm, in an army of countless mil lions, is now at work on many plantations in our parish. Where the host comes, a sad change in the color and general aspect of the field is im mediately visible. No one can mistake the path of the devastator.’ 1 i The citizens of Mobile have it in contempla tion to establish a line of steamers between that city and New York. Col. Henry L. Bennino.— -It is with no or dinary degree of pleasure that we run up the name of this distinguished gentleman to our mast-head, as the Southern Rights candidate for Congress from the Second Congressional Dis trict. As an ardent and devoted friend of South ern rights. Col. Henning stands second to no man in Georgia. He is emphatically a Southern rights man, and if elected, which he doubtless will be, all the bribes that the North can oiler him from now till dooms-day, will never induce him to desert the South in her hour of greatest need, or barter away her rights for a little per sonal aggrandizement. Col. Benniug, of all oth ers, in this District, is the man that the South needs in Congress in the present emergency. He is a man of splendid attainments and line intel lectual powers, and withal, an honest man. The unanimity with which he was nominated by the Convention, presages the enthusiasm that his nomination will create in the Southern Rights ranks, and we confidently expect to roll up a majority of eight hundred or a thousand for him, from South-Western Georgia. —Oglethorpe (Ga.) Democrat. U)th inst. Mr. G. W. Moore, long a dry goods merchant in this city, died on Saturday morning last after a protracted illness.— Savannah Republican , 20 t/i inst. Fatal Rencounter in Florida. —We learn from a passenger, that a fight occurred near Nas sau, in Florida, on Wednesday last, between H. E. W. Clark, Esq., of jSt. Mary’s, and W. H. Taylor, Esq., of this city, which resulted in the death of tho latter. He was shot with a' double barreled gun, the charge entering his back, kil ling him immediately. Taylor fired three times with a pistol at Clark, and one of his shots wounded him in the shoulder. We take the following from the|Evening Jour nal of Saturday:— The particulars as wo have learned them from Capt. McNelty of the steamer Magnolia, arrived this morning, are as follows:—Mr. Taylor was engaged in teaching in the family of Mr. Har rison, when, a dispute arose between him and Mr. Clark, who is in some way connected with the family of Mr. Harrison. Clark first shot at Tay lor, and was about to shoot again, when Taylor drew a pistol and shot him in the arm, disabling it. Taylor was then advised to leave the place until the anger of Clark should become apjieased. He mounted a horse, and was in the act of leav ing, when Clark ran round the house, and met some persons who were coming in from a hunt, took one of their guns and fired at Taylor, lodg ing the whole load in his back, from which he died in about ten minutes. i\f|.* "'—'lor was brought up in our city, and but ed his studies of the law, and has city to deplore his untimely end.— lb. (Correspondence of the Journal of Commerce.) [per ASIA.] LIVERPOOL, July sth, 1851. Dear Sir : —The market opens with a mode rate enquiry which seems to be freely met at ir regular prices. The sales of the day probably reach 5,000 bales, including 1,000 for export.— The drooping state of the market has curtailed business in Manchester, but the entire absence of stocks of yarns enables spinners to command within a mere fraction of last week's rates. I am,truly yours, Signed, JAMES McHENRY. Brown, Shipley’s & Co., Circular. LIVERPOOL, July-Ith, 1851. The Cotton market throughout the past week has been extremely depressed, and the anxiety to realize fully as great as at any previous period of the year. Buyers are overwhelmed by the quan tity on sale, and in many instances Cotton has been forced off at prices so irregular that the fol lowing official quotations must be considered quite nominal. Fair Orleans 0 1-4; middling do. 4 7-8; fair Mobiles and Uplands 5 3-1; middling do. 4 3-4; inferior and ordinary 3 1-2 a 4 l-2d. per lb. The sales for the week amount to 30,670 bales, of which speculators have taken 1,200 and ex porters 5,340 bales. The stock of Cotton in this port now reaches 697,000 bales, of which 518,000 are American, against a stock at tliis period of last year of 563,- 000 of which 358,000 were American. In Manchester there has been less doing in Goods and Yarns, but prices are without much change. The Corn market has again relapsed into pre vious dullness and prices have given way ls 6 2s per bbl in Flour, 2a3d per 70 lbs in Wheat and Is6a2s per quarter in Indian Corn, the quotations being 205a2056 lor Western Canal Flour, 21sa21s 6 for Philadelphia and Baltimore, 21s for Ohio and Canal and 20s per bbl for sour. Wheat 5 9a5510 for red and 6saos3 per 70 lbs lor white— White Indian Corn 3156a325, yellow 2856 and mixed 28s per quarter of 480 lbs. BROWN, SHIPLEY & CO. The appearance of the corn crop in this por tion of Georgia is much more encouraging than it was a lew weeks since. Almost every plan tation has been recently blessed with an abun dance of min and notwithstanding the drought in May, the probability is that pretty fair crops will be made. Cot ton, with the exception of being backward, looks well every where. —Lagrange Reporter, 18 th inst. (Telegraphedfor the Charleston Courier.) New-Ohleans, July 17. Barely six hundred bales of Cotton have been disposed off since the reception of the Asia’s ad vices, and the market is atastand. Bacon is firm—clear sides bring 9 to 9 1-4. Bagging is steady at 13 to 13 1-2; and Rope is worth from 6 1-4 to 6 1-2. Star Candles com mand 20c. The parties to the recent duel will be allowed to put in bail. Daimgc by the Freshet. Harrisburg, July 18.—Accounts from the Juniatta represent the damage to the canal and railroad as very great, many miles of the canal have been destroyed. Most of the crops had been cut but not gathered, and were swept off. Numerous bridges and houses and other pro perty carried away. The damage is very great. Sudden Rise in the Allegheny. Pittsburg, July 17,8 P. M.—The Allegheny river has risen five feet since yesterday. There are now 8 1-2 feet water in the channel, and the 1 river is still rising. Quite a number of large class steamers are taking freight for ports below, —freights and passage are quite low. The weath er is very warm.