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die £ii-U)eehlt) Constitutiounlist. BY JAMES GARDNER, JR AUGUSTA, GA. THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 7. (From, the Georgia Banner.) To Jas. M. Smythe, Editor of the Republic. I have read with great care your explanation of the sentiments which were delivered by you in a speech at Forsyth in the year 1834, upon the doctrine of Nullification. As will be seen from the extracts which I made from a printed copy of that speech, and which were published in the “Newnan Banner,” and subsequently copied in the “Chronicle & Sentinel,” you asserted the right of the General Government to enforce the execution of its laws, if necessary, “at the point of the bayonet.” You also asserted in that speech that a State had no right to declare an unconstitu tional act of Congress null and void, for the rea son that sovereignty resided not in the people of the State, but in the people of the United States. You asserted also that in our system of Govern ment a majority must rule. These sentiments, to my mind, were utterly antagonistical to those you now entertain and urge in reference to State secession. But you make a distinction between the right of a State to secede from the Union and the right of a State to nullify an act of Congress and remain in the Union. The right of a State to secede you assert, and maintain that the prin ciples contained in your speech at Forsyth in no way contravenes this right. Now without en tering into the argument to show that there re ally is no difference in these two positions, I must beg further light upon some other passages of this same speech. You say that you have always maintained the right of a State to secede from the Union. I assert that in the year 1834 you de nounced this doctrine as wild and visionary. The question therefore between us is—What were your opinions in the year 1834 upon this subject? To prove that you were opposed to the doctrine of State secession, I quote from the same speech, page 17 and 18, the following passages: “Time has not permitted me to touch upon the great subject of allegiance, or to notice the wild theory of those who contend that any State can secede at pleasure from the Union. So wide a discussion would have trespassed too long upon your patience and that indulgent attention which you have so kindly bestowed, and perhaps would have been considered inconsistent with the du ties of the occasion. Perhaps it would be proper for me here to state that our association, and par ty generally, hold that supreme allegiance is due to the United States—that the Union is intended to be perpetual , and that no State can be released from the obligations it is under to the rest , but by the joint action and consent of all the parties to the con tract .” I have italicised the above words in the pas sage quoted, as fully sustaining the assertion that in ‘"the year 1834 you were opposed to the doc trine of secession/' No distinction is taken there between the doctrine of nullification and seces sion, but both are denounced by you in unmeas ured terms. But I suppose this last passage is but another "loose remark” which you would not make again. 1 will not pretend to advise you, sir. in the pre mises, though I will venture to give my opinion this difficulty, ftOTfSTJIi fimfifr/iy w vnt men ought not to be “held to too strict an ac countability for political sentiments uttered while so young and inexperienced.” And now, sir, believeing as I do that you have seceded from your young ideas of State secession, and having said all that I deem material or ne cessary upon the subect, I must bid you a final adieu. State Rights. We [Mr. S.] did not seethe Banner, in which the above was published, or we would have no ticed it before. We copy it from the Chronicle of the 3rd instant. We said, in 1831, that the General Govern ment had the light to enlorce the laws, if neces sary, at the point of the bayonet; but such was our opinion while a State remained a member of the Union. We were undertaking to show that a State could not refuse obedience to the law’s, and still remain in the Union and enjoy its ad vantages. We asserted that the power of sovereignty re sided in the United States for general purposes, in so lar as the States had delegated powers to Congress. That a State could not declare a law of Congress, passed according to the forms of the constitution, to be null and void, and resist it. and still remain a member of the Union. We asserted that in the Union a majority must govern. Such is the case in a State. The right ot the majority to govern in the Union , does not conflict with the undoubted right of a State to secede from it. In putting a proper construction upon the above quotation, from our published speech, it is necessary to know that our main object was to show the absurdity of the doctrine that a State had the right to nullify a Jaw of the General Government, prevent its enforcement within its limits, and still claim every right and privilege conferred by the constitution upon the other States which submitted to it. The consti tution declares the law’s of the United States shall be supreme. Our meaning and intention was to convey the idea, that in the Union re cognizing its existence and the authority of the General Government, supreme allegiance was due to that Government. That was not inconsis • tent with the doctrine, that as soon as a State resumed the exercise of sovereign powers, and called upon its sons to stand by her authority, they w’ere bound to throw’ off all allegiance to the General Government, and yield a loyal obe dience to the State. It was contended by many, in 1834, that a State could secede at pleasure, or without as well as for cause. We thought then that it was a wild theory to hold, that a State had the right to se cede from a union intended to be perpetual, as the articles of confederation declared, without the contract was violated by the majority. Our view was this, that as the Union was intended to be perpetual—as a contract was made and en tered into by the States forming the Union—no State whose rights were respected by the rest , could secede without being released from its ob ligations—without the consent of the other States. Those were the crude opinions enter tained by us at that early and inexperienced pe riod of our manhood. That this explanation is a correct commenta ry upon the above passage of our speech, is man ifest from the fact that about that time we pub lished an article, in a public journal of the State, in which we combatted the doctrine of nullifica tion, and maintained the right of State secession. It would show, at least, that within a very short period our views underwent a change, if for a time we denied that right. We shall take steps to procure, if possible, a file of the paper in which the article referred to was published, and we will then insert in our columns an extract or two to show that our statement is correct. If that file cannot be produced, we have no doubt the editor will recollect that the fact is as we now state. But admit, for the sake of argument, that the construction which “State Rights” puts upon our language, is the true one : Are \ve to be held bound by the imperfect views, of our youth, of the great fundamental and philosophical princi ples upon which the superstructure of our Gov ernment has been reared ? We could plead, in our justification, the change of opinions in other and distinguished citizens of our country. Mr. Clay, after becoming a member of the United States Senate, made the most powerful argument against the constitutionality of a Bank of the Uni ted States that we have ever yet seen. He af terwards changed his opinions, and advocated the constitutionality of such an institution. Let us come a little nearer home. Mr. Toombs was the most rabid nullifier, in 1834, that it was our fortune to meet with. We have heard him say, within a few years past, that his advocacy of that doctrine was one of the follies of his youth. The question, in these times of danger, is not what were men’s opinions in 1834, but what are they now ! We are now for State sovereignty, the right of State secession, and we pledge our self that we will die in that faith. We believe that the honor and safety of the Southern States, in particular, depend upon its faithful mainten ance. We frankly admit that some of our for mer views have undergone a change, and we would remark that the above explanation must be taken as an exposition of what we thought in 1834, and not what we think in 1851. Our views now are known, and hence it is not ne cessary to weary the patience of our readers with them. We are for Slate rights, for the South, for equality and justice, or the practical exercise of the right of State secession. We beg our readers to excuse us for this extended personal explana tion. Mr. Toombs’s Letter of Acceptance. [continued.] ’ Extract No. !>. “The acts for the government of the territories of Utah and New Mexico, unquestionably stand upon no worse footing for the South, than non intervention with slavery. This doctrine of non-intervention, was affirmed by the Demo cratic party of the whole Union, in the Presi dential election of 1848, in full view of all of its legitimate consequences, as expounded by Ueu. Cass himself in his Nicholson letter. It as a' party. thn.W.h.vw’ fourteen of the slaveholding States, to be the true reading of the Constitution. “This principle, whether true or false, would have been harmless in its application to the Ter ritorial governments, if another position w’ere sound of even more universal acceptance at the South, because it was maintained by overwhelm ing majorities of both the Whig and Democratic parties. This position is. that the Mexican laws against slavery by operation of our Constitution became void without legislation immediately upon the acquisition of the Country. It is known to you, gentlemen, that I did not concur in this opinion, but it was the settled judgement of the South, often proclaimed from her legislative halls, from primary assemblies of her people, from party Conventions of both parties, from the public press and the ballot box. Mr. Cal houn was the father of this heresy, and main tained it with fidelity and ability down to his grave. The Nashville Convention adopted it, and called upon Congress to conform its legisla tion to it. And to deny its truth was held to be an infallible test of “unsoundness on the slavery question.” “If the principle be sound, the whole of New Mexico and Utah, which embrace four fifths of all the Territory w’e acquired from Mexico, by the late acts of Congress is made as free and open to the entry and peaceable enjoyment of slave property as is South Carolina herself.” Mr. Toombs, within the last year, has made so many reckless statements in defiance of fact and common sense, that we have ceased to be as tonished at any thing he utters or publishes, how ever extravagant, absurd or malignant. We desire to avoid a minute examination (with its tedious deduction,) of the various ridiculous propositions contained in the above. Mr. Toombs knows that neither the democratic nor whig parties of Georgia and the South, nor the Nash ville Convention contended for such a non intervention as these Utah and New Mexico bills give them. He knows that his assertion, that if the principle to which he refers is sound. New Mexico and Utah, by the late act of Congress, are “ made as free and open to the entry and peaceable enjoyment of slave property as is South Carolina herself,” is not practically true. Why then does he quibble, and even positively assert upon this point, that which can be so easily disproved by his own declarations. Mr. Toombs knows, as well as any one, what kind of non-intervention the South contended for. He knows that they contended for the right to go into the new territories with their slave property and there hold it ivithout difficulty or molestation. He knows that is the non-inter vention for which the South contended. She did not get it, for Mr. Toombs himself says, the Mexican laws, excluding slavery from the territo ries have not been BEPEAi.Et), and are still in ' force. If a slaveholder goes to those territories with his slaves, Mr. Toombs knows that he will be liable to be dragged into the Courts to test his rights to his property in them, even upon his own soil, purchased, perhaps, with his own blood or that of his father or brother or son. But, perhaps, the nou-intervention, which Mr. Toombs thinks the Southerner has got, is the right to sell out his plantation, horses, cattle and hogs, and after great sacrifices, toil and priva tlbns, to cross the line of Utah and New Mexico and risk the consequences. This non-intervention protects him in selling out and protects him on the route to the territory, but forsakes him as soon as he crosses the line ! It leaves him to the tender mercies of implacable fanaticism. He would be in a pretty condition, surrounded by hell-hounds of anti-slavery, who would view him in the light of some sinful monster, scarce worthy of being AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, FRIDjVY, AUGUST 8, 1851 permitted to live. He him in February, 18o0! “ Though hostile interference is the point of resis tance, non-intervention is not the measure of our, rights. We are entitled to non-interference from alien and foreign governments. England-' owes us that much; France owes us that much; Russia owes us NON-INTERVENTION, you owe us MORE. You owe us PROTECTION; withhold it and you make us ALIENS in our OWN government. Our HOSTILITY-to it then become a NECESSlTY—a necessity justified by our HONOR, our INTEREST and our COM MON SAFETY. THESE ARE STRONGER THAN ALL HUMAN GOVERNMENT.” Propositions were made in both Houses of Congress to get a fair non-intervention and they were voted down. The North was unanimous against it. Mr. Toombs was in his seat and voted for opening the territories to the South as well as*the North. He was defeated. He came home and told his constituents that the Mexican laws were not repealed, but that an honorable settle ment had been made, and the South was better off than she had been in thirty years. We ask, if ve not obtained the non-intervention, for w.. .. Mr. Toombs contended, what has become of his IIOSTILILY to the government which was to become a NECESSITY—“ a necessity jus tifed by our HONOR our INTEREST and our COMMON SAFETY!” How appropriate again is the mournful language of Scripture, ‘‘The beauty of Isreal is slain upon thy high places, how are the mighty fallen.” “ Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Askelon, lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice.” How different now is the language which shoull be upon the lips of Mr. Toombs. He should now proclaim, in behalf of the South, ‘"Age does not tremble on my hand ; I still can lift the sword. Shall I fly in Fingals sight; in the sight of him I love ? Son of the sea, I never fled : exalt thy pointed spear.” Would to God we cortld say of this son of Georgia, “ The oaks of the mountain fall; the mountains themselves decay with years; the ocean shrinks and grows again; the moon her self is lost in heaven ; but thou art forever the same, rejoicing in the brightness of thy course.” Alas! Alas ! what a dark eclipse. (Subject resumed and concluded on to-morrow.) Interesting Arrest. About nine years ago. a negro fellow was ab ducted from his owners in Lexington dist., S. C., and brought to this city by a man calling himself Amos Wright. The negro was purchased by the' late John M. Turner, who owned him about six years—the boy was subsequently sold to Mr. John S. Green, now residing in Barnwell. Spd.f.wneii by him about three years, Soipetirjie from this city, and sold in Macon to Mr. Benj. Fort, who sold him shortly afterwards to Maj.' James Howard, of Columbus. The boy ran away from Maj. Howard in July, and was ar rested in this city on the Ist inst. From disclosures made by the boy himself, and sustained by Mr. Fort, who reached this city last evening, Mr. J. Gallagher, who assumed the name of James Young, has been arrested as the individual who inveigled off the boy from Mr. Green, in April last. It is due to Mr. Joseph B. Ramsey, one of our efficient police officers, to award to him the full measure of praise for his activity and vigilance in discovering, apprehending, and ferreting out the villainies which have been perpetrated. The boy is now in jail, as well as Mr. Gallagher, and the whole matter will undergo judicial investi gation. The Chronicle & Sentinel. Since the withdrawal of Dr. Daniel Lee, of Buffalo, New York, from the Editorship of The Chronicle $ Sentinel, that paper has been in much need of editorial assistance. It now announces to its friends that Samuel Barnett, Esq., of Washington, Wilkes County, has become con nected with the editorial department. We deem this selection a fortunate one for that paper. Mr. Barnett is a gentleman of fine talents and education, and is already well known in po litical circles as a vigorous and graceful writer. Fine Peaches.— We tender our acknowledge ments to James L. Coleman, Esq., for some fine specimens of peaches, from his extensive orchards at Bedford. They were the lemon and the Eng lish white, and were of delicious flavor. Arrival of Hungarian Refugees. —The packet ship Devonshire, Capt. Hovey, arrived at New- York on Saturday morning, brought as passengers forty-seven Hungarians from Turkey, among whom are several military and civil officers of rank in the late provisional Government of Hungary. [communicated.] The Canvass in Cherokee Georgia, &c No. 2. Messrs. Editors It would seem that the Union party, in their zeal for the election of Mr, Cobb, if there is any truth in their prints, blow hot and cold as best suits the locality and the prevailing popular opinion of the place. There is but one thing in which they all agree, and that is to charge McDonald and his party with be ing disunionists, and that they are the Simon pure friends of the Union and the South. In Cherokee Georgia, the stump speakers and street politicians are boldly meeting the issue, first made by Cobb, and joined by McDonald in opposition, that a State has no right peaceably to secede from the Union ; that the Federal Govern ment is in duty bound to interpose with force, if necessary, to prevent a State from resuming its “ delegated powersthat Cobb, if he is Govern or, will be bound, by his oath of office, to call out the militia to aid in the suppression of South Carolina, if Fillmore caffs on him, in his official capacity, to do so. Some of the candidates for the Legislature, in this district, even go so far as to say that they will not wait to be called out; that they will volunteer to go and whip her back into the Union. Some of Cobb’s warmest sup,writers say that if he acknowledges the right ot secession, they will not vote for him. Whence clierge Cobbites, on the stump, with holding the doctrines above alluded to, they acknowledge the ilsue, and meet it on its merits fearlessly. They not. in their newspapers and resolutions, make thfe issue as boldly, for the reason that they have heard a hint that the doctrine is not so well received in Middle and Lower Georgia. But be assured, sir, this is the battle we are now ighting in Cherokee Georgia. The odds are in iur favor. It is no boast to say we are rapidly jaining, as public opinion becomes more en ightened. When we attempt to set Gen. Jackson's opin iitis right liefore the people, by reading his coun ts proclamation, which was issued through his coificlential organ, months after the Force Bill .van sanctioned, and his views as they said were bervrted by the Federal press of the times, and Livingston’s speech in the Senate, they deny, the authority, and quote Mr. Donalson, |vho;says that Jackson never took back any thing,” and therefore insist upon the doctrines of l ae Proclamation and Force BiH, without the ex] anation of Jackson himself, and as they we e understood and treated by the Federal par ty f that time. There can be no doubt as to wh tis the real issue now in Georgia. Cobb ma e it himself as soon as be came home from W shington last spring. The men who were at Me-on, at the complimentary dinner given to hint, from this section of the State, came home ani fold us publicly that Cobb denied the right of ecession, and that it was the duty of the Fe eral Government to interpose, for the purpose of Preventing it, if necessary, by force. They still stand upon that doctrine and boldly defend it. l| r ill it not be a grand spectacle indeed, after we have fought and paid for the territories, and which we have been deprived of, and a con vention of our State, in her sovereign capaci ty. lias chosen to pretermit the injury for the sake of peace, if Georgia is so submissive to the will of the Northern Free-soilers, that they can set us on South Carolina, and make us whip her into submission—butcher up our fel low-citizens of the South, who have as good a right to act and think for themselves as we have—and the infernal abolitionists standing off, laughing at our stupidity ! They can steal our land and negroes, vilify and abuse us, call us hard names, pull our noses, kick our shins, and make us whipobstropulous neighbors ! Georgia would truly occupy a gallant position ! All who are in favor of civil war, should vote for Mr. Cobb. Yours, &c. LUCIUS. (communicated.) Dialogue between Lawyer Spikes and Farmer George. Lawyer —lts all a mistake Farmer George, its ’• • • r. ... t. ‘ • . e Farmer —O, I can’t understand your legal lin go. 1 ask you a plain question about the letter, and you answer in phrases that no man can understand. L. —Thats because when any thing is ex delicto , or even quart clausum fregit. it is reduced to a unum and cannot be explained on any other principle. F- —Which means that when you don’t know a thing yourself its very hard to tell it. I ask you to tell me.. L. —Well lmv’itf I told you it is the same as his letter of acceptance with the exception of the ne exeat, aad that only amounts to a capias. F. —No doubt about it but shall I ask what the letter contains. L.— Why, just what I told you, that its prin ciples are perfectly consonant with the sex talio ns of any man’s wishes. F. — have received your cue frpm Mr. TooiudS; for he's just about as explicit as you are. # Do you suppose I’m going to take Mr. Cobb eis the man did the French teacher, who u[khi trial proved to be a Dutchman anil could speak nothing but Dutch. So when I vote for a man, I want to know in advance what man ner of man he is. Am I not right ? L.—O yes; but you do not pretend to insinu ate that Mr. Cobb is not perfectly straight, es pecially when Mr. Toombs, myself and the Southern Banner, have told you that he is E. Pluribus Unum ? F. —l pretend to say that I wish to know well about that letter. You remember how Ned Hill fared for keeping back his opinions, and what do you think will be Mr. Cobb’s fate ? L. —Why Ecce Signum. , F —ls that means get beaten like blazes, you . are about right. I submit it to all candid men to say whether the above does not exhibit about as much sense as we generally get out of Mr. Cobb’s defenders when questioned concerning that letter l But it will avail them nothing—the people will shew Mr. Cobb whether they are to be tampered with or not. Nor is it at all astonishing that he should deny them the right of secession, when he even goes so far as to deny them the right of knowing his opinions i This is just saying, I want your votes , but you have no business to meddle with me: if 1 chose to give you my opinions I'll do so, if not, its no concern of yours, “thats all.” L. [communicated.] Southern Rights Meeting. According to previous uotice, a portion of the Southern Rights Party of Madisjn County con vened in the Court House at Danielsville, on Saturday, the 2d inst., and on motion of IsaTac Simmons, Mr. James R. White was called to the Chair, and Dr. J. F. Groves requested to act eis Secretary. The Chairman, upon taking his seat, explained the object of the meeting to be, to nominate del egates to the Convention to be held in Athens on the 7th of August, to nominate a suitable can didate for Congress in the Sixth Congressional District. On motion of T. M. Daniel, the Chair ap pointed B. W. Woods, G. H. Bird, T. M. Daniel, Isaac Simmons, Dr. J. F. Groves and Robert Matthews, a committee of live, to report four suitable delegates to represent the Southern Rights Party of Madison County in said Con vention, After a short absence the committee returned and reported the following gentlemen as dele gates: G. H. Bird, Isaac Simmons, Dr. J. F. Groves, and Robert Matthews. Mr. Moore, being present, was called upon to address the meeting. He responded, and in an able and eloquent style set forth the principles of the Southern Rights Party. There being no further business, on motion, the meeting adjourned. JAMES R. WHITE, Chairman. Dr. J. F. Groves, Secretary. [communicated.] Privit and Confidinshal.—To the Hon. Howil Cob. Now would yc bolave it, but Howil it's tlmio, That Letthor I writ to the “ Kurnel ’’ and you Has, somehow or other, got out o’ the mail And iqto the paypors, (don’t I wish it in jail '.) Quite a different fate from “ that letther " of yoors. Which sames, like a culprit, to skulk within iloorcs. And now me advice must all go by the boord. Or by that same advice you will shurcly bo ttoord, The best plan I'm thinkin’ would be to play mum. And kape hould of “ that letther" twixt linger and thumb. I've bin thravellin' a little, like you, for me hilth, And a pickin’ up votes by sly thricks and stilth, But, be jabers ! I’m fearin’ the “ Sectary Privit ” Will never be mine, laste ye’re sharp to conthrive it. Whcriver I go, Southern Rites and ould Mac Is in iveryone’s mouth—on this pint they hack Till in faith ono might think that, if you were elicted, Soulhern Rites from all Georgy would soon bo ejicted. I havo nailed to the couuther this falsefecation Os you and Boh Toomts, and, without hisitation, Pronounced ye as thruo to the South in that quistion As yo are to good dinners, and aisy digistion. Now Howil I want you and Bob to sustain me, Sing thim rousin' ould songs, (I know it will pain yc, But ther’s no other hope,) and git Bob to repato His ould firo-ating spachc, where he said at the fate Os the glorious South, the North would implore That to “ fire and disunion ” we'd “ plazo shut the doorc,” If the Sons of the South to the South would bo thruo: (What a rap was at that, Howil, at himsilf and at you !) And me boy don’t harp on the Kompromisc Aleas huros, Quit swarin’, the South did by thim git more threa sures Than all the goold that she lost on the bloody shtained faelds, Where the South fought and bled with my coun thrymnn Shaelds. How the divil can ye think that will go down the throat Os a sinsiblemnn, when the printed report Os the Georgy Konvintion distinctly declares If it was to do over, they'd insist upon shares. Bad enough, 'tis indade, to bo miserably chated, ■Win# e papfe"belave That it’s not hard to “ place” ye—try Bobby T’s shave, About swarin’ the childer, and raisin’ the divil, If frao suvrin States can't all stand on a livil. And tho Wilmot Proviso—ochi agin there’s tho divil! Why didn't ye dodge it ? “Boa doin’ tho civil ” To a natc brandy smash, while the boys up stares Were a working it thru with potishuns and prayers. The Proviso of Sphaker! D'ye think that repaid yo, Och ! Howil, I fear that one vote hits unmade ye. Tho “ Savannah Ropub,” now a blarneying jurnal, On that very vote used to have a diurnal Attack upon you, for your shameful desertion Os the land you were born in—they made a new vershun Os the tale about Judas, and applied it to you, And a swato “ mess of pottago ” they put yo in too. In short, me' dear boy, you and all of ycr flock Were caught, penned, branded, and fastened by Locke. Tho “Jurnal it Mcs” and the “Southern Rokorder” Ransacked thare whole fort from cup-boord to larder, For powdher and bulletts to riddle you thru, (What a fix for them now, if tharo ould talcs are thrue.) Sam indeed was a Chop-man —tho Rokorder it Gr ieve hi) O'er the wrongs of the South, which thru you she received, And all tho small-fry, from the inountins to sea, Were yelping “Oh Howil what a Judas you bo ! ” Now in faith I can’t see what under tho sun To mend up these matthers is now to be done— It sounds mity odd to'hear “ fellow-welt-met, ” Betwixt all yo chaps who so late were dead sot," Like the Kilkenny cats, to lave nothing but tails. Faith! yc had better have left all tho rest but th tales ! One point, ero I closo—l think ’twould bo best (I’ve more yet to gay. but I'll postpone tho rest,) To answer the quistions they’ve asked you and Oharly, Put into your answer your usual blarney: ICape the masked battery going—oid women and fools Arc throwin’ away kalkilations and rules For countin’ its value—they'd rathor submit To you for a Guvnor than come to a “ fit.” I'll write ye again—kape ye up with the news, And as to me pay, I have giv’n ye me views. And minfPyc now Howil—if you bate the crack nag Kape a good place convanient for * PATHRICK McSCAG. Away up in G kprekee. JL opt • Ne - v Cotton. —the steamer St. James, which arrived this morning, brought down one bale of new cotton, consigned to Messrs. Hill, McLean Co., it is from the plantation of Mr. Mclntyre, near, the mouth of Red River. The steamer Rockaway No. 2 also brought oniHjale, consigned to Messrs. Ward & Jones; it isjjfom the plantation of Mrs. J. H, Harmanson, Atchafalaya.— N. O. Picayune , lsf inst. More New Cotton.—The steamer Romeo, which arrived here yesterday from Alexandria, brought down three bales of new cotton, two of which are from the plantation ofH. Wilson, Esq., on Red River, and consigned to Messrs. E. H. Pomroy & Co. The other is consigned to order, and was taken on board the boat at some point below Alexandria.— lb. Black Rock Suspension BriOoe.—A bill is now before the Legislature authorizing the build ing of a suspension bridge, over the Niagara River, at Black Rock. It is the intention to build the bridge from ninty-five to one hundred feet above the water, so that there is no possi bility of its interfering with the navigation of the river. NEW SERIES—VOL. VI. NO. 94. si| Jfingttrtir €tltgnts. Reported for the Constitutionalist. SECOND GUN PROM ALABAMA. GLORIOUS STATE RIGHTS VICTORY. We are indebted to the Montgomery Advertiser and Gazette for another telegraphic despatch, giv ing the following cheering intelligence from Ala bama. The State Rights ticket in Mobile county is elected by 430 majority. In Butler, the same ticket has succeeded by a large majority. Dallas county has elected a State Rights man. Perry county, two State Rights men, Goldsby and King. In Autauga county, the entire State Rights tick et has been elected. In Barbour county the State Rights Ticket is elected—Cochran’s majority 495. Lowndes county has elected the Union ticket by over 100 majority. In Chambers, the Union ticket has sueceded by 461 majority. The returns received indicate the election of Bragg State Rights, over Langdon, Union, by about/?/ieen hundred majority. The election of Harris and Cochran are doubt ful. The vote will be a very close one. SECOND DESPATCH. In Talladega county White has a majority of 400—entire Union ticket elected. In Benton county, Rice has 700 majority, and Harris 426 the entire Southern Rights ticket elected. In Autauga county, Harris 153 majority—Southern Rights ticket elected. Pike co., Abercrombie’s majority reported at 200—Union ticket elected. In Perry county, Harris has 40 majority—Golds ly, King, H. C. Lee aud Cook, elected. Greens boro 200 majority for Erwin. Clarke 561 ma jority for Bragg. Harris and Rice will be elected, and Cochran and Beal. Advertiser & Gazette. [Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sun.] Further per Steamer Atlantic. Nkw-York, August 3—lo A. M. The American mail steamer Atlantic, Cap tain West, arrived this morning, bringing dates from Liverpool to the 23d of July. She brings 132 passengers. The Europa arrived at Liver pool at noon on Sunday. The Markets. Cotton is depressed and prices have declined Jd. Fair Orleans s id.; Mobile and Uplands sgd.; middling Orleans and Mobile ssd. The sales since the Niagara left have been 15,000 bales, of which exporters took 2,500 and speculators none. The sales on Wednesday up to 1 o’clock, were 3,000 bales, and prices were barely supported. Breadstuff's.—Flour and wheat are quiet and prices a fraction lower. Corn is firmer and rather active. ,g Sugar and tea are tending downward. The demand for coffee is confined to the retail trade and prices Are unaltered. Money Market. The Money market is inactive. Consols are unhanged; Maryland s’s 90J; Ohio 104; Penn sylvania s’s 82.1 a 823. The Manchester market is very dull and prices of yarns and cloths have further declined. England. —The House of Commons, by a vote of 118 to 71, has refused to allow Solomons, the Jewish member from Greenwich, to take his seat. The Papal aggression bill has passed its second reading in the House of Lords by a majority of John O’Connell has resigned the seat from Limerick to make way for the Earl of Arundel. Geo. Fred’k Young, a distinguished protection ist, has been returned for Seaborough, in opposi tion to Earl Mulgrave, free-trader. Dr. Lingard, the Historian, died at Hornby on the 18th of July. G. Wright, Jr., and D. & W. Stoca, failed at Liverpool on the 22d, the former for .€60,000, and the latter for .£35,000. Both failures were caused by the decline in cotton. The receipts of the Exhibition on Monday were .£3,310. France.— The vote in the French Assembly on the revision of the Constitution, stood in its favor 416, against 227. As the vote was not two-thirds in favor, as required by the constitu tion, the measure is defeated. The greatest ex citement prevails on the subject, and the Minis try are accused of corrupt movements relative to the petitions presented tor a revision. It was re ()orted that the whole Ministry had resigned on Tuesday, but this was not believed in London. Resume of the Revolutionary Movements in Cuba. General Lopez received a number of letters yesterday from his friends in Cuba, written in cypher, the purport of which was, as he express ed it, that tile Island was up for liberty. Authentic information had been received by his informants, that, the following important places in the Central Department had pronounced, to wit: Puerto Principe, Las Tunas, Villa Clara, Trinidad. In the Eastern Department, Baracoa’ Holguin, Santo Espirita, Pinal Del Rio—the principal towns in the Island, after Havana.. The extensive and rapid spread of the tion has induced inoHfpatriots to postpone the movement on HavaM. which was fixed-tor the 24th. In a consultation held in thac *?ty, the subject was reconsidered, and lor many reasons it was thought more prudent to defer the demon stration in that place. Os the five regiments now in Havana, two are counted on as friendlv to the patriots If the revolution is successful in the rest of the Islaud, it is believed that, with so strong a de tachment of the toops in Havana in their favor there will be no difficulty in effecting the capi tulation of that city. The force*of troops in Havana does not-reach 5000, as „ the regiments are not all full, and 650 are reported on the sick list. The patriots have therefore determined to raise the country around, in which they will be aided by two squadrons of Rural Guards, and when their force is sufficiently strong and con solidated, *hey upon Havana. Eight hundred Creoles in that city have organized to go into the \ uelta Abajo to assist the movement there. Gen. Lopez has certain information of the disaffection ot the St. Leon regiment, stationed at Matanzas. This is the regiment which it was lound impossible to get to march on Carde nas, when the expedition landed at that place last year. Puerto Principe, where the first de claration was made, had been deserted by all but women and children. Troops had been sent there, but they found no enemies to attack. The patriots had all gone into the mountains. The old Spaniards, throughout the island, including T&lfT* were ve >-y downcast Ihe rest of the intelligence communicated to Gen. Lopez relates to details which, though valuable and important to him, would not be Is<T««” tCreBtUlS t 0 ° Ur reac * ers - —’&• 0, Delia^