Tri-weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 18??-1877, August 20, 1851, Image 2

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Consfittftifltwfet k Hqrablir. ~ JAMES GARDNER, JR., i and > Editors. JAMES M. SMYTHE, ) TERMS. Daily, per annum, in advance 18 00 T«:-Wkkklt, per annum. . 6 00 W KF.ki.v. |K*r annum, if paid in advance 2 00 These terms are offered to new subscriber*, and to old Fubacriber* who par up all arrearages. # lu no case will the Weekly paper l>e aent at $2, un less the money arrompani* s the order. In n* case will it be sent at $2 to an old subscriber in arrears. When the year paid for at $2 expires, tne paper, il not discontinued, or paid for in advance, will be sent on the i Id terms, $2 50 if paid at the office within the year, or $3 if paid at the expiration of tho year. E7* Postage must be paid on all communications and letter* #f business. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. One square (12 lines.) 60cent* the first incertion. and 371 cents for the next 5 insertion*, and 25 cents for each Nubscquont insertion. Contracts made by the year, or for a less period, on reasonable terms. LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS Sheriff's Levies, 30 days, $2 50 per levy ; 60day*. $5. Executor s. Administrator'.; and Guardian's Sales, Real Estate, (per square, 12 line*) .$4 75 Do. do. Personal Estate 3 25 Citation for Letters of Administration 2 75 Do. do. Dismission 4 50 Notice to Debtor* and Creditors... 3 25 Four Months* Notices 4 00 Rule* Nisi, (monthly) $1 per square, each insertion. ALL REMITTANCES PER MAIL, are at ora RISK. Mr. Cobb’s Reply to the Macon Gommittoe. [concluded.] When the l ight of a State to Hcedc from the Union at will is conceded, we have put, the exis tence of the government at the dhposal of each State in the Union. The of one, is a dissolution of the holds the States together; it is no that the constitution lormed, and the T States are absolved from all moral obligation to abide longer by their compact. 1 say moral obligation, because the argument of the secessionists denies the existence of any binding legal obligation. By admitting the doctrine of the secessionists, we are brought to the conclusion, that our Federal Government, the pride and boast of every Am erican jiatriot, the wonder and admiration of the civilized world, is nothing more than a voluntary association; temporary in its character, weak and imbecile in the exercise of its powers, incapable of self-preservation, claiming from its citizens al legiance, and demanding annual tribute from their treasure—and yet, destitute of the power of protecting their rights or preserving their liber ties. If this lie the true theory of our govern ment, what is the constitution of the U. States, that we should estimate it so highly? Where is its binding force, that wc should hold to its pro vison* with such unyi«ldiug tenacity ? Indivi duals cannot violate their com pacts, or act aside at pleasure their mutal obligations, without the assent of the other parties. Nations cannot reck lessly disregard their stipulations, without in curring the consequences of violated faith. But our constitution, the revered monument of revo lutionary patriotism and wisdom, which H’chave been taugnt to regard with reverential feeling, is doomed to fall below the standard of national treaties, and individual contracts. It has formed a Union founded upon mutual sacrifices and con cessions—made by the several component parts lor the greater benefits to lie derived by each, from the combined co-o|icration ot all—and now we arc told that there is no obligation to oliscrve that Union, beyond the pleasure of the parties to it—and that the constitution can be annulled by the acts of any State in the confederacy. 1 do not so understand our government, I feel that 1 owe my allegiance to a government, pos sessed of more vitality and strength, than that which is drawn from a voluntary obadience to its laws. I hold that no government is entitled to my allegiance that does not [>ass wise and just laws, and does not possess the power to enforce and execute them. I am fully aware of the fact that the effort is now lieing made to render the denial of the right of a State to dissolve the Union, odious in the public estimation, by presenting to the public mind, in connection with it, a frightful picture of nn armed soldiery and a military despotism. I have no fears of the judgment that our enlighten ed countrymen will pass on this controversy— and surely I could not complain of any conse quence that should result from my avowal of doctrines which 1 have imbibed from the teach ings of Mr. Madison, Gen. Jackson, Judge Craw ford, and their republican associates. It does not follow, however, as a necessary consequence of the principles which I have laid down, that military coercion is to be used against a State that may attempt tho exercise of this rovolationary right. Whilst f deny the right of a State to secede, and thus dissolve the Union, I would not attempt . by the strong arm of military power to bring her citizens back to their allegiance, unless, aom pelled to do so in defence of the rights anil inter ests of the remaining States of the Union. Wc should not recognize her separate independence, nor could we allow our own interests to be peril ed by sanctioning any alliance she might be dis posed to make with any foreign government. Iu our desire to inflict no injury upon a wandering smer, we should not forget the duty which the government owes to those who remain linn and true to their allegiance, and whose claims upon its protection and support should not be lightly regarded. The laws of self protection would re quire at the hands of the government that due regard should be bad for the protection of the rights and interests of the other States, and to that demand it would lie bound to respond. If one of the States should in a mad hour at tempt to secede from the Union, aud the kind and indul gent policy which I have indicated should be resoi ted to, I have no doubt that in a very short time such State would feel it to be both her duty and interest to retrace her wandering steps, aud return to the embrace of the sisterhood. This opinion is founded upon the high estimate which I place upon the value of the Union to each and all of tlie States that eom]xise it. It would require the experience of only a short absence, to teach the wanderer the benefits and advantages from which she had voluntarily exiled herself. Such are the general views which I entertain on this subject, and 1 have frccly*exf>resseil them. 1 have discussed it as a mere abstract question, and in that light I regard it. Whatever differ ences of opinion may exist among the true friends of the Union on the abstract question of the right of secession, 1 apprehend that when it assumes a practical shape, there would be but slight shades of difference as to the policy and effect of our action. There are many who hold to the doc trine of the right of a State to secede from the Union, with whom I do not differ practically.— They grant the abstract right of secession, but claim for the remaining States the right to pro tect themselves from any injurious consequences that might flow from the exercise of t hat ab stract right by the seceding State. It is only necessary to state the two propositions to show that, in the end, the practical operation of their principles would lead to the same results that I would reach by the enforcement of the doctrines which I have avowed. Our difference is theore tical, not practical, and therefore constitutes no impediment in the way of our cordial co-opera tion. We all hold that just and wise laws should be enforced and executed, whilst we are prepared to oppose acts of injustice and oppression by all means in our power, and to the rupture of every tie that binds us to any government No gov ernment however wisely and honestly adminis tered, can be maintained in the absence of bind ing obligation on its citizens to obey' its laws, and power to enforce their execution on recusant parties. Hence, I cannot consent to the doctrine that our government is destitute of these powers essential to its vitality and existence. The claim which I have urged in behalf of the Fede ral Government cannot he abandoned without endangering the whole frame-work of our admi rable system —nor is there any serious danger to be apprehended from its improper exercise. Its true strength, based upon the existence of these [lowers, is to tie found in the justice and wisdom of its legislation; these are the true and only safe avenue* to the hearts and affections of the people, wherein are found the strong pillars of support to a free government. Ido not entertain the idea, for a moment, that our government can be maintained by the strong arm of military pow er,^when it ceases to bestow the blessings upon the people for which it was formed. Whenever it becomes the instrument of wrong and oppression to any portion ofth* people, by unjust laws and degrading legislation, it will cease to be the U nipn formed by our revolutionary fathers, and possessing no further claims unon our alligiance and support, should that period ever unfortunate ly arrive, we will not fail to prove ourselves as true in the principles ol liberty and equal rights as our honorable and venerated fathers; nor will we stop to look to the provisions of a violated constitution for the mode or measure for the re dress of our grievances. I have so far considered the question in refer ence to the doctrine of the constitutional right of a State to secede without just cause, at her own will and pleasure, and I think" 1 have shown that it is unsupported either by principle or authority. On the other hand, I admit the right of a Str.te to secede for just causes, to be determined by her self. Being a party to the compact, which the constitution foims, she has the right, which all other parties to a compact possess, to determine for herself when, where and how, the provisions of that compact have been violated. It is equal ly clear that the other |iarties to the compact possess* corresponding right to judge for them selves, and there being no common arbiterto de cide between them, each must depend for the justification of their course umn the justice of their cause, the correctness of their judgment, and their power and ability to maintain the decision. The right of a State to secede in case of op pression, or “ a gross and palpable violation” of her constitutional rights, as derived from the re served sovereignty of the State, I am prepared to recognize. In such a case, each State, in the language of the Kentucky and Virginia resolu tionsof 1798-’99, is to be the judge, not only of the “ infractions,” but “ the mode and measure of redress.” It is the jnst right of the people to change their form of government when, in their opinion, it has become tyranical, in a mode not provided for in the constitution, and is therefore revolutionary in its character, and depends for its muiutainance upon the stout hearts and strong arms of a free people. I connection with this branch of the subject, a question arises, which, in the opinion of some, is of considerable importance. It is, whether or not the citizens of a State thus resuming her sov ereign [lowers would be liable to the charge of treason in conforming to the requirements of their State government. I refer to this particu lar, only in consideration of the importance at tach to it by others. From what I have said, it will clearly appear that I hold that they would not lie. In my opinion, no man commits trea son who acts in obedience to the laws and authori ties of a regular organized government, such as we recognize our State governments to be. But there is a question, gentlehien, involved in your interrogatories, which rises in magnitude far above any gwhich I Jliave yet considered. It involves the important inquiry, whether in the event of a State seceding from the Union, anil the Executive ofthe United States making a re quisition for troops to coerce her back, I, if elect ed Governor of Georgia, would obey that requi sition. This question may become a practical one—l sincerely trust and hope it never will. Under the existing laws of the United States, the President has no power to order out the mili tia to coerce a seceding State. Neither the Act of 1795 nor the Act of 1807 would apply in such an emergency. Those Acts apply to cases where individuals,acting without the authority of any State government, resist, by force, the laws ofthe United States—to riots and insur rections—to such cases as wo were apprehensive a few months since might be manifested in op position to tiie Fugitive Slave Law in portions of the Northern States.—That this is the true construction to be placed upon these Acts, will be apparent form the conduct of Gen. Jackson in a former period of our history, when the State of South Carolina threatened to secede from the Union. He then found it necessary to invoke the aid of additional legislation by Congress. His appeal to the then Congress resulted in the passage ofthe law familiarly known as “the Force Bill;” but that Act being temporary in its object and character, has lost all of its vitality, and long since ceased to be of force, having ex pired by its own limitation. In the contingency involved in your question, it would be necessary that the President, if his views of right and poli- Icy led him to coercion, should ask of Congress additional legislation, and it would be for them to determine whether or not they would grant it. If a State should secede, and the President should recommend to Congress such legislation and Congress should grant it, then your question would become practical, and l am prepared to answer it fully, freely, and frankly. It would be the most fearful issue that ever the people of this country have been called on to decide since the days ol the revolution —so momentous, so vital to the interests ofthe people of Georgia, that I should leel bound to ascertain the will of that people before I acted. 1 should endeavor to be ihe Executive of the will of the jtco/dc of | Georgia. To ascertain that will, I should convene the Legislature of the State, anil recommend to them to call a convention of the people, audit weuld be for that convention, representing the people upon that naked issue, to determine whether Georgia would go out of the U nion, and ally her self and peril her distinies with the seceding State, or whether she would remain in the Union and abide tlie fortunes of her other sisters. And as Georgia sjioke, so would l endeavor, if lief Executive, to give power and effect to her voice. But if a collision of arms between the States composing our glorious confederacy should ever come, it requires >:o prophet to predict the result. The Union would fall beneath the weight of re volution and blood, and fall, I fear, to rise no more. It was formed in the hearts ofthe Amer ican people—it can only lie preserved in their hearts.—When any very large [xirtion of its in habitants look upon it as oppressing and degrad ing them—when they cease to revere it as the legacy of Washington and the inheritance of the blood of the revolution, its vitality will be gone, and empty parchments, though aided by military force, can never" hold it together. Hence, we see the abolitionists, of the North denouncing it as “covenant with hell,” ami hence we hear the disunionists of the South inflaming the hearts of the jieople against it, announcing that they have been degraded and oppressed by it, and prepar ing eventually to overthrow it. They are wise men, they *nilerstand the workings ofthe human heart, anil they well know that when the heart feels that wrong, indignity and insult have beeri heaped upon a man, unless he be indeed a craven spirit, a blow will follow. Prepare the hearts ofthe people to hate the Union of their fathers, and the battle is won—they arc ready to light against it. Hence, believing as I do, that tlie late compromise is such, in the language of the Georgia Platform, “as she can in honor abide by,” 1 have used every effort in my power to stay this ceaseless and ruinous agitation North and South, and to keep the constitution and the Union where our fathers erected them—firmly on the foundation of the people’s hearts. I am, very respectfully, your ob’t serv’t. HOWELL COBB. Messrs. John Rutherford, N. Bass, R. A. L. At kinson, and others. [Telegraphed for the Charleston Courier.] Columbia, August 18, 10 p. m. There was little life in this market to-day, and sixteen bales were sold at an advance of from an eighth to a quarter of a cent, Quotations range from 4J to 8 cents. AUGUSTA, GA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 20. For Governor. CHARLES J. MCDONALD. For Congreu—Eighth District, ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert. Ihe'IARGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STATE. Our correspondents are requested to ex ercise patience. We have many communica* tions, proceedings of public meetings and sketch es of stumps speeches which we will find room for in whole or in part, as fast as possible. We are cheered in our labors by the most marked tokens of approval and support coming to us from all sections of our State. We feel in creasing confidence of success for our cause as new evidences of zeal and enthusiasm are brought to our notice. We are firmly convinced that the Southern Rights Party is gaining strength daily. Mr. Toombs’s Speech on Saturday Evening. This honorable gentleman, on Saturday night, put us in mind of the Devil in a Drum , in one of bis bellowing moods. He walked to and fro, upon the capacious platform, and fretted away about an hour and a half, as if he thought the bill of mortality which his effort would make would be frightful to contcmjilate. His bill of mortali ty proved, however, to be a farce , and instead of slaying his intended victims he only amused them. He was evidently diseased with passion; and, it is wonderful, that a man of bis sense should forget that, under its influence, it is the easiest thing in the world to sink from the sub lime into the ridiculous. The truth is, there is but little to reply to, as to what he uttered, for it was a deluge of words with a drop or two of argument. Shoitly after he commenced speaking, the moon rose in queen ly beauty over a house to his right, and, in look ing upon its serene and beautiful face, we could but think that if there really is a man upon her surface, and he coultf see Mr. Toombs, he must have been impressed with the fantastic tricks which an American Congressman can sometimgs play upon the earth. The honorable gentleman looked ill out of the eye , and seemed to be tvicked ly inclined. He tried to be, upon editors, what the Steam Doctor said he was upon fits, viz:— “he was hell on them.” There was this differ ence between Mr. Toombs and the Steam Doc tor. The latter killed his patient, while the former left his to give him dose for dote. We were among his intended victims, and it >s our lot to physic him for it. 1 he‘'masked battery” has certainly made him a monomaniac on the subject of the Union.— He swore lustily that he saw thing* in wHe and things in black, spectres, hobgoblins, &c.,in the horrid shape of ditunion in every path that he trod I He said it was true, that the Southern Rights Paity, generally, pretended to be in favor of the Union, but it was all a blind to cover over their treachery t o the Union of General Wash ington. They were for disunion last fa'l, he said, but now they were for the Union in pretence. t If there were a dozen candidates for the Con vention last full, who were in favor of disunion, we have yet to learn their names. If Mr. Toombs were to traverse the State of Georgia to find Southern Rights men, candidates for office, who are for disunion, now, and if he were to stake his judgment, or veracity, upon being able opro duce the names of a dozen such, he would be come an object for charity and alms before con cluding the search. Still he fired away inoes santly from the masked hai.eiy, but after such fashion as to excite contempt for his guns. Either his powder was wet, or his ordnance de fective. His intent was not the less deadly, however, because his voices proved to be squibs instead of thunders , Ids loading, toads instead of bullets. We looked around to see who was stunned when, in one of his broad sides, he said Southern Rights men were traitors to their government. His report was feeble upon this point, owing, doubt less, to the cold water which his own denuncia tions of the government, in the winter and spring of 1850, poured in the touch holes of h's pitiful artilleiy. Some of our Southern Rights friends were a Kile vexed, at first, by his charge, that they had swallowed their own words; but they soon regained their equanimity, upon remember ing that Mr. T., after awfully denouncing the masked battery , swallowed it, fortifications, guns, ramrods and all, with but slight symptoms of choking. Southern Rights men have swallowed their own words indeed! What did Mr. Toombs say about the Mexican laws ? He said that the South was excluded by them, and would be till their re peat ! He said in his speeches all over the coun try, in 1848, that if those laws were not repeal ed we must fight; and what sort ot a fighter has he proved to be! Why, Congress refused torc jteal the Mexican laws, Mr. Toombs swollotved his big words about fighting, and now, like the fel low who was whipped over l ,; s clothes, swears that they shant take off his shire. What a no ble specimen he is, of the Southern chivatiyjl How boldly he can place hm-self at the head of a supjiosed majority of the people here, backed!))’ the united North. If Southern Rights men are traitors to the Government, Mr. Toombs is a traitor to the South. Which is the more admirable character, he who is a traitor to a corrupt and tyrannical Free Soil Government, or he who abandons the rights of his own section? Ihe North, like a bloated harpy; feeds upon the South, and denies her justice; and Mr.” Toombs, like a glutton after his greasy meal, is l anointed all over from the political toilet tabic of that ravenous harpy! He turned upon Southern Editors, and attacked them as these fellows, who were doing so and so. We could but think, that whatever Mr. Toombs was, before he went to Congress, he has come out ot that school of man ners, a very decorous fellow himself. The use of the epithets liar, and sccunlrd, and salutations with the fist, are common in Congress Hall. We submit it, then, to every candid man, if it is not moderate in Mr. Toombs to confine himself to the term fellow ? The genuine fellow is known by his vulgarity. Let him wear it whom the cap fits. Mr. Toombs said, some papers die of poverty, and he had heard of one that died of prosperity. There was more truth in the remark, literally than he would have had his hearers believe. It was the prosperity of the Republic, in part, that induced the proposition to be made us for the AUGUSTA WHOLESALE PRICES CURRENT, AUQ UST 20, 1 85 1. JkKTICI.es. CKR WHOLESALE. PUTT. i| BAGGING—Gunny j.... }f® » 20 ** cent Kentucky..J 1 00 (gj 00 BALE ROPE—Jute TT.fc. 9 2a p cent. ■ Kentucky...... Side* i *H@Hi J2O pet.; Shoulder* ) BCTTER-Goshen, prime ; lb. 23 ® i 2O I >cftnt -|| BEESWAX U* @ i CANDLKS-SpermaccttiJ.... 40® «| Georgian made V‘ ®l6 P cent. Northern | "a Vi „ 20 f> ct. CHEESE-Northern ® ® °J* . COFFEE—Cuba I 10 ® H4O cent. Rio 10 ® 11 Java 14 @ J* Lf re e. Laguayra 1.... 00 ® 11 . f SHIRTINGS, bro., 3-4; yd. « '» “0 “.’7-81.... I® 00 I brown, yd. wide 1 .... 8 @ 8 SHEETINGS, br0.,6-41.... 12 @ J® bleached. 5-4.... p ® } 8 3 CHECKS 11 1® | BED TICK 10 @ 1J « OSNABURGS, Boz •}? @ “ i YARN, (assorted)..... Hi- ; 20 i FlSH—Mackerel, No. 1... bbl. 12} , 1 Do. No. 2 11 _ !i Do. No. 3 < fa) 20 pet , FLOUR—Canal 8 i J Augusta Canal 8 ) „ .*i Georgia, good 6 Q ij Mp ct. , FEATHERS—Live Geese. ,Hj- 00 ® 33 J GRAIN —Corn, loose bus. 00 @1 00 Joqp c t ; Do. sack 105@1 10 J * j Wheat— Good White.!.... <& 1 25 I Do. Red '. -. 00 |l.jo petj GUNPOWDER keg & ®-> 2u 11 ■ HIDES—Dry |.... *6s®i 30 ® ct. Dry. salted ).... O®lo | e IRON Pig • 100: 0 @ 00 30 p cent. Swedes, assorted.. i.tonj 4jj aj 4] 30 cent.;, ll«‘*P 100 6 & ®J3O ft ct. I Sheet -fc- l°iffi Hl) Nail Rods ....j 5@ 6 LEAD—Bar MOO 6 @ 7 Ijop,,* White Lead H® ® I ‘ LARD f.fc. 13 @ 14 MOLASSES—Cuba gall 25 ® 20 New-Orleans .... @ 40 I yy c * NAILS—Cut. 4d. to 30,1. I 350@4 00 ) * s union of that and the Constitutionalist. The Re public had nearly forty-five hundred subscribers i when the announcement was first made, that the union would take place, and received an addition of, at least, five hundred more before that an nouncement could have been generally known. What kind of a sign was that 1 What kind of a sign does the. union of the two papers present, with a list of nearly ten thousand subsctibers? That exhibits a death by prosperity, which, we opine, atfords no pleasant contemplation to the modern Hamilear. Instead, now, of swearing his constituents upon the attar against the General Government, he is engaged in trying to sweai them to eternal hostility to the Southern Rights par ty, and the Augusta Republic, living or dead I For our reply to Mr. Toombs’s arguments, (so far as lie used any.) we refer the reader to our comments upon the Letter and Speech of Mr. Cobb. We saw no difference between the doc trines of the two. Mr. Toombs admitted the right of a State to secede, but reminded her of the bayonet and the halter, in her attempt to do so. This is the legacy of State sovereignly aud liberty, lett us by our ancestors, in the opinion of the modern Hamilear. There is this difference between the ancient and modern Hamilear. The former stood by his altar till his death, while Mr. Toombs, under cover of a Fillmore flag, pulled his down, sneaked off tilth it, and buried IT UNDER THE “.MASKED BATTERY.” We doubt whether a Homeric Lyre, high strung at that, could do justice to Mr. Toombs's merits. To cap the climax of his flights of ge nius and fancy, he said that his doctrine now was the doctrine of the Nullifitrs and State Rights men of thirty-three, and has been their doctrine from that day to this!!! When he made that remark, we involuntarily leaned forward to get a full view of his face. There was no giving way, however; it was marked with unparallel ed effrontery! Mr. Toombs was a Nullifier, a Disuniouist, a State Rights mar in thirty-three; he is a Con solidationist in ’sl, and has been CONSISTENT!! The audience looked astounded) There was no applause for that remark. As we feel a little abashed, even now, at his un blushing declaration of consistency, we shall drop the Subject and Mr. Toombs together, for the present, with a closing remark or two. Not the slightest symptom of applause was given Mr. Toombs or Mr. Cobb, when they declared the right oi the Federal Government to coerce and bayonet the people of a seceding State. The stillness of death prevailed over the audience, who seemed horror-struck at their bloody-mind ed sentiments. If any coincided with them, they did not dare to give it an audible manifesta tion. In conclusion, we must say that the contrast between the bearing of Mr. Cobb and Mr. Toombs, reminded 11s of the difference be tween the courteous gentlemaft and the cultiva ted savage. [jy “ Izzard ’’ was not received till yesterday, and too late for this week’s paper. It shall ap pcar in our next. Georgia Home Gazette. We have only room to-day to call attention to the Prospectus of the above Literary and Family Journal, to be published in this city by Major Robt. A. Whyte. His attainments and qualifica tions for the entciprize guarantee its utility and merits, and we trust its eminent success. We shall notice it more fully hereafter. New Books. We have received the following from the pub lishers, D. Appleton & Co., New York: First Book of Oratory : By E. C. Marshall. The selections are in prose and poetry, and made with taste and judgment. Passages in the Life of Mrs. Margaret Maitland, written by herself. For sale by Thos. Richards & Son. Jane Young of Tugalo. This unfortunate woman, whose conduct while here, and at Athens, impressed many with the belief that she is a monomaniac, has been tried at Clarke Superior Court for assault with intent to murder, and found “ Guilty.” We presume the evidence did not show want of sanity to that degree as to render her irres ponsible for her actions to the criminal laws of the country. But no dispassionate mind can doubt that her intellects have become unsettled, and that she is more an object of compassion than of vindictiveness. It is unmanly to cherish the latter feeling towards a woman so helpless and unhappily situated. It may be she is a dan gerous woman and should not be allowed to go at large. But if bolts and bars, and a prisoner’s cell are to be her doom, we think the Lunatic Asylum is a more suitable place for her than the Georgia Penitentiary. There is not a single woman in the latter at this time. Th's shows the rarity of felonious crimes among our female population, and is very creditable to the gentler sex. It is also, perhaps, evidence, in part, of the merciful forbearance and gallantry of out citizens. AtTICLBS. . jPEkWHuLkjALE.; DUTY. ! OlLS—Sperm, W. Strained 1 60 fl> 1 70^free! J Full Strained r 30 % 1 40 ; Summer do.. * /.V. .1... 100@ 112 Linseed bbl.o 90 @ 1 00 20 p cent. ] Tanners O 60 @ 0 00 Lard 1 00 @ 1 X2| ! POTATOES bbl.'S 00 ® 3 50l I, ( ■i PIPES '....'0 C 3 ® 100 l si i! PORTER do* 2 25 ® 3 sot ! . pepper lb 010 @ i2C PIMENTO j 016 ® 0 00| RAISINS—MaIaga, bunch. box:0 00 ®275 I,„ ; 1 Muscate ;0 00 %OOO} 40 P , RlCE—Oordinary 100 3 75 (a« 4 00 Fair ....,4 00 (a) 4 501 Good and Prime 0 00 @ 0 00 ( French Brandies gall I 50 (a> 2 00,100 p ct. |( ] Leger Freres 2 75 (a; 3 OO ' < I! Holland Gin $.. ..jl 25 <jg 1 50.100 ? ct. ji s- American Gin........' |0 38 (oj 0 40; 2 Jamaica Rum 150 @ 2 00100 p ct. jj < r N.E. Rum. lihds/t bblsj... ~0 34 (ct 037 f yj Whiskey.Phila. ic Balt ... .'0 28 @ 032 Do. New-Ofleana.. .... '0 28 (a} 0 32‘ Peach Brandy ! 100 (eg 1 25,100 P ct. i! | SUGAR—Cuba Muscovado . Jj. 0 6 \ (w 8 00! P. R. he St. Croix .... 0 7 @ Havana, white.. j....» 00 @ 00 New-Orleans ... '0 7(Q 30 P ct. ] j Clarifie«i Brown 0 @ 0 9 W'liite..,bus.'o *J (a) 0 9J Lump .fl}. 010 (6g 011 no SALT—Liverpool Jl 20 125} M ** ct Loose 10 00 @ 0 40; SOAP—American, yellow, sack 0 5 fa) 0 630 p cent .SHOT—AII sizes L ... 162@175 20 p cent. 1} SEGARS—Spanish .M. 20 00<cl30 0040 p cent. TALLOW —American |0 9 @ 0 10 10 p cent. TOBACCO—Georgia .]b- 000{w 0 00) I n . Cavendish ... .0 ‘22 (w 0 50: j v ct * l! TWlNE—Bagging ....j0 18 0251onvy ct || Seine L.,.|0 30 @ 0 50, ll ; TEAS—Poucliong jo 50 @ 0 75 j Gunpowder* Imp. 1 . ... 0 75 (d> 1 00 ! [ Hyson L... 0 70 % 080 [ rrec ' Young Hyson i !0 70 (c£ 075 J WlNES—Madeira gall.i2 00 2 25 30 P cent. Claret, Marseilles cask 025 @ 0 60’40 p cent. Do. Bordeaux dot |3 00 @ 3 50 40 p cent Champagne 1.... 900 @ls 0040 p ceoL ll Malaga '... .‘0 50 @ 0 6240 p cent.lj j Kentucky Election. —The dispatches in our 1 Northern exchanges, (says the Charleston Cou rier, of the 19th instant.) relative to the result of the election for Governor of this State, are very contradictory. One dated Louisville, August 14, states that additional returns received increase Dixon’s majority to nearly four thousand, and that nearly every County had been heard from. While two others of the same date and from the same place, to the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser say, that it is now asserted that sufficient returns have been, received to confirm the election of Lazarus W. Powell, Democrat, as Goveruos, and that Archibald Dixon, the Whig candidate, is unquestionably defeated, as Powell’s majority will range from five to fifteen hundred. The Proi-osed Steam Line to Galway.— Subscriptions in behalf of this object have been received in New York lo the amount of *.170,000. and assurances have been given that $250,000 will be taken in Ireland. Total, $420,000, which is more than will be requisite to build the first vessel. Subscriptions will be received until SBOO,OOO, or enough to build two vessels is secur ed. The success of the enterprize is regarded as ce.tain. A Duel. —An affair of pistols and ten paces came off on the 7th inst., in the neighborhood of Vicksburg, (Miss..) between Col. Walter Brooke, of Nevv-Orleans, and Judge Red. of Holmes county, (Miss .) Judge Red's ball touched the light side of Col. Brooke above the hip, glanced around the back, aud fell to the ground. In ac cordance with the terms previously agreed upon, hostilities then ceased. The affair grew out of a political speech made by Col. B. The Vicksburg Sentinel of the 9th inst., no tices the departure of several small parties from that place cn route lor Cuba. The Sentinel says: “ We have some idea of the pluck of those who left Vicksburg; and if they get into a con test with old Spain's troops, the Cuban liberators will find most efficient aid in them. They left with our national banner, the stars and stripes, waving over them ; while the music of the fife and drum, and the cheers of the crowd that had assembled to see them off, reverberated in the air. We wish them that success which we feel assured wi'l attend them.” Senatorial Candidates in Scriven. We decline publishing the long article sent us l>y Mr. Willis Young, of Scriven, in reference to his candidacy for the Senate, and to his opponent, Mr. Cooper. It is a controversy hurtful to the Southern Rights cause, and can please but few, and must disgust most of our readers. We pre fer to publish the proposition below, which we copy from the Savannah Georgian, emanating trom highly respectable citizens of Scriven. which, if adopted, will settle the difficulty in a fa’r and sensible manner. The following notice we find in the Savannah Georgian, which we hope will call forth a meet ing that will produce unanimity among the South ern Rights men of Scriven and old Bulloch. All they want to secure their candidate is unanimity in a nomination. Notice. —We the undersigned, members of the Southern Rights party, unite in requesting each district in Scriven count/, to send two delegates to Sylvania, on the first Monday in September next, for the purpose of selecting a candidate to represent the 7th SenatoriayDistrict in the next Senate of Georgia. We hope that by our friends meeting and counselling together, the party might be induced to haimonize and unite on one man, which would ensure the defeat of any and every candidate, which might be run by the Sub missionists. R. M. Herrington, Peter Reddick. George Oliver, Homer M. Beauford. W. G. Faligant k W. J. Maner, Alexander Kemp.l J. Laton Singleton. August 4, 1851. ’ [communicated.] To the Southern Rights Party of Columbia Couniy Hear me for our cause, and be silent that you may hear. The impending election in Georgia, and the county of Columbia, is pregnant with important and intrinsic results. If the party of Mr. Cobb is to prevail, under the special auspices and potency of the names of Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, the days of State Rights and State So vereign y are at an end; hence the great and para mount importance of an earnest beginning in the present crisis. If we desire the continua tion and perpetuation of those long cherished views, which the Republicans of Columbia have ever entertained in reference to the rights of the States and of the people, the present period de mands the sacrifice of every personal predilec tion, and an avowed determination, on the part of the Southern Rights Republican party, to sus tain no- man who refuses to stand upon the Re olntions of ’9B and ’99, and the political tenets deduced therefrom. The crisis demands firm ness and stability of action, and let no man falter. It is an incoherent incompatibility for a man to aver being a State Rights man, and sustain the Federal coercion doctrine of Cobb, Toombs and Stephens, by voting for the two former. It is palpable inconsistency, which is, to oar mind, irreconcilable. The interest of the party, then, Bank Not* Table. Augusta Insurance & Banking Company ~'..par. Bank of Augusta Branch State of Georgia. Augusta t»" Bank of Brunswick a Georgia Rail-Road Mechanics' Bank u Bank of St. Marys Bank of Milledgeville u Bank of the State of Georgia, at Savannah l: Branches of ditto u Marine &. Fire Insurance Bank. Savannah Branch of ditto, at Macon a Planters Bank. Savannah - Central Bank of Georgia u Central R. It. & Banking Company, Savannah t: Charleston Banks Bank of Camden u Bank of Georgetown. a ) Commercial, at Columbia... * a Merchants', at Che raw. u Bank of Hamburg. u Tlm^e Nutes ;: •'".v:::::::::* @ t**. Tennessee » @ 5 dis. NOT BANKABLE Merchants’ Bank, at Macon.* exchange Boston ‘* Charleston and Savannah nar. Lexington. Kentucky ~ u ’ Nashville, Tennessee ....! 44 STOCKS. j Georgia, 6 percents par. ♦Not taken by our Banks, hut redeemable at the Plant ; era’ Bank, Savannah, at par. Savannah Chamber of Commerce. ROBERT HABERSn.VM. President C. GREEN. Ist Vice-President. EDW D. PADELFORD, 2d Vice-President. OCTAVUS COIIEN, Secretary and Treasurer. in Columbia county, is to nominate its own can didate, and support none unless he is weighed in the balance and found equal to the emergency. There is no use, or common sense, in voting for a man, and perchance elect him to goto Mil ledgeville and choke us with Cobbism and its (i nefarious tendencies; nor can any man consis- ■ tently claim our doctrine and vote for Cobb and ™ Toombs, according to our understanding. To keep our party respectable and worthy of sup port, we must operate from principle—vote for no man unless he is thoroughly identified with us by vote and prineijde. The doctrine of merely voting for a man to distract, divide and defeat his own party, is, to speak in the most charitable language, a dangerous precedent, replete with evil effects. Let us abandon all such thoughts, and rally upon some pure and devoted advocate for our rights , our honor, car properly, upon fair , constitutional terms , and with a full belief in the right of peaceful secession , (i)ul no coeriii'ii , and our progress is coward , conquering and <o conquer. More anon. Peyton. (communicated.) * According to previous notice, a }>orl ion of the Southern Rights Pai „y of Richmond county, as sembled at the Ur : ted States Hotel, on Monday Evening, 18th inst. On motion, James 31. Smythe, Esq. was call ed the Chair, and Wm. I). Davidson request ed to act as Secretary. & The object of the meeting being explained, that of giving a public Barbecue in this county, on Tuesday, 2d September, 'o Rube,, McMillan, Esq., on the occasion of Ins visit amongst us. On motion of Janies Garduer, Jr., Esq., a com mittee of finance, consisting of two from each ward in the city, and live from the county was appointed 1 a collect funds for the purpose of de fraying expenses. Committee. —lst. Ward, James Gardner, Jr., W. W. Montgomery. 2nd. Ward—H. D. Bell, Wm. R. McLaws. 3rd. Ward—l. D. Mathews, Wm. V. Ker. 4th. Ward—Wm. M. Bell, John Glendinning. From the county—Thomas Brandon, Joseph Graves, Wm. Sch'ey, L. T. Shopp, and Thomas Hack'e. On motion, a ComvnuLec of Arrangements, consisting of seven was ap|»inted, to wit: Hugh McLaws, Robeii A. Whyte, Dr. Wm. E. Dealing, Alexander Deas, Col. Turner Clan ton, T. W. Fleming, and Henry D. Greenwood. The several commiUees were, on motion, re quested to meet at the United States Hotel, on Thursday evening, at 8 o'clock. There being no fui .her business, the meeting adjourned. JAMES 31. SMYTHE, Chairman. Wm. D. Davidson, Secretary. LATER FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL I From the New York Herald , Kith ms/.] The Shortest Passage ever made across the At lantic ! !! The U. S. mail steamship Baltic, Capt. Corn stock, arrived at her dock this morning, at a few minutes pest six o clock, in nine days awl thirteen hours from Liverpool! being the shortest passage ever made across the Atlantic ! The Baltic brought 148 passengers, and a val uable cargo. f The Baltic received the mails off t; George’s T Landing Stape, at Liverpool, at 4 o'clock, on \1 Wednesday afternoon, 6th instant, and passed } out of the North Channel. Saw Cape Race at midnight on Tuesday, 13th inst.; took a pilot on board 223 miles east of Sandy Hook, at 11 A. M. on Friday, 15th, and arrived at Canal street at six o'clock this morning. We have but time to give the latest commer cial and financial in' dbgence at this late hour, our but Evening Edition will contain the details of the newr and be issued at 12 o’clock. London, Wednesday, 1 o’clock. 3lakkets. —Consols, money, 961 a 96J; Three and a quarter Per Cents, 99 75; Exchequer Bil's. £4S 46; Do. £4B 9. Liverpool Cotton 3larket.— Monday, Aug. 4. —The salei since Friday amount to 17,000 bales, of which 9,000 are taken on speculation and for expoi t. To-day sales are 3,000 bags.— The market is steady at the prices of last week. The arrivals since Friday are 12 vesse's from the Uni'fd States. Havre Cotton Market, Tuesday, Aug. 5. The Cotton market to-day was more calm, with out variation in prices. Sa'es up ’) two o’clock, 98 X bales. Corn Markets —Liverpool, Tuesday, Aug. S-- —The supplies of British grain and flour a’O still small, but from foreign pasts we have Oad this week liberal arrivals, pas ticu'arly of wheat and flour. Os the 17,693 qrs. of whe* [ , 0,6u9 qrs. are from the United States. 4,940 qrs. “ om the Mediterranean, 1,274 qrs. from Trance, qrs. from Holland, 659 qrs. from Denmark, qrs. from Archangel and 1,030-l rs - fromDanczit. We have received 42,001 bbb. of United and Canadian, and 2,388 and sacks ol t rench flour. The week’s impivt of Indian corn isi IV 043 qrs., and the export 7,283 qrs. Me have