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JAMES GARDNER, JR., 1 asp ; Editors. JAMES M. SMYTHE, ) Foreign Extracts. The London Globe, government organ, of the sth inst. says:— “We have good reason to believe that there is no truth in the assertion contained in a late nuin lier of the Jssemblee Nalirmalr respecting instruc tions supposed to have been addressed by Count Nesselrode, after the meeting of the Emperors at , Olmutz, to the Russian representatives at Naples. Rome, and Tuscany, acquainting them that Rusia Prussia and Austria, had agreed to afford assistance to those States for the suppression of revolutionary movements. No commercial news of importance.” In the English House of Lords, on Friday, the Ist inst., the royal assent was given by commis sion to the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill. This famous measure is now the law of the land; and the question, whether it will be enforced or not. has already given rise to much speculation. I fit should be enforced in Ireland, the general opinion seems to be that it will cause great ex citement. The ret urns of the Board of Trade for the month ending on the sth of July, show that the declared value of our manufactures exported in the sixth month of the year was .£6,228,122, against £5,750,526 in the corresponding month of last year, being an increase 0f%477,596. For the half year the exports show an increase over 1850 of £2,310,519, and over 1849 of £7,578,414. Not only do the artisans appear to be well em ployed, but to be consuming an increased quail tit v of the principal articles of food imported. The number of persons who have paid for ad mission at the doors of the Crystal Palace, to the 31st ult., has been 2,574,008, and the entrance fees have amounted to £193,150 4s. The esti mated number of persons entering with season tickets has been 578,295, giving a total of 3,152,- 303 visitors. The total number who have entered, including staff and exibitors’ attendants, as estimated by the police, is 3,182,074. The largest number of visiters in any one day was on the 15th of July, when 74,122 persons entered. The largest number ot visiters in any one week was from the I Ith to the 19th ult.. when 305,853 entered the building. The largest number pre sent in the palace, at any one time, was 58,541. This was at two o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st ult. | From the Mum-hater (Eng.) Times 0/A iiut.] The Release of Kossuth. —lt will be ob served, we are quite sure, with pleasure, by all parties r.nd classes of Englishmen, that Lord Pal mes stem has announced to the House of Commons the intention of the Turkish Porte to release Kossuth ami the few renuiining Hungarians from their confine ment in Mui Minor. We have never doubted the sincerity of our Foreign Minister's frequent pro fessions of concern for tin l harsh treatment of the refugees, and more than the disapproval he ex pressed, during the conflict, of the conduct of Austria in violating the Hungarian constitution. Indeed, the published correspondence of our di plomacy during the few months that followed the end of the war, is enough to prove that vulid ef lorts were made by Lord Pousoiihy at Vienna, and by Sir C. Canning at Constantinople, to pro tect the fugitives tioiu being deliverer! up to the C/.ar and to Haynau; which must have been the case had not the Sultan of Turkey been barked in his \efusal by the effectual support of Great Britain, and secondly of France. Notwithstan ding a menacing intimation, which is put forth .n one oftlie Vienna journals, we do not appre hend that the peace of the continent will risk any fresh disturbance by the lilieratiou of these objectaof tyrannical suspicion. The Austrian gov ernment, which, besides, is financially incapaci fated for a warlike undertaking, would surely not venture, on grounds so trivial, to attempt to pun ish Turkey for an act done at the urgent request of this country. We should rather anticipate that Austria might seek to dictate some conditions, such ns u pledge on the part of Kossuth to ab stain from any future action in the affairs of Hun gary; and so endeavor to find a pretext lor a tar dy and ungracious assent to his freedom. I From the Lomhm Standard, nth inst. | Tin: Harvest op England. —As the harvest lias already partially commenced in some of the more forward counties, the line weather which now prevails tends to increase the confidence that the crop will be (bund to lie a full average one, both with respect to quantity and quality. The desperate struggles that have been made by the British agriculturists since the passing of the acts for the repeal of the duties on the imjxirtu tior. of foreign torn, have undoubtedly tended to induce a better system of cultivation, and conse quently, on the average of seasons, an enlarged production corn. This result, it must be borne in mind, has been attained, hitherto, by the sacri fice of an enormous amount of capital; it is now to lie tested by the occurrence of a good season, such as is promised by present apjiearanees, whether the English farmer, aided by a bountiful Providence, and by the exercise of all the ap pliances of science can compete with the foreign producer. It must be remembered also that the accounts from some of the European corn grow ing countries announce that their harvest is more likely to be below than above an average, in consequence of the unfavorable weather which lias prevailed, and the exports of grain thence may naturally be expected to fall short of those of previous years, and therefore afford a better chance of remunerative prices being obtained for our own produce in the English markets. The enormous yield, however, already ascertained in the U. States and Canada, forbids the hope that prices will maintain a remunerating level. It has therefore liecame almost a matter of indifference to the home producer, whether his crops turn out well or otherwise, seeing that if the yield be abundant,the unlimited competition depresses pri ces to a point below that which can be made up by the increase of quantity he has tor sale; and. on the other hand, if the crops here prove a fail ure, the imports from Europe and America would effectually prevent the realization of a price that would compensate for the diminished production. Counterfeit South Carolina Money. —A traveller passing through Russell Co., recently stopped at a gentleman's house, and for the entertainment of himself and horse, proffered a three dollar bill on the Bank of South Carolina, and received the necessary change. The bill is printed on poor paper, its geneial appearance indicates that it is a bad specimen of workmanship. It has a heavy vignette on one end only, with a design of a ship in full sail in the centre, and the words “thiee"’ in countersunk letters across the top and bottom of the vignette. Its No. is 452, and the date reads “June 20th, 1851,’’ both across the top of the bill. The signatures of the President and Cashier are not written with a pen, but engrav ed. The bill purports to be payable in Charles ton. There are no doubt others of a like stamp in circulation,and persons should be on their guard in receiving a poor looking bill of this or any other bank.— Columbus Enquirer, 1 9th inst. Rain.—Alter a long spell of the very dryest and hotest weather experienced in this section for a long time, rain commeuced falling on Sun day aiteruoon, continued during the night, and we had an occasional shower yesterday—with a prospect ot a continuance of wet weather for some days to come.-Montzomery Advertiser If ■ Gazette, 1 9th mst. ’ ” „ c Bivkalo .August 16. 1 T ? E S 'lu E Case ~s«r. Rust the t agent of Mr. Moore, the owner of the fugitive slave Daniels, has been under examination to a day on a charge of assault and battery with’ in- ( tent to kill. The examination is adjourned till Monday. [second dispatch.] a Buffalo, August 18.—Rust, the slave catcher. * gave bail in 81,000 to answer the charge of as- • saiilt and battery for striking the sU'y, , Alia NT A, GA. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 22. For Governor. CHARLES J. MCDONALD. For Congress—Eighth District, ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert. THE LARGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STATE. Appointments of 001. McMillan. Col. McMillan will address his fellow-citizens at Col. A. H. Anderson's, Burke co., Aug. 30th. At Augusta, Tuesday, Sept. 2nd. At Judge Neal's Mills, Warren co., Thursday, Sept. 4th. The Democratic Party of Georgia on the Terri torial Question. As efforts are being made by Mr. Cobb and his supporters to mystify the Democrats on the doctrine of non-intervention, as held by the Democratic party of Georgia, we propose to show what was the position of that party in 1847, 1848, and 1849, when Mr. Cobb was in full fel lowship with it, and a prominent member in its ranks. For this purpose, we quote the following reso lutions, being so much of the action of its con ventions as relate to the subject. Resolutions of the Denvxratie Parti/ in Convention, at Milledgeville, June, 1847. Resolved, That the Democratic party, while it asserts the right of citizens of any state to settle in any of the territories of the United States with their property, yet in the spirit of mutual “concession” in which our Union originated, and by which alone it can be preserved, we arc still willing to abide by the provisions and the geo graphical line of the Missouri Compromise, Resolved, That we adopt the four following re solutions as passed by the General Assembly of Virginia, as amended. Resolved , That the Government of the United States has no control, directly or indirectly, mediately or immediately, over the Institution of Slavery, and that in taking any such control it transcends the limits of its legimale functions by destroying the internal organization oftlie sovereigns which formed it. Resolved, That under no circumstances will this Body recognise as binding any enactment of the Federal Government, which has for its object the prohibition of Slavery in any Territory to be acquired either by conquest or Treaty, '‘south of the line of the Missouri compromise.” holding it to lie the natural and independent right of each and every State of the confederacy, citizen of each toreside with his property, of whatever descrip tion, in any Territory which may be acquired by the arms of the United States or yieldedby Treaty with any foreign power. Resolved, That this Assembly hold it to be the duty of every man in every section of this con federacy, if tnis Union is dear to him, to oppose the passage of any law, for whatever purpose, by which Territory to be acquired may lie subject to such a [restriction. Resolutions of the Demorratic Party in Convention, at Milledgeville, December, 1847. Resolved, That Congress possesses no power under the constitution, to legislate in any way or manner, in relation to the institution of slave ry. It is the constitutional right of every citi zen. to remove and settle with his property in any of the Territories of the United States. Resolved, That the people of the South do not ask of Congress to establish the institution of slavery in any of the territory that may be ac quired by the United States. They simply re quire that the inhabitants of each territory shall be left free to determine for themselves, whether the institution of slaveiy shall or shall not form ’ a part of their social system.” t Resolution of the Democratii- Party in Convention, at Milled geville, June. 1848. I [6. Resolved, That the opinions ofthe democracy . of Georgia on the question of slavery in the ter . ritories were correctly set forth in the resolution ofthe late Democratic Convention at Milledge ville, in December last, which declares that “the lieople of the South do not ask of Congress to es tablish the institution of slavery in any of the territories (hat may he acquired by the United States. They simply reouire that the inhabi tants of such territory shall he left free so deter mine for themselves whether the institution of slavery shall or shall not form a part of their so cial system.” Resolutions of the Demorratic Party in Convention, June, 1819. Resolved, That in reference to the subject of slavery in our newly acquired Territories, we hold the doctrine of non-intervention, which doctrine denies to Congress the power to legislate, ' either originally or by ratification of the action of the Territorial Legislatures either for or against > the introduction of slavery into such territories, j and holding such doctrine, we should regard the _ adoption of the Wilmot Proviso as unjust and unconstitutional, and are prepared to eo-oper ) ate with our friends in resisting its enactment ‘ and enforcement on the basis of the resolutions [ adopted by the at its last session: which we hereby adopt, and which read 1 as follows. 1 Be it resolved unanimously, by the General As ’ sembly of Virginia, That the government of the 1 United States has no control, directly or indirect* 1 ly, mediately or immediately over the institution J of slavery, so as to impair the rights of the slave holder, and that, in taking any such control, it ! transcends the limits of its legitimate functions ; by destroying the internal organization of the * sovereignties who created it. ’ Resolved unanimously, That all territory which J may be acquired by the arms of the United “ States, or yielded by treaty with any foreign power, belongs to the several States of this Union. as their joint ami common property, in which each ami all have equal rights; amt that the cnactnu-nt, by the federal govenwwnt, of any law which shotdd directly, or by its effects, prevent the citizens of any State from emigrating, with their property , of whatever description , into such territory would make a discrimination unwarranted by, and in violation of the compromises of the con stitution and the rights ofthe State from which such citizens emigrated, and in derogation, of that perfect equality that belongs to the several States as members of this Union, and would tend di rectly to subvert the Union itself. Here is apparent, at a glance—lst. What the Democratic party claimed for the South. 2nd. What it meant to assert in proclaiming the doc trine of non-intervention. 3d. The entire com patibility of its position then with the position of the Convention of 1851, which nominated Charles J. McDonald. First.—The Democratic party claimed the right of the Southern people to an equal par ticipation in the territories acquired, or to be acquired, by the joint arms and treasure of all the States. It claimed for Southern men the equal right with citizens of other sections, to carry their property, slaves and all, into the territories, and enjoy the use thereof as fully as under the laws and customs ot the Southern States from which they should emigrate. It claimed for them the right to reside, with their slave proper ty, in such territory. This necessarily involved the claim for the protection of the Constitution and flag of their country, by means of organized Governments and Courts of justice. The great doctrine of equality of rights was asserted in these positions. It was claimed that Congress should do nothing to disturb this equal ity of rights existing among the citizens of this common Government—that it should enact no law—that it should organize no form of territo rial government in such away as to prevent the enjoyment of equality of rights. It will be perceived that all the thunders of Southern denunciation were hurled against the Wilmot Proviso. This was the great and mon strous wrong threatened the South. It was the obstacle which was threatened to be interposed by the North to the equal participation by ! the South in the territories. The Southern ; Democrats universally, and the Southern Whigs j generally, believed that unless Congress inter posed this prohibition, there would be no obsta cle to this equal participation. They believed the Constitution secured this equal participation, and that the laws of the conquered race could not override that instrument, and be enforced to the deprivation of the constitutional rights and equality of the Southern people. Secondly.—What did the Democratic party mean by the assertion that non-intervention was the duty of the Federal Government? What was this doctrine of non-intervention as under stood by the South? It meant—lst. That Con gress, in forming territorial governments, had no right to enact the Wilmot Proviso, or other kin dred measure, to prohibit the introduction of slavery into the territories. 2nd. That it had no right to enact that slavery should form a part of the social system of the people of the territories, thus introducing and establishing, by its own mere will and authority, the institution of slave ry among that people. .Ird. That in establish ing territorial governments, this equal participa tion in them, claimed by the Southern people, should be recognized and secured to them, and the people, thus made equal, left free to determine. for themselves whether slavery thmM or should not form a part of their social system. This was the sort of territorial government the Democratic party wanted and were entitled to claim, and did claim for the South. They ex pected, and had a right to expect that territorial governments, when formed, would be in con formity to this equitable principle of equal par ticipation, and that this principle would be stamped upon the face of the bill creating such governments. The Democratic party of Georgia and the South, looked upon Gen. Cass's Nicholson’s let ter as recognizing this principle, and for that reason supported him with zeal. In that letter, while coinciding in and endorsing the opinion of other leading statesmen, that slaves would not go there, as it would not be to the interest of the in habitants already there, or of the citizens of the States going there, to introduce it, he distinctly re cognized the right, as was universally considered among us, of the slaveholder to take and keep his slaves there. He even contemplated the possibility of this being done, and thus, in that letter, argued with the Northern people against opposing territorial governments on the non-in tervention principle. ‘•The question that presents itself is not a question of increase, but of the diffusion of slave ry. Whether its sphere be stationary or pro gressive, its amount will be the same. The re jection of this restriction will not add one to the class ofservitude, nor will its adoption give free dom to a single being who is now placed there in. The same numbers will be spread over great er territory; and so far as comparison, with less abundance of the necessaries of life, is an evil, so far will that evil be mitigated by transporting slaves to a new country, and giving them a larger space to occupy.” It was not till after the Presidential election that Gen. Cass elaborated from that letter the squatter sovereignty doctrine, which empower ed the sovereign squatters who should first settle on the common soil, and in advance of the action of Congress giving a territorial government, to set up for themselves a government with full right to establish or prohibit slavery—a doctrine which was intended, by free soil intervention, to oust the people of the South of their constitutional right of equal participation. Thirdly.—The demand of the Southern mem bers of Congress, that this right of equal par ticipation should lie recognized by a declaration to that effect incorporated in the territorial bills was entirely compatible with the doctrine of non-intervention, as held by the Democratic par ty of Georgia, and is entirely compatible with the position of the Convention which nominated Charles J. McDonald. When the Democratic party declared that Con gress had no right to legislate, either originally or by ratification of the acts of territorial legis latures, for or against the introduction of slavery in the territories, but should preserve the policy of non-intervention, it proclaimed the just and constitutional principle that Congress should maintain on this question a position of impar tiality. It should not act the partizan, either to introduce and establish slavery by its arbitrary legislative will and maintain it there—whether agreeable to the people of the territory c not: neither should it in like arbitrary and unwar ranted manner interpose and prohibit its intro duction. It should not stand at the boundary line and there meeting the emigrating slavehold er with his slaves, drive him back with the Wil mot Proviso stretched as a flaming sword across his path. Its duty was to give the Urritories such a government as opened the path wide and tree for every citizen to go in with his property of every description,and when assembled there from every section of the Union, upon the principle of equality, they could determine for themselves in forming a State government, whether slavery should or should not form a part of their social institutions. This Congress failed to do. This Congress pertinaciously refused to do. It was, in this, derelict to its duty and to the just claims the South. In refusing to acknowledge this right of equal participation it played the parti zan against the South and in favor of the North. It did this in refusing so long to give territorial governments unless the South would permit the Wilmot Proviso to be attached, and preferring to have the territones without government, rather than acknowledge the right of equal partici patiox. It did this in voting down, in the House, Mr. Toombs's amendment aiming (in an indirect manner) to secure this right Sept. sth, 1850, and which that gentleman once said “he would never surrender.** It did this in voting down, on the 7th September, 1850, the following a mendment of Mr. Seddon, which aimed to pro cure a direct acknowledgement of this right. “ And that prior to the formation of State Con stitutions there shall be no prohibition by reason of any law or usage existing in said territories, or by the action of the territorial legislature of the emigration of all citizens of the V. States with any kind of property recognized as such in any of the States of the Union. This was re- | jected—ayes 50, noes 80.” The Noith thus triumphed over the South. And on the same day it did this by rejecting the following amendment of Mr. Millson. "Provided, That no law or usage existing in the said territory, at or before the time when the same was acquired by the United States shall be held to destroy or impair, within the said territo ry, any rights of property or relations of persons that may be now recognized and allowed in any of the United States.” Among other things forcibly said by Mr. Mill son in support of his amendment was the follow ing. 11 My object is to test the strength of the doc trine of non-intervention—the true doctrine of non-intervention, which leaves the rights of cit izens of the South where the Constitution has placed them, and removes every obstruction that has been put in their way by a foreign govern ment as well as their own. If gentlemen, then, you are really in favor of that non-intervention of which they speak so much, they will not con tent themselves with simply forbearing to insert a positive prohibition of slavery, believing it un necessary to do so, but they will also take ca;e that the rights of Southern citizens shall not be destroyed or impaired by the legislation of the power that formerly owned the territory.” ‘•What excuse can there be for refusing to in sert such a provision in the bill except that it is really expected and intended that the bill as it now stands shall secure our exclusion from this territory. Is this non-intervention ? Is this a re su/t which Congress may lawfully accomplish, di rectly or indirectly?” Mr. Millson's amendment was rejected,—ayes 49, noes 92. Mr. Wellborn, (of Geo.) offered the following amendment. “Provided further, that the people of said ter ritory be allowed to pass all laws necessary for the protection of slavery within said territory, should slaves be introduced there.” Which Mr. Seddon moved to amend by add ing the following: “ And to remove all restrictions to the free emigration of persons with their property.” These were also rejected. In the Senate similar amendments had been rejected. Should it be said that the enactment of such amendments would have been legislation on sla very by Congress, and would have been in con travention of the doctrines held by the Georgia Democratic Conventions,which denied the right, this conclusive reply is at hand It was never intended to deny to Congress au thority to pass laws necessary to secure the con stitutional rights of the people, whether in refer ence to slavery or any other subject. The passage of the fugitve slave law was legislation on slavery. It was to secure constitutional rights appertain ing to the slave holder. The passage of Mr. Seddon’s, Mr. Millson's, and Mr. Wellborn's amendments would have been doing no more. If the one would have been violative of the doctrines of non-intervention, so was the other. One word as to the District of Columbia Bill, which was also legislation on slavery. It was legis lation considered in 1849 to be so adverse to sla very, that the Democratic Convention which as sembled that year at Milledgeville. adopted as its own the following Resolutions of the Vir ginia Legislature. Resolved, That we regard the passage ofa law by the Congress of the United States, abolishing slavery or the slave trade in the District of Co lumbia. as a direct attack upon the institution of the Southern States, to be resisted at every haz ard. Resolved, That in the event of the passage by Congress olt he‘Wilmot Proviso,” or any law abolishing slavery or the slave trade in the Dis trict ot Columbia, the Governor ot this Common wealth is requested immediately to convene the Legislature of this State (if it shall have adjourn ed) to consider the mode and measure of re dress.” Mr. Cobb was a member of that Convention, and voted for and advocated those resolutions. He now justifies the act of Congress which does abolish the slave trade in thc\DUtrict of Columbia.— Instead of protesting against he advocated it at Washington, and signed the bill as speaker. This is one of the series of bills which gave, as is claimed byJMessrs. Cobb, Toombs and Ste phens, a triumph to the South. The votes we have quoted above on the Utah territorial bill are aduitional evidences of Southern triumphs. When Southern members of Congress come home after such votes and tell their constituents that these are Southern triumphs, it is time for the people to change their Representatives. In the language ot Judge Berrien, we may truly exclaim. “ If these Ik triumphs what would be a defeat ?” Violators of the Fugitive Slave Law. [ The Constitutional Union papers and speak i ers are constantly harping upon the gain to the South, of the Fugitive Slave law. We have said . a hundred times that it was no gain to the South. It was our constitutional right. We now chal lenge any one of those papers, or speakers, to show that it was a gain to the South. If any one will undertake to show it, we will publish his article if he will insure the publication of our ■ reply in any opposition paper in the State that I has one half, or even one third, of the subscribers that we have. If no one will take up this pro position, we ask the people beforehand to note it. It will be proof positive that they know it is not a gain to us. 1 hey tell us, also, that its provisions are am ple to secure its enforcement. Well they know better, and it is one of the ominous signs of the times, that men in our midst, at home, seekers of office and political partizans , will constantly de clare, before the people, that the penaltie's at tached to the violation of the law are ample and efficient. Now we beg all of our political opponents who have the least candor in the world, and the’ least regard for facts and truth, to decide for themselves whether that declaration is worthy of belief. Have you not seen the people of the North, in fits of frantic passion, swearing before high Heaven that the law should not be execu ted ? In a few cases the law has been enforced I at heavy expense, and at losses greater than the i value of the slaves. In one case, (that of Shad- j rach's,) the lawless miscreants who rescued him, ■ in open day, in utter violation of the lav, were’ I indicted and brought to trial. The proof of the 1 guilt of these abolition thieves was ample and overwhelming. Why, then, were they not con victed? Yes, that is the question. Everybody knows that these thieves and violators of the law, have been acquitted and discharged. Now we ask all candid men (and our question is put to our Constitutional Union fellow-citizens as well as Southern Rights men,) do not the lead ers of the opposit ion require too great an exercise of faith, on the part of the people, when they ask them to believe that the guarantees of the execu tion of the law are ample and efficient ? Can an honest man say this in the face of well known and established facts ? He cannot, and when a man utters it, in the hearing of the people, it is proof conclusive that he is unworthy of public confidence. There can be no charity for such a man, un less you esteem him an idiot, or politically de ranged. Os course he could not be worthy of your confidence, if you had to doubt his crimi nality at the expense of his intellect. A Native Artist of Merit. We enjoyed the gratification two day ago of vi siting, for the first time, the Room of Mr. R. Boggs, and examining specimens of his Land scape and Portrait Painting. Terms of the warm est compliment are due this young and rising Artist for the taste and genius he thus early dis plays in his beautiful art. Already has he at tained a degree of excellence, particularly in Portrait Painting,which has not often been equal led by Artists visiting us of established reputa tion. This visit was a pleasing surprize to us, for we were not prepared to see in one so young, such full acquaintance with his art, and such skill in carrying out the promptings of his mind and taste. His portraits stand out with life-like distinctness from the canvas, and assume the natural attitude of the living being—the eyes beam with intelligent light, and every feature glows with animation. The coloring, a severe test of skill, will bear a favorable comparison with productions of established Artists of credi table standing. We predict for Mr. Boggs distinguished suc cess. He is a native of this city, and returns among us, after devoting some time to his im provement in the Academy of Design and schools of Painting in New York city. We hope his claims on the patronage of our ci tizens will not be overlooked. His Room is on Broad-st., 2nd floor, a tew doors below the Bank of Augusta. , Grov McDonald's reply to the Macon Committee. Mr. Cobb wrote five columns and a half for . the Athcnt Bantur, in reply to the aforesaid Com v mittee, in which he evidently labored to conceal, as much as possible, his real sentiments, and wltieh were no doubt clearly expressed in that tupprtssed letter. But the cloven foot of anti state secession and Consolidation would stick out. Governor McDonald, with the strait for , ward manliness that characterizes every thing from him, declares his belief in the right of a . State peaceably to secede, and that the General Government has no constitutional right to co s erce her to remain in the Union. He says, em phatically, that he would not obey a call upo n j him (if Governor) for troops thus to coerce a State. These are the sentiments of a true I State Bights and Southern Rights man. They . are the sentiments of a patriot, and should bear . him on triumphantly to victory. We hope, and . believe, that Georgia will give] a splendid tri s umph to these noble and patriotic sentiments. Marietta, Aug. 1851. Gexti.kmex:—Accident has prevented an ear lier reply to the enijuiries propounded by you on • doth June last, to the Hon. Howell Cobb and 5 myself. I did not, in fact, receive them for - some time, after they were addressed to the par t ties whose opinions were sought. - You will perceive that I have already given my opinion on many of the subjects of enquiry, r’ in letters which I have written, and which have f been published and extensively circulated in the, - newspapers. Upon reference to these letters. • you will find that 1 believe, that the late acts of J Congress are not just and equitable, and that - some of them, acting most injuriously on the • South, are violative ot the fundamental princi ples of the Constitution. , 1 have also given it as my opinion, that the people of a State, in their sovereign capacity, have the right to secede ]>eaceably from the U ' nion whenever in their judgment their safety and happiness requires it; and that the General Government, has no constitutional authority to coerce her to remain in the Union. In my judg- ! ment, then a requisition upon a State to furnish ’ a military force to coerce a State to remain in the Union, or to enforce against its citizens the , laws ot the United States, after it has seceded ! from the Union, would be without warrant in ! the Constitution, and no Executive officer sworn j to support the Constitution, and entertaining! these opinions, could conscientiously obey it. 1 I should not. But no State ought to be encoura o '- ! ed to secede from the Union by the hope of aid from the public authorities of one of the States remaining in the Confederacy. Such succor l could notjbe afforded without a violation of the i Constitution. It a State secede, she converts herself into a foreign nation, “an enemy in war, in peace a i friend. ’ I have the honor to be, Respectfully your obedient servent. Charles j. McDonald. Samuel B. Hunter,John Rutherford Esqrs. and ' others. Letter from Mr. Stell. We copy from the Chronicle <s■ Sentinel the fol lowing letter from Mr. Stell. As Mr. Cobb, in his speech in this city, stated that a Southern Rights candidate for Congress had expressed himself in favor of, and willing to vote for a re peal of the Fugitive Slave law, it is to be hoped that gentleman will take the earliest opportunity of noticing this denial by Mr. Stell, of having occupied any such position. Fayetteville, 18th Aug. 1851. Mr. Jones — Dear Sir: I see an article in the Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel of the 13th inst over the signature of “Henry/’ giving] an ac count of a discussion at McDonough oil the sth inst., between Col. Murphy and myself, which does me great injustice in many particulars. You have also bestowed an editorial upon me. rep resenting me as being shoulder to shoulder with Seward, Hale. Giddings, & Co. Those who are familiar with such articles and editorials, know their worth, as well as the purposes for which they are written and heralded forth. I shall not, therefore, pretend to notice but one paragraph of Henry’s epistle, which is in the following words: "For he told the people that he had said —and he presumed Col. Murphy alluded to him —that it he \yere in Congress, he would vote to repeal the fugitive slave law,” &c. I said no such thing: but to the contrary, did say, that the charge, so far as it might be intended to apply to me, was untrue. I have never said that I would vote to repeal that law, and so stated at the time of the discussion alluded to, as those who were present will doubtless remember. Now, sir, I know that you entertain no per sonal prejudice against me, therefore I doubt not, you will readily give this note an insertion in your columns as an act of sheer justice to a poli tical opponent. Very respectfully, John D. Stell. We regret that the letter of our esteemed cor respondent from Marietta, came to hand too late for insertion in to-day's paper. We make one ■ extract. The writer says:— Federal Union. , “I have mingled extensively with men of both parties in this Congressional District. Every where I find the opinion entertained by their I friends, that McDonald and Stiles will carry the District.’’ ’ , (communicated.) Southern Rights Meeting in Morgan Count;-. On Saturday, the 16th of August, a large and enthusiastic meeting of the Southern Rights party of Morgan county assembled at the Court House, in Madison, and was organized by call ing Rev. Wm. V. Burney to the Chair, and ap pointing J. C. Butts as Secretary. 1 hos. J. Blimey then offered the following pre amble and resolutions, to-wit: The people of Morgan county have assembled being deeply impressed with the importance of the present crisis in the affairs of the country and believing it to be the duty of all good citi zens to raise a warning voice against the exten sion of doctrines dangerous and destructive in their tendency, and which if carried into prac tice wouhl eventually place the Southern States of this Confederacy at the feet of a Northern majority; do hereby make the declaration of principles contained in the following resolutions -Ist, We acquiesce in the Compromise measures not because we approve them fully, nor believe in the language attributed to Mr. Cobb, that they are “wise, liberal and just,’’ but for the sake of Union and harmony among the States. 2nd, We approve, in the main, the principles embodied in the action of our State Convention, and hereby declare our determination to abide by that action, according to a lair and common sense construction of it. 3rd, We believe that the States of this Union are sovereign, that as such, they went into the Confederacy, and that they have the right, re sulting from the nature and character of our gov ernment, to secede, or withdraw from the U nion. for causes to be judged of by the State sece ding. 4th, We believe that the admission of the right of a State to secede, presupposes a corres ponding obligation on the part of her co-States to allow her peacefully to do so, and as a conse quence, force cannot rightfully be used by the b ederal Government to punish or bring her back again. f»th, We believe that all “States worth contending for, depend upon the great para mount right of secession, and that to surrender this, would be to t.e ourselves “ hand and footc* as an offering to abolition fanaticism. 6th, We believe there is a manifest and pal pable difference between the right of secession and revolution, the former, growing out of the sovereignty of the States: whilst the latter only contemplates what would be regarded as revo lution and traitorous resistance. Revolved, That the Chairman of this meeting appoint a Central Committee of twenty-one, hose duty it shall be to procure and dissemi nate polical information among the people—and to promote by all honorable means the success of the principles above set forth. The foregoing preamble and resolutions were advocated by the mover at some length, in which he contrasted the principles of the two candidates for Governor, successfully showing that accord ing to Mr. Cobb's position, the right of a State to secede is entirely worthless—and that to make it of any value, there must be, in the lan guage of one of the resolutions, a corresponding obligation on the jiart of the other States to ad mit its exercise, and as a necessary consequence, no right can exist any where to punish, or bring i a seceding State back into the Union. Col. John B. Walker then followed and made j a ,ew forcible remarks, happily illustrating the position ol the two parties: one contending for those principles which have always been held dear by State Rights men of the South, whilst the other, by a surrender of those principles had J become engulphed in the shoals and quicksands | of Federalism and Consolidation. Wm. J. Vason, Esq., formerly a citizen of Morgan, but who for eighteen months has been a resident ot California, being present, was call ed on to address the meeting, to which he res jxmded by making one of his happiest efforts— no attempt is here made to present even an epi tome of Mr. Vason's remarks, but there was one of his statements, that ought not to be passed over in silence—lie said that for the year 1850, and for Ist quarter of 1851, more than 75 mil lions of gold has been shipped from the port of San Francisco alone, and that if the people of the South valued their slaves because they would command money,they have given upmore by sur i rendering their right to the mineral wealth of California than all the slaves in the South are worth. 1 he preamble and resolutions were then unaui ; mously adopted. j The Chairman then proceeded to appoint as the Committee of twenty-one, the following ! gentlemen, to-wit: Wm. Woods, Wm. M. Day! Wm. O. Saffold, W. D. Snellings, John Durden, j Charles W. Thompson, Wm. Stallings, W. H. c! Lane, Jackson Cheney, Albert Partee, Wmi Brooks, A lad iso n B. Snellings, Seaborn Clark, John W. Stark, J. C. Butts, Thos. Lonnias, Thos- Swift, Robert Harris, Wm. Bonner, Carter Shepperd, and William Ballard. Authority was confered upon the Committee to call a meeting ol the party at a future time, to nominate can didates for county officers. On motion of Col. John B. Walker, prefaced, j by a few remarks, the meeting proceeded to no-’ | minate by acclamation, Simeon N. Brown, i Esq., as the Southern Rights candidate for the ! Legislature. Mr. Brown being present, was called on. and in few remarks accepted the no mination. On motion, the Chairman appointed Hiram Harris and Wm. M. Day, as delegates to the Convention to nominate a candidate for Con gress from the 7th District, with power to fill va cancies. On motion of Thos. S. Brown, Esq., the fore going proceedings were ordered to be sent for publication to the Constitutionalist tis Republic, and the Federal Union. The meeting then adjourned. WM. V. BURNEY. Chairman. J. C. Butts, Sec’y. (cOMMU.N ICATF.D.) CRAWFORDVILLE, Aug. 16th, 1851. According to previous notice, a respectable portion of the Southern Rights Party of Talia ferro county, met at the Court House this day. On motion of Wm. Bell, Esq., Judge Rhome was called to the Chair, and Jefferson Roland re quested to act as Secretary. On motion, a committee, consisting of Seaborn Moore, William Bell, Esq., A. S. W. Rhodes, S. R. Crenshaw and L. E. Moore were appointed by the chairman to report business for the con sideration of the meeting. The committee retired, and on their return re ported the names of William Elfett, William Bell, Esq., and Solomon H. Perkins as delegates to the Convention to be held in Sparta on the 20th inst., to nominate a candidate to represent the 7th Congressional District. After which, William Bell, Esq., offered the following Resolutions: Ist. Resolved, That we approve of the nomi nation of the Hon. Chas J. McDonald for P jV '