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Cnnstitatinnalist K jbpuhlit. | JAMES GARDNER, JR., ) AWD ' Editor*. JAMES M. 3MYTHE, ) _ ' TEEMS. Duly, par annum. in advance t 8 0® T«>Wi.xklt. p< annum 5 ®# W imr, per annum, if paid in advance 2 00 Thewt term* arc offered to new subscriber., and to old sub*:fibers who pay op all arrearage.. In no ease will the Weekly paper be lent at $2. un less the money o~ mpanics Ike order. In a cane will »t be aent at *2 to an old subscriber in When the year paid for at $2 expire*, theip»P* r > llnot diaeenMnued. or paid for i Advance, will b* sent on the rid terms. ft so if paid at the office within the year, or »3 if paid at the expiration of the year Postage most be paid on all communication* and letter* eftaiun.sv TERMS OF ADVERTISING. One nquare (12 line*.) 40 cent* the flr*t insertion, and S'j cents for the next u insertion*, and 25 cent* for each subsequent insertion. Contracts made by the year, Or for a less period, on reasonable term*. , LEG VI, ADVERTISEMENTS. Sheriff'* Levies. 30 day*. ?2 50 per levy ; 80 day*. $5. Executor .. Administrator'* and tiuardian'* Sale*. Real Estate, (per square, 12 lines) $4 75 Do. do Personal Estate 3 25 Citation for Letters of Administration 2 75 Do. do. })i-mis*ion 4 50 Notie* to Debtors and Creditor* 3 25 four Month*’ Notire* 4 00 Rules Nisi, (monthly) $1 per square, each insertion. ay ALL REMITTANCES PER MAIL, aaa at or* alia. [From the N. 0. Picayune, 23d in*/.] den. Lope* and hia Follower*. The Delta oflast evening publishes the follow ing letter from Adjutant Satnford, which ex plains p*rlially the manner in which onr unfor. tnnate countrymen met their untimely fate: Havana, Ang. 16, 1851. Dear Huling: —W* arrived on the Island of Cuba after the most, horrible passage you can con ceive of, cooped on board with 400 or 500 men. We arrived on Sunday last, I believe—dates I have s!mo: t ftigotten. The next morning, Lo pez, with Gen. Paraguay and all the comanding officers, left us— (1 mean Crittenden and his bat talion) W o he-' rd nothing more of him for two days, v. hen Crittenden despatched a note. He then requested we fcl ould join him at a little town sonic six or eight miles off, leaving us in the meantime to take care of all the baggage,Ac. We started for him on Wednesday morning, at 2 o'c'ock, A M , and had proceeded only three miles, when \v L were attacked by 500 Spanish soldiers. In the ;'vt charge I received a very severe wound in the knee. We repulsed them, however. The; made another charge, ana completely routei We spent two days and nights the most mi-, -üble you can imagine, in the ci aparel, without anything to eat or drink. We made the best of our way to the sea shore, and found some boats with which we pul to sea. Spent a night upon the ocean, and next day, about 12 o’clock, ware taken prisoners by the Habanero, weretirought to Havana last night and condemned to die this morning. We shall all be shot in an hour. Good bye, and God bless you. I sen dthe Ma sonic medal enclosed in this, belonging to my father. Convey it to my sister, Mrs. P n, and tell her of my fate. Once more. God bless you. Stanford. From this and from a comparison with the official reports of the Spanish officers, we are en abled to construct a more connected and proba ble narrative of the events which led to tne un happy catastrophe than has yet besn given. Gen. Lopez, on landing near Bahia Honda, with the main body of hi* forces, consisting of about 300 men, advanced towards Las Pazas, a small town a few miles in the interior, leaving Col. Crittenden and his command, 114 strong, in charge of the baggage. Thatmight or the next day, the steamer Pizarro landed 700 Spanish troops at Bahia Honda, and these advancing towards the place rtf Lopez's landing, cut off Crittenden's men from their companions. On the second night alferwards, this party deter mined to attempt to form a junction with Lopez, but on the road were attacked by an overwhel ming body of troop*, and after a short struggle were on the second charge routed and distiersed. After wandering about in the thickets, fifty of them got together and made their way to the sea shore, where they seized four small boats and endeavored to make their escape, when they were captured, as has been related in the official report of Admiral Bustilles There are still sixty four of this command to be accounted for. of these, forty were surprised and shot at a small farm house. A Spanish lieutenant reports that on the 14th he came ujxm twenty “pirates’’ guar- I ding an equal number of wounded comrades, All | of whom were immediately put to death. The remaining twenty-four, or such of them as had not been killed in battle, probably continued to wander in the vicinity until, we are forced to believe, they .Uso were taken and slaughtered. The other )>arty, under Lopez, it seems, received the attack of the Spaniards, in a farm house at Las rotas, and bout them off with severe loss, at least so it is to be supposed, since the Spanish official reports statu that they desisted from the assault in order to itceive reinforcements. Wheth er any subsequent lighting took place at this point we do not know; at all events, Lopez held his own for two days —till, on the 15th, he left for the interior, and was not molested oil his march by Gen. Etina; all of which we learn from the Spanish official accounts. This was the state of affairs on the 15th, the date of our last advices from the scene of action, thnrugh Gen. Eanna’s despatch, dated at 3:30 on that day. If Gen. Lopez reached the mountains in safety, he will discover soon wether he has relied with too much confidence on the assistance of the native inhabi tants. Tho Letter*. Letter* written by the victims at Havana to theirfriendsin this city have been received in many instances, and sotne of them have been shown us. Tliefolio'' ing, addressed by Capt. Vic tor Ker to his brother Robert Ker, ot this city, has been handed to us for publication with the request of Mr. Robert Ker to contradict the report that any letter has been received by their mother from his brother Victor: My Dear Brcthir Robert —Adieu! Jam to be shot in an hour: there is no remedy for it. This will be handed to you by niy friend, Mr. Costa, who has been kind enough to take charge of it. Adieu! Robert. I die as a man and as an Ameri can should die. Kiss your dear wife, my good mother, sisteis and brothers, and believe me ever your brother. (Signed! Victor Kek. August i 6, IS-»l—C>i o'clock. Two other letters have been shown us, but without the liberty to publish in full. Both complain of having been deceived in the expec tation of Creole assistance on landing, and one speaks of being deserted by Gen. Lopez, and speaks with harshness of his abandonment of uwm. Our own inference from the statements, and such other circumstances as we can connect with them, leads us to the impression that this party got separated from the main body of the troops, retreated to the seaside and attempted to escape in boats, when they were captured; and that they had resentments age inst Gen. Lopez for this “abandonment/ 1 One letter expresses the opinion that all the account* of rising in originated or “were trumped up in the United States.” This is rather too sweeping a generalization from two or three days' experience at Bahia Honda, remote from the places at which these risings were re ported: and we happen to know that whatever their character may turn out to be, the reports did come from Cuba. But this testimony, under sueh circumstances, only increase* the anxiety to know what has been, in fact, the reception of these men in Cuba, on which so much uncer tainty hangs. Wa»hin?ton Papers. \Ve have rarely seer, so much truth make its appearance in the opposing Washington organs, the Union and the Republic, as has lately seen exhibited by them. Each is attempting to show that the party of the other in the North, is rotten on the subject of slavery; and for ail that we can see, each has made out a very strong ease.—And yet for Southern men to think of dissolving con nection with such parties is sectional and horri ble! In New York the pretended conservative whies have completely surrendered to Seward andnis abolition gang, while in Ohio the Dem ocratic Convention, lately held, dared not en dorse the late Compromise—even injurious as it j was to the slave .States. The little remaining sense of justice towards the South, in Northern minds, is, doubtless, among Democrats—but it is too limited in its prevalence to constitute any I substantial basis of hope for better things in fu ture.—Savannah Georgian. AUGUSTA, GA. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 29. For Governor. CHARLES J. MCDONALD. For Congress—Eighth District, ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert. THE LARGEST cipLATION IN THE STATE. '• fa 1 1,1 —• Appointments of OoL McMillan. Col. McMillan will address his fellow-citizens At Augusta, Tuesday, Sept. 2nd. At Judge Neal’s Mills, Warren co., Thursday, Sept. 4th. Public Barbacue. A Public Barbacuewill be given, in or near this city, to Col. Robert McMillan, the Southern Rights candidate for Congress, in this district, on Tuesday next, 2nd day of September, at the La fayette Race Course. Hon. Charles J. McDonald, Hon. J. M. Ber- , rien, Hon. Charles Dougherty, Hon. J. H. Hammond, Hon. Hershell V. Johnson, Judge Colquitt, L. J. Gartrell, Esq., Col. Billups, J. W. Harris, Eaq., and others have been invited to he present on the occasion. The Barbacue will be free to all. Every one is invited to attend.— Come one 1 Come all! A. H. McLAWS, ROBERT A. WHYTE, WM. E. DEARING, ALEX. DEAS, TURNER CLANTON, T. W. FLEMING, H. D. GREENWOOD, Committee of Arrangements. N. B. Col. McMillan is expected to address the citizens ol Augusta, at 8 o’clock, on the eve ning of the same day, at the City Hall. There will be a Barbacue and Free Dis cussion at Dearing, on the Georgia Railroad, on Friday, Sept. sth, on which occasion Col. Mc- Millan will address the people. Frss Boil boasts sinot the Compromise. The Constitutional Union papers teem with laudations of the Compromise, as a final and glori ous settlement of the difficulty between the North and the South. Since the passage of the series of measures, which have been misnamed a Com promise, most of the Northern papers have boast ed, that while the people of that section are unanimous against the further extension of slavery, the signs of the times are favorable, even in the South. They speak in terms of praise of the liberal minded men of tht South who are either open in their advocacy of free soil, or in different upon the subject. Would to God there were no reasons for the boast. Our beloved sec tion has heretofore, exhibited a stainless faith in the maintenance of its rights and institutions.— Is it so now f Is the light of Southern faith pure and undimmed by infidelity and treachery f What strange and extraordinary light shoots oc casionally, athwart the dark prospect that sur rounds us. Men of the South, you must arouse and speak for yourselves, and it will require an exercise of sublime energy to undo and finally resist the mischief which has been done. You are told by some Southern papets to keep quiet, forbear and conciliate. The North is not prac tising those truly useful virtues. In her legis latures, conventions, religious assemblies, prima ry meetings, and indeed, in every channel of pub lic influence and action, the people there are call ed upounrt’cr to falter in opposing us. The en tire North is in ablaze of opposition to the great institution ot the South, and yet we are told to fold our arms, to have confidence in a returning sense of justice! Who would he so weak and foolish as to stand still upon the beach, with a wild sea raging around his feet, and each succes sive tide growing higher and more furious than the one which preceded it ? No, we must be lip and doing. We have to awe the faithless in our midst, as well as our opponents beyond the slave ry line. Oh! for the light of other days. Now is the time for it to burn brighter than ever. Now is the time for the South to be united as a band of brothers. It is true that none but the abolitionists pro per, charge us with being kidnappers and robbers, but all in the free States, deny that our institu tion is sanctioned by the law of God, or any just law of man, and hence, condemn it upon princi ple. They deny us our constitutional right to go into the common territory of the States, with our slaves, if we see proper to do so. Hence the necessity for action. Opposition to slavery at the North has become a religious fanaticism. — The love and worship of a common God and Sa viour, have not been strong enough in the holi ness of their ties, to prevent a part of the North ern church from opening its battery of bigotry upon the Southern church. The latter has been compelled to seek repose and an undisturbed worship, in a total separation from the former. What kind of a picture is this to be held up be fore the chiristain and civilized world. First, we have felt the force of their artillery of reli gious madness, and now we are experiencing that of a political phrenzy, not less, if not more dangerous, and still, we must be as mild as a moon beam, and conciliating as a iamb in the clutches of a wolf. When we go to God’s holy inspiration, we find enough to convince every mind, not blinded with prejudice, that slavery and religion are not inconsistent with each other. Ham was con demned to servitude, and slavery was instituted by Heaven itself. “ Blessed be the Lord God of Slum and Canaan shall be his servant.”— Abraham was a chosen servant of God. The Loid said: “He that is born in thy house, and he thatis bought with thy money must needs be circumcised, and my covenant shall be in your flesh for an everlasting covenant.” We are told in tbs same chapter, (the 17th of Gen.) that the circumcision of Abraham and Ishmael, and 11 those bought icith money of the stranger/’ took place on the same day. How frequently the ex pressions occur "man servants and maid servants'' in the old Scripture. Hired servants are spoken of and those bought trith money. Slaves were recognized at property. In the 21st chapter of Exodus is found, “ If a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished,’’ but u if he continue a day or two he shall not be punished, for he it hit money;’ The children of j Isreal were told 11 of the heathen round about i you shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaidt , and they shall be your possession, and ye shall take ! them as on inheritance for your children after you j to inherit them for a possession, they shall be i your bondmen for ever.". We could fill a col- I iimn. with similar extracts from the old Scrip- I ture. We shall very briefly continue the sub- I ject in our next, and will show, that the exis tance and legality of slavery was fully recog nized by Christ and his Apostles. We refer to these Scriptural proofs fonfltwo reasons; first, to make them familiar tefpose who may not have thought upon the subject; and second, to satisfy others, even at thmfouth, that the abolitionists and opponents of slavery are wrong in denouncing it a* abhorred ts God and criminal in man. Do anti-slavery men pos sess a higher and purer morality than Christ and his Ajiostles ? Some of them are crazy enough to think so, but they are blinded by the deep de lusions which beset them. We sincerely de sire and hope to see them disenchanted, before they wake up amkl the falling fragments of aonce “ glorious Union.” ' The Chronicle’s Noddle Set for Wit “He cannot therefore plead them in bar or ar- I rest of judgment, and his only escape is, being then a young man—he ‘ nuiy have ” been amm baby. Well, tlierc is no resisting such a pica, and Mr. Smytiik is of course, entitled to all its ben# fits. We congratulate him upon his escape and his triumphant defence of his own consistency, and the “reckless assertions" of the Constitution alitt,in relation to the position of the Union party ’ of Georgia, and the South, on the Proclamation •of Gen. Jackson. Long live the “Baby Act. 1 ’ We copy the above paragraph from the Chroni i cle & Sentinel of Wednesday. The Chronicle 1 dont often tap its head lor wit, and when it does, as in the above case, it only exposes itself to ri dicule. There is no true wit without truth for its foundation, and as there was no ‘‘baby act” to sustain the Chronicle, it must rub its noddle and try again. Tins ion UK <jt rtOWUrtgtlT nutting. The Chronicle depends upon the thickness of its trull, not its contents. In butting at us, (even supposing we entertained opinions, when ‘a young man” that we do not now,) it butts at Mr. Toombt , and many others, who were nulli fieri and States Rights advocates, when young men but are now consolidationists. The Chronicle may butt an, and butt every body if it wants to, but' we shall protest against its butting being mistak en for wit. We beg our readers not to under stand us to allude to them iu thi9 protest. What we say is intended for noddles like that of the Chronicle. To Mr. Smijthe : —Come, the public has waited some time, lor “ the letter” you wrote in 1834, or thereabouts, to some editor in Georgia, in which you stated that you believed “ in the right of secession.” Come let us have 11 the letter. You have got Mr. Cobb's, and it is nothing but fair we should have yours. Another States Rights Man. This we also take from the Chronicle of Wed nesday. “ Another States Rights man” would be a proper person to hold up a target for the Chroni cle to butt at. Both of them appear to go it blind. We never said that we wrote a letter in 1831. in which we avowed a belief in the right of seces sion. We said that we wrote an article tor a pub lic journal, in which we made that statement.— “ Another States Rights man” reminds us of the ass with a lion’s skin on him. We only allude to hit pretending to be a States Rights man ! He may be a very smart fellow, for ought we know, but he is not a very accurate or observing one, to call upon us for a letter when we expressly stated that we had written an article for a news paper, which was published. Perhaps this States I Rights man was confused, or bewildered by the : noise of the “ masked batteryor it may be that j that letter of Mr. CM’* has crowded the cracks of his head titt he has become a monomaniac on letters. We liave not got Mr. Cobb’s letter. We have [ a letter of his, but not the letter. If ice had writ. I ten a letter , we could save our honor, upon this ! call, and refuse to produce it until Mr. Cobb ] produced hit. You are unfortunate Mr. “Another States Rights man” in alluding to letters. You have ■ only exposed youself and Mr. Cobb. Load up ! your popgun again, appeal to Mars, and fire.— ! What a pity it is that this is not the season for china berries, but you can chow up some paper wads. They may do as well. Your only hope now consists in playing the part of a perfect dare devil. In that way alone, can you get the war- God to come to your aid. Georgia Home Gazette. We have heretofore only alluded very briefly to the proposed publication in this city, by Maj. Robt. A. Whyte, of a new literary and family ■ journal, to be called the Georgia Home Gazette. Our time aud space permits us now, only to re fer to it in a few words. Os Mr. Whyte's quali fications for the task which will be imposed upon ; him, we have already expressed our opinion. | He is a gentleman of varied intellectual accom ! plishments. and a ready, instructive and elegant writer. We have no doubt that he will be well sus- I tained by contributions from the pens of Southern ! literati. Our State and section are flooded with i journals, magazines and reviews, of Northern and foreign origin. Why should this be the case when we have talents and enterprize in our midst sufficient to supply our people with ample I and excellent intellectual aliment. It is discreditable to Georgia, and the whole South, that efforts heretofore made to supply the want, at home, have been so inadequately sustain ed. We want a Southern Literature. Nature, di mate, scenery, leisare, every tiling conspires to foster genius in the South. Nothing is wanted but the encouraging patronage of our people. Augusta is as suitable a place as exists in this section, for the establishment of such a paper as the Home Gazette it intended to be. We learn from Major Whyte that his journal will not be hypercritical in ite reviews,' tone, or character.— His object is rather to present to his reader that which is useful, than beautiful Hit journal will bede voted more to the amusement and instruction of the family circle than the gratification of the sentimentality of those who are fond of romance for its excitement, and literature for its tinsel. Mr. Whyte’s character as an amiable and moral gentleman, in addition to his fine tSlents and scholastic attainments, is a guarantee to the public that his paper, as a family journal, can be received and read without the slightest fear of j its pages being tainted with any thing objection- | able to the moral taste. Born, raised and educated in the South, her in stitutions and interest* will ever receive Mr. Whyte’s ardent support, as far as it can be ren dered consistently with his avowed neutrality in his journal, as to politics. We can only say, in conclusion, that he has our best wishes for success in his enterprize, and we trust the good will of the public generally will be manifested lor it by his speedy attain ment of a large and lucrative subscription list and ample advertising patronage. We learn that the first number will be issued about the middle of th* ensuing month. For terms, see the Prospectus in another column. The Cuban Advice*. The advices received from Cuba, via Havana) are very contradictory, and the next intelligence from that quarter is looked for with much anx iety. In the New Orleans Picayune of the 23d inst. we find the following, under date of Havana, August 17, which is as late as any received. August 17.—The news brought this moment, say 8,30, by the steamer Almendares, from the scene of warfare, is to the effect that Gen. Enna has fallen into the hands of Lopez. The Almen dares brings eighty-two wounded Spanish troops, and of the number taken prisoners by Lopez’s paity he has had the humanity not to shoot one. The World’s Pair. We learn that the panoramic view of the ! World's Fair, now on exhibition in our city, has given general satisfaction to all visiters, and will Continue open this and to-morrow evening’s.— Those who have not as yet paid a visit to Con- j cert Hall, should do so. i [communicated.] . I MARIETTA, Aug. 24th, 1851. Messrs. Editors: —l have thought it would be somewhat interesting, both to yourselves and your readers, to hear from the discussion that came off here on yesterday, between the Hon. Howell Cobb and Gov. McDonald. Os course you will hear that Cobb has utterly demolished and used up the old war horse of the Southern Rights party. But have you ever heard of a discussion between any two gentlemen yet but what our so-called Union friends claim to have used up our men ! But it is a little against their claims of triumph that there is a constant change going on in favor of Southern Rights and McDonald. Although Gov. McD. has constant ly, since he was first apprised of the wishes of the party that he should be their candidate, de clined to stump it over the State; nevertheless, when Mr. Cobb came to his own county, and in vited him to discuss the principles of the respec tive parties, he at once accepted the invitation, and I do not think his opponents will be very desirous, or manifest quite so much anxiety to get him on the stump again. Mr. Cobb opened in a speech of about an hour i and a half, in which he labored prodigiously to , prove that the Compromise waa “Air, liberal and just,” and that he, with the other members of the Georgia delegation in Congress, did all they 1 were instructed to do when they kept the Wil- | mot Proviso from being engrafted on the teirito rial measures. Ha ranted loud and long about the glorious Union and the horrors of disunion. Alter conoluding, Gov. McDonald came for ward amid the warm greetings of his friends, j and after adverting to the fact that he had, from the outset, said to his friends that they must not ex- ! pect him to canvass the State on the stump, yet whan his opponent came to his own county and presented him with an opportunity to discuss with him the questions of the day, he should not decline so favorable an opportunity to put to rest the charge, made by his opponents, that he was afraid to trust his principles to the test of public discussion with his opponent on the stump. He then proceeded to attack the positions of Mr. C., first remarking that resistance to the Compro mise measures was not in the issue; that they had been disposed of by the Georgia Convention; but as he was charged with being a disunionist, because he had* said they were unjust and viola tive of the constitutional rights of the South, add as his opponent had worked so hard to prove the opposite, he would ask the pardon of the people for saying a few words on what he deemed dead j issues. Upon the Texas Boundary, he got the : Ex-Speaker completely cornered. In reference l to California, he showed that by trick and strat- , agem, the South had been most unjustly defraud- , ed by the legislation oi Congress, and that the ; Hon. Speaker and his colleagues had most sig nally failed in their duty to their constituents, in not resisting that as much as they would the Wilmot Proviso; and that the people expected them to look to and guard their rights, without having to instruct them, whether the assault came in one form or another. He then glanced at the other measures, tearing down the props upon which his opponent rested their justness. Next he came to the real issues in this canvass, viz: the right of secession, which Mr. Cobb barely touched at the conclusion of his opening speech. Upon this subject, Governor McDonald was unanswerable. He completely annihilated the absurdities put forth on the aide of consolidation. His speech was replete with sound argument and cool and dispamionate ap peals to the reason of his hear**. While he claimed and most clearly proved the right of a State to secede peaceably from the Union, he in dignantly repelled the charge that he was now or had ever been in favor of the exercise of the right for any thing in the past, and showed most clearly that a man was not necessarily a disu nionist because he could not approve of the Com promise, or because he believed in the right of secession; and he reaffirmed his former declara tion that the decision of the people, through their convention, should not be disturbed; but that we must hold all parties up to the maintainance of the Constitution for the future, if we expected to maintain the Union ; for. without we maintain ed the Constitution inviolate, the Union could not be preserved. He occupied some two hours. Mr. Cobb came forward in reply, and without even attempting to answer the arguments of Gov. McD., he let out in a strain of empty de clamation about the Union—claiming to have Madison, Jackson, and everybody else but the Southern Rights party with him. After occu- i pying considerable time in that way, he attempt- | ed to define his position in reference to secession. We thought he was going to come up to the scratch; but he soon began to mystify. He said that he held that “ a State had the right to secede, for put cause—that she had a right to judge of that cause—but that the other States remaining in the i Union had the right to judge whether the seceding State was right or not." How much less trouble to have said that a State had no right to secede. And it is possible that Mr. Cobb has such a con tempt for the understanding of the people, that he thinks he can keep them from seeing that he holds the Federal doctrine of consolidation, and denies the right of secession. He occupied, in his reply, about half an hour. Gov. McDonald came forward again, and oc* cupied about half an hour in the same calm, dig nified and argumentative manner. He proceed ed to tear down the masked battery, and to cast off the mist Mr. Cobb had endeavored to involve his own opinions in on the right of secession, which he did most effectually; and in order to fasten down clearly on Mr. Cobb his coercion and consolidation doctrines, he, near the close of his remarks, turned to him and said: “ I under stand my distinguished opponent, Mr. Cobb, to hold this position on the right of secession, viz: that a State has a right to secede for just cause, and that she has a right to judge of that cause ; but the remaining States have the right to judge of her action, and if they disapprove of it, to use force to coerce her back into the Union.” Mr. Cobb did wot demurr to this construction, and, in a few minutes afterwards, when an opportunity was presented to him to make any explanation he desired, he said he had no further explanation t« make: so 1 hope we will hear no more from his friends that he is in favor of the right of se cession, or that he is opposed to coercion. Let our opponents boast as much as they please, we are perfectly satisfied with the result. Mr. Cobb converted one man, but it was from a Cobbite to a Republican and a McDonald man. I We are gaining daily, and will carry Cobb coun ty by at least 300 majority, and I hope even a hundred more by the election. Our opponents can out boast the world,hut I see they don ; t talk j about beating Gov. McDonald more than five’ t thousand. That is a great falling off from twen ty thousand; but they wont, when sober, offer to bet, and give five. In haste, yours, &o. GEORGIAN. [ I*. S.—-The only attempt Mr. Cobb made to I meet the charges Gov. McDonald made against , him for failing in his duty as a Southern repre } sentative, was to show that such and such men t voted as he had. Rather a weak justification, t we thought. I There was one other point I omitted to men tion. Mr. Cobb contended that the convention ! that nominated Gov. McDonald having declared Georgia “ degraded from her condition of equali , ty in the Union,” and Gov. McD. having ap proved the action of said convention, that in . now saying the people should not disturb the de cision of the State convention, he virtually ad . j vised the people to maintain their own shame, , I s*c. Gov. McDonald met this charge most hap pily, by showing that Mr. Cobb did not know . | the meaning of the word degraded, or he had, at , least, given it a very different one from the true . meaning, or that of the Convention. Mr. Cobb, , in attempting to explain the meaning of it, in j reply, proved clearly that he had totally misap- I prehended the meaning of the world. Governor McDonald showed that the 'word, as used in that convention, meant that the State had been simp ly lowered in degree of equality in the Union. Mr. Cobb's friends, sealing so certain of suc cese by such large odds, might, with great pro ' priety, send the Hon. gentleman to a Grammar | school from now till Ist Monday in October. (communicated.) Secession-Revolution. Mr. Cobb, finding that his anti-secession doc trines are not so palatable as he anticipated, is attempting to conceal his true position by making Secession and Revolutio 1 convertible terms. But all his efforts will prove futile—for already, in his | attempts to “Mystify, ’’ he has involved himself in a labyrinth of inconsistencies, wholly irrecon cilable. That there is a marked and palpable difference between the two, must appear to every reflecting mind—a distinction too, which is of vital importance to the mainteauce of State Rights. To say that the two 'are equivalent, evinces either, an ignorance, wholly unpardona ble in one who has been pretending to study the nature of the structure of our government so long or a wilful intention to practice deception upon the credulous and unsuspecting. In what then does the difference consist ? There is a case precisely in point, whieh will plaiuly illustrate it. The citizens of Cuba are now in a State of open revolt against the govern ment of Spain. They are making an effort to burst asunder the shackles of tyranny which have so long fettered them, and we hope in God, that their noble struggle for liberty may be crowned with success. Now here, the citizen, or subject, is in direct conflict with the government—in other words, a State of revolution exists. Butj should their efforts to secure their independence prove abortive, her citizens may then be treated as re bels and traitors by the mother country. Now, when a State secedes, she does it as a body poli tic—as a unit indivisible. The issue is between the State and the Federal Government, and not between the latter and the citizens of the State. 1 as individuals. The State government throws its protecting aegis between the citizens and the General Government, thereby precluding any action against them as traitors. Now. the State is sovereign, and there is no power under the canopy of Heaven that has any right to restrict her action. Where is the tribunal that shall summon her to trial ? Where is the law that binds her—the judge to sentence her—or the offi cer to execute ? That she may be conquered into submission, by bringing superior brute forge to bear upon her, does not in the least degree in validate her rights. Admit that Revolution and Secession are the same—and we are already a consolidated empire. Admit this to be true— and the rights of the State are swallowed up in the unlimited powers of the Federal Government —and the States themselves, thus shorn of all sovereignty, become nothing more than mere dependent provinces, while their citizens are re duced to a level with the meanest slaves that crouch beneath the frown of tyranny. But if the doctrine, as held by Mr. Cobb and the Con- [ stitutional Union party be true—werily, they are *n a most pitiable dilemma. They tfll us that in the event certain things are done by (.'or gress, which things are set forth in their platform 4 then, to use their own language, they are f, Revolution. Now, they tell us in the same breath that we shall that moment be coerced into sub. mission by the other States. Where then is your remedy ? and what avails all this bluster about revolution and the protec. tion of the South? The moment the first sig nal of revolt is given, you that moment assume the position of rebels and traitors against the gov. emment. You have thus pronounced sentence of condemnation upon your own heads have whetted the knife that is to cut your own throats —you have lighted the torch of civil war. and will yourselves be consumed in the fire of your own kindling. Are the people of Georgia rpady to meet such a fate ? Admit this doctrine— that there is no other remedy but Revolution, and it is inevitable. But this is not the only inconsistency to be found among the members of that party. The Union men of 33 opposed the doctrine of nullification upon the ground that Secession was the “rightful remedy.” How can they reconcile themselves to the support of a man who utterly denies that there is any such right belonging to a State as that of peaceable Secession. We would just here inquire,by whom is a State to be disturb ed in the exercise of this right ? Who is to wage this exterminating war with which we are threatened ? The possession of the power to co erce, does not car ry with it the right to coerce— But this is the doctrine of Mr. Cobb—its fallacy is too obvious tojrequire exposure. The case is a plain one, and must appear evident to every man of common .sense. Mr. Cobb and others of the Revolution Party knew the reluctance with which this consolidation pill would be swallowed, and hence their attempt to gild it over—to “mystify” and to deceive the unwary, by making Revolu tion, a right belonging to the most abject slave on earth, synonymous with Secession, a right be longing to a sovereign and independent State.- , JASPER | August Hist, 1851. I [Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sun.] Philadelphia, Aug. 25—10, P. M. Cuban Sympathy Meeting in Philadelphia. —An immense mass meeting is being held to-night in , Independence Square, to express indignation at the barbarities committed by the Spanish author ities in shooting the American prisoners. Twelve or fifteen thousand persons are present. Colonel John Swift was chosen President, with forty Vice Presidents and twelve Secretaries. Col. Swift sixtke at soqie length, condemning ' the course of the Spanish government, and urg i in» the interference of the United States. John Cadwallader introduced resolutions justi t fying the course of the patriots, and recommend ing the purchase of Cuba by the United State*, i and war in the event of Spain's refusal to sell A repeal of laws prohibiting the armed inter vention of American citizens for the relief of those oppressed by tyranny, was also recoin -1 mended. The rules of civilized warfare were I also urged in the treatment of prisoners, and atonement demanded of Spain for her recent atrocities. The President was requested to call an extra 1 session of Congress to consider these matters. Mr. Cadwallader spoke earnestly in favor of the resolutions, and was followed by others in support of them. Nashville, Aug. 25. Cuban Sympathy Meeting. —An enthusias tic meeting was held on Saturday night, to sym pathise with the Cuban Liberators. Resolutions were passed, expressing indignation at the bru tal murder of the captured Americana, and calling upon the government to enquire into the attack on the Falcon.—The right of the Presi dent to prevent persons from leaving the country to assist the Cuban Patriots was strenuously de nied. A committee was appointed to raise funds to assist the Liberators, and a procession was formed bearing banners, with the motto “God and Liberty for Cuba.” Boston, Aug. 25. An attempt was made on Saturday to blow np the railroad depot of West Cambridge. The windows and-doors of the building were blown out and the roof raised several inches. It is sup posed that two Irishmen committed the act in revenge for being put off the cars. The store of H. Lee, at Concord. N. H., wa» destroyed by fire on Saturday. New York, Aug. 25, 6 P. M. Flour is unchanged. Sales of 1.200 bbls. at S 3 S7J for State brands, and •! a $4 12i for Genesee. Rye Flour, $3 50; Corn Meal, 2 87 i a $3. Groceries aresteady. Cuba Sugar4j as* cts. Rio Coffee SI a 9 cents; Porto Rico Molasses 39 a 30 cents. Cotton is firm, with sales of 1,200 bales. Railroad Accident. —The Hamburg cars met with a slight accident yesterday within about five miles of Graham's Turn Out, in con sequence of two cows rushing suddenly out of some bushes on the track as they came up. We understand that the engine, tender, and baggage car passed over them without getting off the rails, but that the two passenger cars, not so for tunate, were precipitated down an embankment; but we are gratified to learn their inmates sus tained little or no injury. The appearance of the cows and the occurrence of the accident was nearly simultaneous, so that the Engineer had not time to check the engine, and we believe was perfectly exonerated by all present from any blame in the premises.— Ch. Courier. 28 th in*. I Telegraphed for the Charleston Conr'ler.l Columbia, Aug. 27, p, p, jf. The market continues inactive, and holders refuse to sell at present prices, ahe quotations are the same as yesterday. The two Brothers —Hon. F. P. Stanton of the Memphis district in this State, and Hon. R. H. Stanton of the Maysville district, in Ken tucky. are brothers. Both were members of the last Congress, and both are elected to the next; the former by a majority of 453, and the latter by a majority of 1105. Both are democrats, and 1 gentlemen of decided ability. —Nashville Union. V It has been everywhere trumpeted, that the whigs will have an overwhelming majority in the Legislature of Kentucky.—A classification of the members is now before us. It will be seen, that the whig majority is not so overwhelming as many have been led to suppose. Senate.— Whigs ' ‘ ,20 Democrats is House. —Whigs - 54 Democrats. 45 _ ibid Vote for Governor.— ln 97 counties,official, and two reported, the vote stands for Govern cr 1 Powell 53,9ft' . * Dixon 5ar j 77 Powell's majority, ~ Bg6 The reported counties are, Pike, w 'hichi g put Si7 6 i ha^ 8 T h “same C ''- from “1“* Powell 1002 mtheState, which we hi low he will y eoma i Arrival of the Alabama.—This v*ssel ar rived here yesterday morning at an early hour, bringing 52 cabin passenger:, 45 steerage do., and a fun freight On Sunday, 10* o’clock, P •II ii-H 1168 nor *k Hatteras, exchanged signali with the steamship Florida, hence for New York. At 12 o’clock, on the same night, off Hatteris experienced a very severe gale from the 8. E. which lasted 84 hours.— Sav. Rep. 28 th mst.