Tri-weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 18??-1877, September 05, 1851, Image 1

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Sljc Cri-tUcclUn Constitutionalist. BY JAMES GARDNER, JR. AUGUSTA, GA. THURSDAY MORNING, SEPT. 4. “ Popinjay Political Dwarfs." It is quite remarkable how fast some men can grown in the short space of two hr three years in the imagination of a parlizatu editor, from poli tical dwarfs to political giants. In March IS4B. the Hod. Howell Cohh was in the estimation of the Savannah Republican a popinjay political dwaif . In 1849, and January 1850, he had got loirer down then even than that, in that sheet. 'He was their a political trickster—a traitor to the South —a mau who had sold our birth right for a mess bf jxsttage —a man whom whigs at least could never vote for. Now, presto, change, he is a marvellous propel 1 man, and indeed a marvellous excellent man : in very truth, a great, patriot, and statesman. What wonderful magnifiers are the papty spec tacles through which some men looter" The following is what the Savannah Republi can. under the conduct of the same editor who now writes for it, and l’ulsomely eulogises Mr. Cobb, thought and said of that gentlemen in March 1848: Out at Last. —The Georgian of Monday con tains an adilress signed by HOWELL CGBB, Linn Boyd, Beverly L. Clarke, and Jno. L Lumpkin, setting forth at considerable length \ their reasons for not signing Mr. Calhoun’s Ad dress. It will be remertibered that we expressed the opinion some time since on the authority of certain writers from Washington, that these gen tlemen withheld the signatures from the Address because it was not partizan enough in its chat acter. It seems now that we were correct; for those patriots ! though they do hot in so many words avow it, virtually admit that they would have given in their adhesion to Mr. Calhoun’s Manifesto, if such had been its character. They, opposed the Address (not the original movement,) because it animadverted upon the Oregon bill which they had voted for, but principally be cause it did not abuse the Northern Whigs and praise Northern Democrats. They were in fa vor of giving it this caste and making it entirely partisan in all its features, notwithstanding it was evident, as appears from their own dema gogical plea, that the Southern whigs would not unite in such an arrangement. They knew that such a course would prevent Union and harmo ny at the South; ami yet they preferred it t The question then occurs—if they did not calculate upon the co-operation of the Southern whigs. | what did they expect to gain by | party, (which is in the minority m theaMijSlJ \ holding States) against Southern cm whigs and Northern democrats plain that they wished to make a pdf!ymrrtcsr <iof it and to avail themselves of ness of the Southern people on s corrupt party purposes ? Both North are opposed to us in sentiment.Vand still • * they advocate a policy which they would I* drive even the Southern whigs- ljtfb 'iJifopposi . tion to them ! Agitation! noth ing but aoitatiox! seems efeuent in f which a certain class of JTOfiSrjijU' political I dwarfs, whose want ou-catih&ti-m is only E| equalled by their want of brains, live move. 1 and have their being—Savannah Rejmblican. i March 2Slh, 1848. In March 1818, Mr. Cobb, it is here setforth, I had wither patriotism nor brains. In 1851, he is so bountifully blessed with both, according to the same authority, that no man is so lit to be Governor of Georgia. Mr. Cobb’s Suppressed Letter. We find the following in the Southern Recorder of the 2d instant, being partof a correspondent’s account of Mr. Cobb's speech at Cassville : "Close by the writer, there was a knot of fire eaters or Southern Rights men, and his attention was directed to them by hearing ‘"that letter " — tdat suppressed letter" —uttered by one or two i voices, and shortly after one of the party stepped I up and said he wanted to "see that suppressed let- \ ter!" 1 Mr. Cobb then turned to him and asked him if he had “read his letter to the Macon commit tee ?” The fire-eater replied “Yes.” “Then,” replied Mr. Cobb, “ yoa have read that suppressed letter, aud did'nt know it /” 1 then at the moment glanced at the fire-eater, and from the manner in which he held his head, he reminded me of a man who had just had his hat pulled over his face. Mr. Cobb then said that with the excep tion of the introduction of the letter to his friend, Mr. Hull, which is in substance as follows: !*Dear Sir: I propose to give you mjPviews upon phe subject of secession, without entering into a ’lengthy argument to sustain my position.” The whole of the suppressed letter without an alteration, and with the crossing of the t’s and the dotting of the i’s as in the original, is contained in his letter to the Macon Committee. .” So many contradictory accounts have been given of Mr. Cobb's various speeches by anony mous correspondents, that we should have dis regarded this statement until confirmed by Mr. Cobb’s own sign manual, or that of Mr. Wm. Hope Hull, to whom the suppressed letter was addressed, except that the editor of the Southern Recorder, a gentleman for whom we have the highest respect, endorses the statement. He says: “ It will be seen by the article of our corres pondent from Cass, that Mr. Cobb in addressing the people of that county, being called on for the suppressed letter, openly avowed, (what we may here remark, ourselves were perfectly aware of before,) that the suppressed letter and that pub lished by him, were identical, with a trilling ex ception of a few lines which Mr. Cobb quoted, and which are given by our correspondent. “ What will the Constitutionalist say now ? ” We will say first, that it has been like draw ing teeth to get this tardy avowal, and that this very reluctance in the face of such earnest calls for months past, for the letter, itself show- J ed a consciousness on the part of the wri- j 1 ter, that the sentiments and doctrines it avows ] L were obnoxious to the people of Georgia. But l the outward pressure for it was so great—the i cry for it so loud, it was bound to come. | The occasion selected of putting it before tha i public, not in response to this general call, but in I response to the Macon Committee, was a mere E ruse to avoid the mortification of having to ac 1k now ledge obedience to the popular clamor ■for t e letter. Ihe manner of yielding is awk- Iward, and the spirit with which it is done, chur- Kush. Why was this letter kept hack so long? Be * cause it was a private letter ? Because it was | -written from one friend to another? The cor ? respondent of the Retorder says: “And here let me take occasion to remark upon e the very great liberty or license taken by gen tlemen ol the press anti others, with private cor respondence these days. Really and in truth, those gentlemen who have made such a fuss about this letter and the public had no business with that letter. It was ». •! written for publica tion—it teas not read before the Committee of 33, or the Convention. The very beginning of the letter shows that it was written by one friend to another friend.'' Ah! was this long letter of five or six columns a mere friendly private written to com municate simply the opinions of one friend to another, both living in the same town and occu pying the same law office ? Was this its sole purpose 1 “It was not written for publication—it was not read before the committee of 33, or the con vention.” I No doubt it was not written for pubUcatimi. Mr. Cobb probably knew before he wrote it that it would be dangerous to put such odious federal and consolidation doctrines before the people of Georgia—always a State Rights and Republican people “It was not read before the committee of 33, or the convention.” No. Mr. Toombs anjl the ether wire-workers thought it would not do to trust it before either body. It might have re volted State Rights men perhaps even then, who had not yet got too deeply immersed in the Ser borean bog of federalism. It might have shock ed Georgia platform men who had found matter for objection, as vveH as matter tor approval in the Compromise measures, and would not have been prepared to nominate a man in the face of a letter of Ids, read to them, lauding that Compro mise as fair, honorable and just. The letter was intended to be kept private— to be con tided to the political schemers of that convention alone. But public opinion has forced it out. It has made its entree rather ungraceful ly it is true. But it is “ out at last,” as the Savannah Rejtublican said of the apologetic letter of Cobb, Boyd, Clark and Lumpkin, for not sign ing the Southern address—the letter of “ popinjay political dwarfs, as destitute of brains as of pa triotism'' as that paper characterized them. “ What wilt the Constitutionalist say now ?” asks the Recorder. Why exactly what it said of that letter when it was published by us. We pub lished Mr. Cobb's letter as soon as we got hold of it, and denounced its sentiments in the strongest Sis. ft ■ intend to continue to do so, and to v and its abominable con latjMi (jbctrinSs. uiifeE l- Mr. Cobb started to give to his ’tsharfrichil" Jiis views on secession, how i fine he toduuiuh jhe outset so extensively aiul abruptly into a tyfyijiLdefxncc and praise of the Compromise Speeches jpflYtoU and Mr. Toombs. The begins to show the white.jiiayMiUma small w'ay. It was publicly announced in the Constitutionalist If Republic , on Tuesday morning, that Col. Robert McMillan would address his fellow-citizens of Richmond county, at the City Hall, on the evening of that day, as well as at the Lafayette Race Course, on the occasion of the Barbecue to be given him there during the day time. « Mr. Toombs, to say the feast of it, lent himself to an arrangement tor himself to address all such as would attend at the Masonic Hall on the same evening. But a few days ago, he and Mr. Cobb had a fair, full and ample hearing before the assembled citizens of both the Constitutional Union and Southern Rights parties, at the City Hall. They were listened to throughout, without the least interruption or disturbance. They had every opportunity to influence the public mind by their arguments, or sophistry, and everybody knows they exerted themselves to the utmost with both, but particularly the latter, to make the worse appear the better cause. Why, then, could not the same, courtesy be extended to Colonel McMillan'’ For what reason was this effort made to call the partizans of Mr. Toombs to the Masonic Hall, to hear him, on Tuesday evening ? There can be but one answer. It cannot be said that it was necessary to enable them to hear his views, for they had, a few days previous, heard them in full. The reason for it was the coward ly fear to permit them to hear the able and elo quent Standard Bearer of the Southern Rights party. Letter writers from all points of the compass had publiely declared, that in previous encounters, in various places, Col. McMillan had been essentially used up by Mr. Toombs. Ii their statements had been true—if he was so feeble an antagonist—why Was it that he was denied the privilege of being heard by the Con stitutional Union men ? No, Col. McMillan Was feared. They dread ed his steel. Mr. Toombs himself, we doubt not, knew that it was dangerous to put some of his followers within the sound of his voice. His is a game, a trade in politics, and he must exer cise every art to secure success in his business. “When taxed with jealousy, the charge he'd evade, And like F (distaff, pretend he but fives by his trade:” Will he have the manliness to admit this ? We doubt it. He wiH, or his friends for him, trump up some reason to cover over this clear evidence of a dread of an exposure of his course and principles to the gaze of his followers. What political chivalry! Well, Richard played his part at the Masonic Hall, and how did it turn out with him ? His followers were few for once. Theie were not more than two hundred persons to hear him, while at least five hundred were present to hear Col. McMillan, and a more delighted audience we have never seen. We may justly describe the applause in the language of Shakspeare: “ Such a noiso arose As the shrouds make at sea in a stiff tempest, and it was frequently repeated. Burst after burst arose, and was borne off upon the moonlit breeze. Whatever we may say of their courtesy and chivalry, our opponents certainly paid Colonel McMillan a high compliment in directly saying to him, “ Sir, we cannot trust our people within reach of you.” Yes, they “ Trembled, and skulked and peer’d about.” We are willing for Mr. Toombs to wear and en- AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1851. joy all the honors of this magnanimous transac tion ! It may be that they have saved their bacon, to some extent, by it. If so, they have saved it at the expense of courage and fairness. This is not strange, however, in those who assert that measures which caused the South to loose every thing, are wise, liberal and just. Their reasoning is on a par with their conduct. The Masonic Hall was used, fupr-the time being, as a “masked battery,” r. 'foombs, as he stood up in it, to speak to his followers, was. for once, a representative of folly at full length, or we are greatly mistaken. A brave and high-minded people cannot sanction such a proceeding. It will prove, in the end, to be a bitter pill, and without the gilding at that. There have been some shakes of the head and significant shruggs already. That meeting, at the Masonic Hall, to say the least of it, was a political blunder. Mr. Toombs tnay have roared like a bully, but we ■would offer a small bet that he sweated from fear. Such will, at least, be the public judgment. After writing the above, we found the follow ing in the Chronicle Sf Sentinel of yesterday morn ing. It is a resolution which was adopted on Tuesday, by the Convention of the Constitution al Union party of Richmond county: “ Resolved, That, inasmuch as the Hon. Robert Toombs has been denied the privilege of free dis cussion, as he had a right to expect from previous agreement with his opponent, we invite him to addess the citizens of Richmond county, at the Masonic Hall, this evening, at S o'clock.” It will be seen, from our foregoing remarks, that Mr. Toombs has had a full and fair hearing before the people here. The Southern Rights party concluded to have its own meeting. They did not invite Mr. Toombs, or any oth er speakers of the Constitutional Union par ty to meet them in discussion. Mr. Toombs made application, or his friends for him, to be heard with Col. McMillan. The committee of arrangements persisted in the original purpose of having a meeting for the Southern Rights party as our opponents had had one for themselves. This would place the two parties on terms of equality. The announcement was seen in our paper of yesterday morning, that Col. McMillan and the Southern Rights party would be pleased to see Mr. Toombs and his friends, the fourth week in this month. Tlrnt shows whether they are disposed or not to avoid free discussion upon equitable terms. We would simply add that Col. McMillan was in the hands of-his friends, whose decision he could not overrule. Cuban Affairs. Our telegraphic despatches of last evening, and various letters from mercantile houses in Ha vana, exhibit a melancholy contrast to the glo rious accounts published yesterday. We doubt tlie correctness oT these latter The government in Cuba is no doubt upon the alert, to see that no intelligence shall leave tire Island calculated to endanger its power and existence. Letters are read and closely scrutinized, and every thing objectionable forbidden to be sent by them. But we shall have to remain, now, for a short time, in a state of the most painful suspense. It is evident that Mr. Fillmore is disposed to do every thing in his power to prevent assistance from being given to the Cubans. What would have been our condition if the brave and noble Lafayette, Pulaski; De Steuben and hosts of other generous foreigners had been intercepted and prevented from lauding on our shores 1 We have not time to dwell upon this subject now, but it must become a subject of intense public examination, and we doubt not that the voice of our country will be against the extreme and uncalled for exertions of our Federal Execu tive to interfere in behalf of Spanish tyranny. Mammoth Watermelon. —We had the satis faction, two days ago, of pattaking,’ at the ware house of Messrs. Dye & Heard, of a very large and delightfully flavored watermelon. It weighed that morning, being several days after it was pulled, forty-seven pounds. It was from the plantation of Col. R. J. Wil lis, of Greene county, to the superiority of whose melons we had the pleasure of testifying on a for mer occasion. Minister to Mexico. —The Hon. R. P. Letcher, Minister of the United States to Mexico, lefUWashington on Friday, for Norfolk, where he wilhembark on board the United States re venue schooner Forward, Captain Nories, for Havana, whence lie will be conveyed in a ship of war to Vera Cruz. A Slave Question. —A slaveholder from Mis souri took one of his men slaves to California in the spring of 1849. and has been engaged in digging gold there for two years. The slave’s labor was very valuable, so much so that the master refpsed to take SISOO a year for his ser vices. By the last steamer the Missouiian re turned to New York city with plenty of gold, and with his slave, was about returning home. The New York Commercial says, however, that some person having learned these facts, advised the slave that he was made free by the laws of California, and that he had a right to recover wages for the time he worked for his master in that country. This information induced the colored man to apply to an attorney to institute ‘‘■gal proceedings, and suit has been commenced against the Missourian to recover the wages claimed to be due. The quondam slave has also asserted his freedom. The U. S. Mail steam ship Baltic, sailed from New-York on Saturday, for Liverpool with $538,500 in specie, of which $534,000 is in American gold, and 65 passengers, among whom were Mr. and Mrs. George L. Derry, of this city. The Net amount subject to the draft of the Treasurer of the United States, on the 25th ult., was $13,751,596,34, of which $167,794,54 was in the hands of the Assistant Treasurer in this city. —Charleston Courier , 3 d inst. Savannah, Sept. 2. Death of William Henry Mongin, Esq.— This gentleman died at his residence in this city, last evening at 9 o’clock, after a brief illness. He ■ was a wealthy planter, anil in his death the cause of Cuba has lost a liberal and devoted , friend.— Morning News. [ From the Savannah Georgian.) The Washington Union. > A late number of the Raleigh Standard, the > organ oi the Democratic party of North Caro r lina, contains the following remarks: ■ “The Washington Union newspaper has been i of but little, if any, service to the party in this I State during the late campagin: and, indeed the inincef sion of many of our friends is, that it has i lather crippled and injured us in our efforts : against the common adversary. That paper has I been, and is now, taking part with Cobb and f Foote against McDonald and Quitman; and we do not remember to have seen at any time in its 1 columns a definite and correct statement of the i position of the democracy, or of the South gen s erally, in relation to the so-called Compromise.” , No one, we presume, acquainted with the facts of the case, can doubt that so far as the Union , exerted any influence in the late North Carolina election, its influence was exerted in behalf of the Whigs. In regard to ‘.he leading issue in volved in the contest—the right of secession, that l*iper espoused the cause of the notorious Stanley and the other Federalists against every Deimcratic candidate. It is not all improbable that Stanley owes his election to the aid thus furnished him by the Union newspaper. In the same way that sheet is giving whatever aid it can furnish, to the Federalists throughout the entire South. Beginning even with Virginia and Kentucky, and descending to Louisiana we find the Democratic party, with the exception of scarce a corporal’s guard, occupying the same , position as to the doctrine of secession, that it does in NoTth Carolina. Jn Virginia the Rich mond Knquirer maintains it. The Richmond Whig denies that right—and the Union is on the ! shin of this well known organ of Federalism. In Kentucky the Louisville Democrat maintains the same republican doctrine—the notorious Jour nal, the organ of Clay and Federalism in that State, denies it—and has the aid and assistance of the Washington Union, in fighting for Feder alism. In Tennessee the Nashville American, (Democratic) with Gov. Trousdale the late can didate of the party, denounced the ruinous Com promise. Os course the Union stood side by side with the Whig presses of Tennessee in glorifying that bill of surrender, and in accom plishing the defeat of the Democratic candidate for Gevernor. In Arkansas its help, in the same way, has been lately given' jto the Whig Congressional candidate, in opposition to John son, a sterling Democrat and fast friend of the South. In Louisiana, while the New Orleans Courier, like the Louisville Democrat, Rich mond Enquirer and all the leading Democratic presses of the South, sustains the right of se cession, the Union of coifrse takes the side of the Fedesulistg of that State, and of their organs, the Bulletin and the Bee. In Mississippi, it is fight ing with the great body of the Whigs against the entire Democratic delegation in the last House of Representatives. In Alabama, it is making common cause with Hilliard and Abercrombie and White and the entire Whig press, against every leading Democratic paper, and nearly every Democratic politician of the State. In Florida it furnishes arguments for every Whig journal, and is of course in direct antagonism with the Democratic party and all its presses. But how stands this pretended Washington or gan of Democracy, with reference to the Demo cratic and Southern Rights party of Georgia.' That party assembled at Milledgevitte, and there nominated as its candidate Gov. McDonald— one whose Democracy has never been called in question—one whom the Democracy of the whole State has twice before supported and elect ed as its Gubernatorial candidate. Thus nomi nated, he receives jthe support of the leading Democratic presses of the State, as well as that of the great body of the Democratic party. The Federalists, knowing that they could not defeat him with one of their own men, put Howell Cobb in nomination against him. And the Washington Union is now in full affiliation with the Savannah Republican, Macon Messenger, Columbus Milledgeville Recorder, and Augusta Chronicle—all the leading Federal pres ses of the State—in sustaining the Federal nom inee in opposition to the regularly selected Demo cratic and Southern Rights candidate. It even resorts to the same misrepresentations of Mc- Donald (charging him with “reflecting the views of Rhett,) which have for months teemed in the Federal presses of Georgia. Os course all its influence goes to sustain Toombs and Stevens and Johnson and Hopkins, Federalists and Fed eral candidates for Congress—against such Dem ocrats as Jackson, McMillan and Benning. -Our friends abroad will he gratified to learn, that though willing to do much, th» Union is capable of doing us very litlte injury in.this State. Its anti-Southern course in relation to the Com promise, followed by its Federal stand in oppo sition to the right of secession, has made it one of the most unpopular of all the presses circu lated in the cotton growing States. [From the N. O. Delta.] The Spanish Barbarity, “Havana, Aug. 16,1851. “The Most Excellent Senor Governor Captain General has received from a lieutenant of the Regiment of Bailon. D. Manuel Hurtodo, com mander of a detachment at San Diego de Los Banos, a communication, reporting to his Excel lency that at half-past 11, on the morning of the 14 th, he occupied that place and .defeated a party of pirates composed of about twenty men, guar ding an equal number of wounded pirates. Hav ing shot them, there remained in his hands many -guns, pistols, carbines, and ammunition, with which he has supplied various jxiisanos who ac companied him.” The above is contained in one of the bulletins published in the Havana papers, and signed by Petro Estaban, Secretary of the Captain General. In all the annals of barbarian warfare, we have scarce ever read anything to equal the cold-blood ed and cowardly deed which the Captain Gen eral has the effrontery to publish to the civilized world. It is far worse than the more formal murder of the Fify in Havana. They were sub jected to a sort of trial, and though enfeebled and prostrate from fatigue and suffering, they were at least in possession of sufficient vigor to stand up and meet their fate like men. But these poor wounded patriots, whom their companions had endeavored to piotect and defend, having no power to resist, many of them no doubt lamed and crippled, were deliberately shot down by the hirelings of a strumpet Queen and a depraved Government! They, too, American citizens, born in a country where the least of her sons would not exchange the proud position of an American citizen for the highest post among a race of cut throat barbari ans and dastard assassins, such as the Spaniards in Cuba have proved themselves to be. We say that deeds like these justify immediate and prompt punishment of the authorities of Cuba by the American people. The Government may diplomatize, and dilly-dally, but witnoutthe peo ple, our Government is a cypher. Sooner or la ter these barbarous acts must be avenged. There will be no adjournment of the matter to Madrid, —hut there, on the very scene of those atrocities, must the American people establish, in some summary and effective manner, a lasting memo rial of their horror and detestation of such cruel ties, —a beacon to the blood thirsty minions of despotism throughout the world. But it is said these men were Pirates. That burning shame and reproach to our country, the National Intelligencer, will rejoice over this proof of Spanish vigor, in the punishment of those whom, it denounced as pirates. It is a result in which that journal may well take a profound in terest, for it was one to which it largely con tributed. That paper and others, denounced these enterprises—the simple object of which was to aid the Cubans to establish their indepen dence—as piratical. It supplied the Spanish au thorities with rules and sanctions for their blood thirsty conduct, and may therefore appropriate a large portion of the infamy and shame of the deed. But did their dicta make them “Pirates?” Where did the National Intelligencer and Con cha get their authority to falsify law and lan guage, and interpolate such anomalous and false definitions into the code of nations ? Are not pirates those who rob and murder .on the high seas? Are they not enemies of the human race, whom all nations afe at liberty to arrest and punish? In what possible sense were these young men, who went to Cuba to fight for the liberties of that oppressed island, Pirates ? Will the U. States, which in its treaty with Spain has re cognized the law of nations as controlling their relations, permit them to be thus violated and outraged towards our own countrymen ? Where is there in any code, or in the history of any civilized nation, a precedent for a barbarism like this? Admitting that these men were pirates, was it consonant with even the course admitted to be justified by the most severe laws against piracy, to shoot down wounded men, — in their very litters, whilst lying in a pitiable Tmd defenceless state ? The untutored savage of our forests would scorn so unmanly a deed. And tlicse are the trophies of the proud Castilians, who exult in such loud tones over their own courage and greatness ? Their pride is destined soon to trail in tile dust; these boastful tones will soon "be reduced to a piteous wall; their bloody deeds, against defence less men, will be avenged, and the spots on which they were acted will be rendered sacred and holy in the view of regenerated Cuba, lor on them will arise lofty monuments to commemorate the sig -nal and complete vengeance, which the Ameri can people never lail to visit upon those who I have outraged humanity, and insulted the nation-1 al character. To the Friends of Cuba. At a meeting of the citizens of Augusta, favora ble to the cause of Cuban liberty, held in the city- Hall Park, on Thursday evening, the 28th ult, the undersigned were appointed a committee “to receive contributjons for the equipment of such of our fellow citizens as are willing and anxious to become identified with the career of the st ar of liberty which is now rising on the lovely yet fettered Queen of the Antilles.” Accepting the appointment, they hereby announce their readi ness to receive all contributions designed for the furtherance of this noble Abject, and express a hope that the citizens of Augusta will come for ward liberally for the purpose in view. All con tributors by mail, or otherwise, directed to the committee will be properly appropriated. JAMES GARDNER, Jr. JOHN PHINIZY, Jr. A. H. H. DAWSON. WM. E. DEARING. ROBERT A. WHYTE. Invited to <Leave. —An individual calling himself Wilkins, but whose real name is said to be H. A. Layton,shaving given expression to abolition sentiments of a very offensive and in sulting character, in the presence of a 'party of young gentlemen, w’as called upon last evening and notified to leave the city. Wisely consider ing perhaps that a longer residence among us would not be good for his health, he very readily consented to leave in last night’s boat for Charles ton, on his way to the North. The young man is from Philadelphia, and is certainly too indis creet to be trusted so far from home, especially in Southern latitudes. No violence was offered him, and we trust the lesson he has received, if it does not reform his morals, will at least teach him discretion for the future.— Savannah News, 3 d inst. The steam ship Southerner arrived about 12 o’clock last night from New York. We learn that the cause of her detention arose from the breaking on Monday, at half past 1 P. M., when about twelve miles distant from Cape Look Out, the light bearing N. N. W.,of the larboard shaft, which disabled the larboard wheel, and com l>elled her to proceed the rest of the voyage un der sail, with the assistance of only the starboard wheel. At noori yesterday she passed the schooner Isaballa Thompson, Captain Corson, from Phila delphia for this port, laying to under close reefed fore and main-sails. —Cluirleston Courier , 3 d inst. j [Telegraphed for the Charleston Courier.] 1 Baltimore, Sept. I—ll P. M- * The brig Grecian, Capt. Gilchrist, from Savan- n nah, arrived at Thomoston, Marine, on the 29th b ult., having lost all her officers and crew with e yellow fever. The captain was alone with the .J sick for five days, and had to steer and cook. The I vessel was also struck by lightning. d NEW SERIES VOL VI. NO. 106. ! 3Bi} Jfinptic Reported for the Constitutionalist. | LATER BJROM EUROPE. I ARRIVAL , OF THE STEAMER ; A MERIC A. I ANOTHER ADVANCE IN COTTON. Charleston, Sept. 3—p. m. ' The steamship America arrived at Halifax to day, bringing advices that the common and mid dling qualities of Cotton had advanced Id. and the better qualities id. during the week. Fair ’ Orleans is quoted at s|d.' and Mobile 5Jd. The ’’ sales of the week were 68,000 bales. Specula tors took 9,000, and Importers 14,000 bales. The sales of Saturday were 8,000 bales, and the mar- P ket closed firm. Flour had declined 6d., Wheat 2d. Corn had advanced Cd The trade in the Manufacturing districts had ’ improved. Consols 96| to 961 : At Havre the Cotton market was active, and 1 the-sales of the week amounted to 55,000 bales. ■ Sales of Thursday, to 2 o’clock, 2,000 bales. Ve • ry Ordfiutire Orleans fully 93f. d The political news is unimportant. Washington, Sept. 3— p. in. Official Despatches have been receive! ty the Government that Lopez, on the 25th ult., still held out, but with his force greatly i educed. That it does not appear that any Creoles had joined him. The Governor General had ottered , a reward for him, and a pardon for hUfollowers. The President has dismissed the Collector at New Orleans, and appointed a substitute. Other ’ officers at New Orleans are informed that they ' will be dismissed if they neglect their duty. Orders have also been given to intercept the Pampero and other vessels with invading forces , for Cuba. Stringent and precise orders have r been renewed to all officers to suppress illegal ’ expeditions. Particular efforts are ordered to be made to suppress any new expedition from New Orleans. r From the N. O. Delta. | Adjutant R. C. Stanford. To those who knew well the subject of this sketch, no word of eulogy would seem anything f but superfluous. But as many had not that plea i snre, an obituary notice from one who knew and B loved him .well, becomes, in some sort, a duty as well as ahnoitmful pleasure. His residence in e though -nCJittle more than two s years, was sufficient for him to gain scores of the warmest and most devoted friends which it , ever fell to the lot of man to have. His high ' 'and chivalrous bearing, open, frank expression 1 of countenance, the kind and courteous address 1 he ever used to all, united to a handsome person, , were well calculated to impress all wno ap , proached him, with sentiments of esteem and friendship. In the practice and observance of all courtesies and conventionalities which regu late gentlemanly intercourse, he had ho superior.’ But his intimate friends only knew the excel lencieS'of his character which were deeper seated, and have often had occasion to admire his detes tation of anything approaching to meanness or cowardice, his sympathy with distress, his deep contrition and instant retraction when impelled by a hasty temper into error of speech or action. It may not be out of place here, in view of his untimely end, to mention that he was of firm I religious convictions, and conscientiously con formed his conduct thereto as much as his nature and circumstances permitted. Such was the character of one, among the no blest and bravest of that Spartan band who fell at Havana on the 16th of August, victims to Span ish cruelty. One hour before, and with a lull • knowledge of the dreadful death he was to suffer, he wrote the letter which has been published. No one can view the firm, round hand in which this is written—dated from the very spot of his execution—and see, suffering as he was from a painful wound, his concise and the only satisfac ’ tory account of the past few eventful days, with out being struck with the calm collectedness and cool courage there displayed. For clearness, brevity,and succinctness, it might compare with a General’s dispatch from a field of victory. He was bom in Maryland, and belonged to one of the best families in the State, but, for the most of his life was a resident of Natchez, Mis sissippi, and for seven years of Madison parish, in this State, in both of which places numbers of attached friends will mourn his loss. For more than two years he has been an inspector in the Customhouse of New Orleans, which office he gave up, as did also Crittenden and Kerr, to serve in the cause of Cuban independence. Let no£ any one believe that false and extrava gant hopes were held out to these brave men. They were men of the first intelligence; they examined closely for themselves the evidence, and, with ninetenths of the community, saw reason to believe that a struggle had commenced between the Cubans and their Spanish oppres sors, and feeling, only in a greater degree, that sympathy which pervades this whole pervades this whole community, their love of enterprise irresistibly led them to take part and venture their lives and fortunes on the issue. Well did they know that in this game the stake was for life, and when they had lost, we have seen how manfully they paid the forfeit. No visions of plunder, rapine or riches, acquired.by injustice, did they entertain, the ultimatum of their desires, as had from their own lips, being, in case of suc cess, to be retained in the regular army of Cuba, in the ran k to which conduct and courage might have advanced them at the close of the war. R. C. Stanford leaves a wife and an -only sis ter to weep his untimely end. His associates of the Customhouse, from the highest to the lowest in rank, esteemed and loved him for his qualities as an officer and a gentleman, and no one more than J. H. The Cbops.—The following is an extract from a letter received in this city from a gentle man of intelligence, residing in Beaufort District: “The crops on St. Helena are, in the estima tion of some persons, cutoff one-half; they are generally good, but on riding down to White Hall Ferry to-day, I see they are awfully whip ped —in fact, knocked down flat in the alleys and ooking wretchedly. It is the heaviest gale I have evei known to continue so long; it is con sidered the most destructive since 1824. In Beau fort it was particularly severe. The streets are blocked up with trees, and you will he astonish ed to hear that every tree in the square of the Arsenal has been upset — not one left standing. Every fence in town has been blown down or damaged in some degree.”— Ch. Courier , 3d it w(