Tri-weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 18??-1877, September 05, 1851, Image 1
Sljc Cri-tUcclUn Constitutionalist.
BY JAMES GARDNER, JR.
AUGUSTA, GA.
THURSDAY MORNING, SEPT. 4.
“ Popinjay Political Dwarfs."
It is quite remarkable how fast some men can
grown in the short space of two hr three years in
the imagination of a parlizatu editor, from poli
tical dwarfs to political giants.
In March IS4B. the Hod. Howell Cohh was
in the estimation of the Savannah Republican
a popinjay political dwaif . In 1849, and January
1850, he had got loirer down then even than
that, in that sheet. 'He was their a political
trickster—a traitor to the South —a mau who had
sold our birth right for a mess bf jxsttage —a man
whom whigs at least could never vote for.
Now, presto, change, he is a marvellous propel 1
man, and indeed a marvellous excellent man : in
very truth, a great, patriot, and statesman.
What wonderful magnifiers are the papty spec
tacles through which some men looter"
The following is what the Savannah Republi
can. under the conduct of the same editor who
now writes for it, and l’ulsomely eulogises Mr.
Cobb, thought and said of that gentlemen in
March 1848:
Out at Last. —The Georgian of Monday con
tains an adilress signed by HOWELL CGBB,
Linn Boyd, Beverly L. Clarke, and Jno. L
Lumpkin, setting forth at considerable length
\ their reasons for not signing Mr. Calhoun’s Ad
dress. It will be remertibered that we expressed
the opinion some time since on the authority of
certain writers from Washington, that these gen
tlemen withheld the signatures from the Address
because it was not partizan enough in its chat
acter. It seems now that we were correct; for
those patriots ! though they do hot in so many
words avow it, virtually admit that they would
have given in their adhesion to Mr. Calhoun’s
Manifesto, if such had been its character. They,
opposed the Address (not the original movement,)
because it animadverted upon the Oregon bill
which they had voted for, but principally be
cause it did not abuse the Northern Whigs and
praise Northern Democrats. They were in fa
vor of giving it this caste and making it entirely
partisan in all its features, notwithstanding it
was evident, as appears from their own dema
gogical plea, that the Southern whigs would not
unite in such an arrangement. They knew that
such a course would prevent Union and harmo
ny at the South; ami yet they preferred it t The
question then occurs—if they did not calculate
upon the co-operation of the Southern whigs.
| what did they expect to gain by
| party, (which is in the minority m theaMijSlJ
\ holding States) against Southern
cm whigs and Northern democrats
plain that they wished to make a pdf!ymrrtcsr
<iof it and to avail themselves of
ness of the Southern people on s
corrupt party purposes ? Both
North are opposed to us in sentiment.Vand still
• * they advocate a policy which they would
I* drive even the Southern whigs- ljtfb 'iJifopposi
. tion to them ! Agitation! noth
ing but aoitatiox! seems efeuent in
f which a certain class of JTOfiSrjijU' political
I dwarfs, whose want ou-catih&ti-m is only
E| equalled by their want of brains, live move.
1 and have their being—Savannah Rejmblican.
i March 2Slh, 1848.
In March 1818, Mr. Cobb, it is here setforth,
I had wither patriotism nor brains. In 1851, he is
so bountifully blessed with both, according to
the same authority, that no man is so lit to be
Governor of Georgia.
Mr. Cobb’s Suppressed Letter.
We find the following in the Southern Recorder
of the 2d instant, being partof a correspondent’s
account of Mr. Cobb's speech at Cassville :
"Close by the writer, there was a knot of fire
eaters or Southern Rights men, and his attention
was directed to them by hearing ‘"that letter " —
tdat suppressed letter" —uttered by one or two i
voices, and shortly after one of the party stepped I
up and said he wanted to "see that suppressed let- \
ter!" 1
Mr. Cobb then turned to him and asked him
if he had “read his letter to the Macon commit
tee ?” The fire-eater replied “Yes.” “Then,”
replied Mr. Cobb, “ yoa have read that suppressed
letter, aud did'nt know it /” 1 then at the moment
glanced at the fire-eater, and from the manner in
which he held his head, he reminded me of a
man who had just had his hat pulled over his
face. Mr. Cobb then said that with the excep
tion of the introduction of the letter to his friend,
Mr. Hull, which is in substance as follows:
!*Dear Sir: I propose to give you mjPviews upon
phe subject of secession, without entering into a
’lengthy argument to sustain my position.” The
whole of the suppressed letter without an alteration,
and with the crossing of the t’s and the dotting
of the i’s as in the original, is contained in his letter
to the Macon Committee. .”
So many contradictory accounts have been
given of Mr. Cobb's various speeches by anony
mous correspondents, that we should have dis
regarded this statement until confirmed by Mr.
Cobb’s own sign manual, or that of Mr. Wm.
Hope Hull, to whom the suppressed letter was
addressed, except that the editor of the Southern
Recorder, a gentleman for whom we have the
highest respect, endorses the statement.
He says:
“ It will be seen by the article of our corres
pondent from Cass, that Mr. Cobb in addressing
the people of that county, being called on for the
suppressed letter, openly avowed, (what we may
here remark, ourselves were perfectly aware of
before,) that the suppressed letter and that pub
lished by him, were identical, with a trilling ex
ception of a few lines which Mr. Cobb quoted,
and which are given by our correspondent.
“ What will the Constitutionalist say now ? ”
We will say first, that it has been like draw
ing teeth to get this tardy avowal, and that this
very reluctance in the face of such earnest
calls for months past, for the letter, itself show- J
ed a consciousness on the part of the wri- j
1 ter, that the sentiments and doctrines it avows ]
L were obnoxious to the people of Georgia. But
l the outward pressure for it was so great—the
i cry for it so loud, it was bound to come.
| The occasion selected of putting it before tha
i public, not in response to this general call, but in
I response to the Macon Committee, was a mere
E ruse to avoid the mortification of having to ac
1k now ledge obedience to the popular clamor
■for t e letter. Ihe manner of yielding is awk-
Iward, and the spirit with which it is done, chur-
Kush.
Why was this letter kept hack so long? Be
* cause it was a private letter ? Because it was
| -written from one friend to another? The cor
? respondent of the Retorder says:
“And here let me take occasion to remark upon
e the very great liberty or license taken by gen
tlemen ol the press anti others, with private cor
respondence these days. Really and in truth,
those gentlemen who have made such a fuss
about this letter and the public had no business
with that letter. It was ». •! written for publica
tion—it teas not read before the Committee of 33, or
the Convention. The very beginning of the letter
shows that it was written by one friend to another
friend.''
Ah! was this long letter of five or six columns
a mere friendly private written to com
municate simply the opinions of one friend to
another, both living in the same town and occu
pying the same law office ? Was this its sole
purpose 1
“It was not written for publication—it was
not read before the committee of 33, or the con
vention.” I
No doubt it was not written for pubUcatimi.
Mr. Cobb probably knew before he wrote it that
it would be dangerous to put such odious federal
and consolidation doctrines before the people of
Georgia—always a State Rights and Republican
people
“It was not read before the committee of 33,
or the convention.” No. Mr. Toombs anjl the
ether wire-workers thought it would not do to
trust it before either body. It might have re
volted State Rights men perhaps even then, who
had not yet got too deeply immersed in the Ser
borean bog of federalism. It might have shock
ed Georgia platform men who had found matter
for objection, as vveH as matter tor approval in
the Compromise measures, and would not have
been prepared to nominate a man in the face of a
letter of Ids, read to them, lauding that Compro
mise as fair, honorable and just.
The letter was intended to be kept private—
to be con tided to the political schemers of that
convention alone. But public opinion has forced
it out. It has made its entree rather ungraceful
ly it is true. But it is “ out at last,” as the
Savannah Rejtublican said of the apologetic letter
of Cobb, Boyd, Clark and Lumpkin, for not sign
ing the Southern address—the letter of “ popinjay
political dwarfs, as destitute of brains as of pa
triotism'' as that paper characterized them.
“ What wilt the Constitutionalist say now ?” asks
the Recorder. Why exactly what it said of that
letter when it was published by us. We pub
lished Mr. Cobb's letter as soon as we got hold of
it, and denounced its sentiments in the strongest
Sis. ft ■ intend to continue to do so, and to
v and its abominable con
latjMi (jbctrinSs.
uiifeE l- Mr. Cobb started to give to his
’tsharfrichil" Jiis views on secession, how
i fine he toduuiuh jhe outset so extensively aiul
abruptly into a tyfyijiLdefxncc and praise of the
Compromise
Speeches jpflYtoU and Mr. Toombs.
The begins to show the
white.jiiayMiUma small w'ay. It was publicly
announced in the Constitutionalist If Republic , on
Tuesday morning, that Col. Robert McMillan
would address his fellow-citizens of Richmond
county, at the City Hall, on the evening of that
day, as well as at the Lafayette Race Course, on
the occasion of the Barbecue to be given him
there during the day time. «
Mr. Toombs, to say the feast of it, lent himself
to an arrangement tor himself to address all such
as would attend at the Masonic Hall on the same
evening.
But a few days ago, he and Mr. Cobb had a
fair, full and ample hearing before the assembled
citizens of both the Constitutional Union and
Southern Rights parties, at the City Hall. They
were listened to throughout, without the least
interruption or disturbance. They had every
opportunity to influence the public mind by their
arguments, or sophistry, and everybody knows
they exerted themselves to the utmost with
both, but particularly the latter, to make the
worse appear the better cause. Why, then, could
not the same, courtesy be extended to Colonel
McMillan'’ For what reason was this effort
made to call the partizans of Mr. Toombs to the
Masonic Hall, to hear him, on Tuesday evening ?
There can be but one answer. It cannot be said
that it was necessary to enable them to hear his
views, for they had, a few days previous, heard
them in full. The reason for it was the coward
ly fear to permit them to hear the able and elo
quent Standard Bearer of the Southern Rights
party. Letter writers from all points of the
compass had publiely declared, that in previous
encounters, in various places, Col. McMillan had
been essentially used up by Mr. Toombs. Ii
their statements had been true—if he was so
feeble an antagonist—why Was it that he was
denied the privilege of being heard by the Con
stitutional Union men ?
No, Col. McMillan Was feared. They dread
ed his steel. Mr. Toombs himself, we doubt
not, knew that it was dangerous to put some of
his followers within the sound of his voice. His
is a game, a trade in politics, and he must exer
cise every art to secure success in his business.
“When taxed with jealousy, the charge he'd evade,
And like F (distaff, pretend he but fives by his trade:”
Will he have the manliness to admit this ?
We doubt it. He wiH, or his friends for him,
trump up some reason to cover over this clear
evidence of a dread of an exposure of his course
and principles to the gaze of his followers. What
political chivalry!
Well, Richard played his part at the Masonic
Hall, and how did it turn out with him ? His
followers were few for once. Theie were not
more than two hundred persons to hear him,
while at least five hundred were present to hear
Col. McMillan, and a more delighted audience
we have never seen. We may justly describe
the applause in the language of Shakspeare:
“ Such a noiso arose
As the shrouds make at sea in a stiff tempest,
and it was frequently repeated. Burst after
burst arose, and was borne off upon the moonlit
breeze.
Whatever we may say of their courtesy and
chivalry, our opponents certainly paid Colonel
McMillan a high compliment in directly saying
to him, “ Sir, we cannot trust our people within
reach of you.” Yes, they
“ Trembled, and skulked and peer’d about.”
We are willing for Mr. Toombs to wear and en-
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1851.
joy all the honors of this magnanimous transac
tion !
It may be that they have saved their bacon, to
some extent, by it. If so, they have saved it at
the expense of courage and fairness.
This is not strange, however, in those who
assert that measures which caused the South to
loose every thing, are wise, liberal and just. Their
reasoning is on a par with their conduct. The
Masonic Hall was used, fupr-the time being, as a
“masked battery,” r. 'foombs, as he stood
up in it, to speak to his followers, was. for once,
a representative of folly at full length, or we are
greatly mistaken. A brave and high-minded
people cannot sanction such a proceeding. It
will prove, in the end, to be a bitter pill, and
without the gilding at that. There have been
some shakes of the head and significant shruggs
already. That meeting, at the Masonic Hall, to
say the least of it, was a political blunder. Mr.
Toombs tnay have roared like a bully, but we
■would offer a small bet that he sweated from fear.
Such will, at least, be the public judgment.
After writing the above, we found the follow
ing in the Chronicle Sf Sentinel of yesterday morn
ing. It is a resolution which was adopted on
Tuesday, by the Convention of the Constitution
al Union party of Richmond county:
“ Resolved, That, inasmuch as the Hon. Robert
Toombs has been denied the privilege of free dis
cussion, as he had a right to expect from previous
agreement with his opponent, we invite him to
addess the citizens of Richmond county, at the
Masonic Hall, this evening, at S o'clock.”
It will be seen, from our foregoing remarks,
that Mr. Toombs has had a full and fair hearing
before the people here. The Southern Rights
party concluded to have its own meeting.
They did not invite Mr. Toombs, or any oth
er speakers of the Constitutional Union par
ty to meet them in discussion. Mr. Toombs
made application, or his friends for him, to be
heard with Col. McMillan. The committee of
arrangements persisted in the original purpose of
having a meeting for the Southern Rights party
as our opponents had had one for themselves.
This would place the two parties on terms of
equality. The announcement was seen in our
paper of yesterday morning, that Col. McMillan
and the Southern Rights party would be pleased
to see Mr. Toombs and his friends, the fourth
week in this month. Tlrnt shows whether they
are disposed or not to avoid free discussion upon
equitable terms.
We would simply add that Col. McMillan was
in the hands of-his friends, whose decision he
could not overrule.
Cuban Affairs.
Our telegraphic despatches of last evening,
and various letters from mercantile houses in Ha
vana, exhibit a melancholy contrast to the glo
rious accounts published yesterday. We doubt
tlie correctness oT these latter The
government in Cuba is no doubt upon the alert,
to see that no intelligence shall leave tire Island
calculated to endanger its power and existence.
Letters are read and closely scrutinized, and
every thing objectionable forbidden to be sent
by them. But we shall have to remain, now,
for a short time, in a state of the most painful
suspense.
It is evident that Mr. Fillmore is disposed to do
every thing in his power to prevent assistance
from being given to the Cubans. What would
have been our condition if the brave and noble
Lafayette, Pulaski; De Steuben and hosts of other
generous foreigners had been intercepted and
prevented from lauding on our shores 1
We have not time to dwell upon this subject
now, but it must become a subject of intense
public examination, and we doubt not that the
voice of our country will be against the extreme
and uncalled for exertions of our Federal Execu
tive to interfere in behalf of Spanish tyranny.
Mammoth Watermelon. —We had the satis
faction, two days ago, of pattaking,’ at the ware
house of Messrs. Dye & Heard, of a very large and
delightfully flavored watermelon. It weighed
that morning, being several days after it was
pulled, forty-seven pounds.
It was from the plantation of Col. R. J. Wil
lis, of Greene county, to the superiority of whose
melons we had the pleasure of testifying on a for
mer occasion.
Minister to Mexico. —The Hon. R. P.
Letcher, Minister of the United States to Mexico,
lefUWashington on Friday, for Norfolk, where
he wilhembark on board the United States re
venue schooner Forward, Captain Nories, for
Havana, whence lie will be conveyed in a ship
of war to Vera Cruz.
A Slave Question. —A slaveholder from Mis
souri took one of his men slaves to California in
the spring of 1849. and has been engaged in
digging gold there for two years. The slave’s
labor was very valuable, so much so that the
master refpsed to take SISOO a year for his ser
vices. By the last steamer the Missouiian re
turned to New York city with plenty of gold,
and with his slave, was about returning home.
The New York Commercial says, however, that
some person having learned these facts, advised
the slave that he was made free by the laws
of California, and that he had a right to recover
wages for the time he worked for his master in
that country. This information induced the
colored man to apply to an attorney to institute
‘‘■gal proceedings, and suit has been commenced
against the Missourian to recover the wages
claimed to be due. The quondam slave has also
asserted his freedom.
The U. S. Mail steam ship Baltic, sailed from
New-York on Saturday, for Liverpool with
$538,500 in specie, of which $534,000 is in
American gold, and 65 passengers, among whom
were Mr. and Mrs. George L. Derry, of this
city.
The Net amount subject to the draft of the
Treasurer of the United States, on the 25th ult.,
was $13,751,596,34, of which $167,794,54 was
in the hands of the Assistant Treasurer in this
city. —Charleston Courier , 3 d inst.
Savannah, Sept. 2.
Death of William Henry Mongin, Esq.—
This gentleman died at his residence in this city,
last evening at 9 o’clock, after a brief illness. He
■ was a wealthy planter, anil in his death the
cause of Cuba has lost a liberal and devoted
, friend.— Morning News.
[ From the Savannah Georgian.)
The Washington Union.
> A late number of the Raleigh Standard, the
> organ oi the Democratic party of North Caro
r lina, contains the following remarks:
■ “The Washington Union newspaper has been
i of but little, if any, service to the party in this
I State during the late campagin: and, indeed the
inincef sion of many of our friends is, that it has
i lather crippled and injured us in our efforts
: against the common adversary. That paper has
I been, and is now, taking part with Cobb and
f Foote against McDonald and Quitman; and we
do not remember to have seen at any time in its
1 columns a definite and correct statement of the
i position of the democracy, or of the South gen
s erally, in relation to the so-called Compromise.”
, No one, we presume, acquainted with the facts
of the case, can doubt that so far as the Union
, exerted any influence in the late North Carolina
election, its influence was exerted in behalf of
the Whigs. In regard to ‘.he leading issue in
volved in the contest—the right of secession,
that l*iper espoused the cause of the notorious
Stanley and the other Federalists against every
Deimcratic candidate. It is not all improbable
that Stanley owes his election to the aid thus
furnished him by the Union newspaper. In the
same way that sheet is giving whatever aid it
can furnish, to the Federalists throughout the
entire South. Beginning even with Virginia
and Kentucky, and descending to Louisiana we
find the Democratic party, with the exception of
scarce a corporal’s guard, occupying the same
, position as to the doctrine of secession, that it
does in NoTth Carolina. Jn Virginia the Rich
mond Knquirer maintains it. The Richmond
Whig denies that right—and the Union is on the
! shin of this well known organ of Federalism. In
Kentucky the Louisville Democrat maintains the
same republican doctrine—the notorious Jour
nal, the organ of Clay and Federalism in that
State, denies it—and has the aid and assistance
of the Washington Union, in fighting for Feder
alism. In Tennessee the Nashville American,
(Democratic) with Gov. Trousdale the late can
didate of the party, denounced the ruinous Com
promise. Os course the Union stood side by
side with the Whig presses of Tennessee in
glorifying that bill of surrender, and in accom
plishing the defeat of the Democratic candidate
for Gevernor. In Arkansas its help, in the
same way, has been lately given' jto the Whig
Congressional candidate, in opposition to John
son, a sterling Democrat and fast friend of the
South. In Louisiana, while the New Orleans
Courier, like the Louisville Democrat, Rich
mond Enquirer and all the leading Democratic
presses of the South, sustains the right of se
cession, the Union of coifrse takes the side of the
Fedesulistg of that State, and of their organs, the
Bulletin and the Bee. In Mississippi, it is fight
ing with the great body of the Whigs against
the entire Democratic delegation in the last House
of Representatives. In Alabama, it is making
common cause with Hilliard and Abercrombie
and White and the entire Whig press, against
every leading Democratic paper, and nearly
every Democratic politician of the State. In
Florida it furnishes arguments for every Whig
journal, and is of course in direct antagonism
with the Democratic party and all its presses.
But how stands this pretended Washington or
gan of Democracy, with reference to the Demo
cratic and Southern Rights party of Georgia.'
That party assembled at Milledgevitte, and there
nominated as its candidate Gov. McDonald—
one whose Democracy has never been called in
question—one whom the Democracy of the
whole State has twice before supported and elect
ed as its Gubernatorial candidate. Thus nomi
nated, he receives jthe support of the leading
Democratic presses of the State, as well as that
of the great body of the Democratic party. The
Federalists, knowing that they could not defeat
him with one of their own men, put Howell
Cobb in nomination against him. And the
Washington Union is now in full affiliation with
the Savannah Republican, Macon Messenger,
Columbus Milledgeville Recorder, and
Augusta Chronicle—all the leading Federal pres
ses of the State—in sustaining the Federal nom
inee in opposition to the regularly selected Demo
cratic and Southern Rights candidate. It even
resorts to the same misrepresentations of Mc-
Donald (charging him with “reflecting the views
of Rhett,) which have for months teemed in the
Federal presses of Georgia. Os course all its
influence goes to sustain Toombs and Stevens
and Johnson and Hopkins, Federalists and Fed
eral candidates for Congress—against such Dem
ocrats as Jackson, McMillan and Benning.
-Our friends abroad will he gratified to learn,
that though willing to do much, th» Union is
capable of doing us very litlte injury in.this State.
Its anti-Southern course in relation to the Com
promise, followed by its Federal stand in oppo
sition to the right of secession, has made it one
of the most unpopular of all the presses circu
lated in the cotton growing States.
[From the N. O. Delta.]
The Spanish Barbarity,
“Havana, Aug. 16,1851.
“The Most Excellent Senor Governor Captain
General has received from a lieutenant of the
Regiment of Bailon. D. Manuel Hurtodo, com
mander of a detachment at San Diego de Los
Banos, a communication, reporting to his Excel
lency that at half-past 11, on the morning of the
14 th, he occupied that place and .defeated a party
of pirates composed of about twenty men, guar
ding an equal number of wounded pirates. Hav
ing shot them, there remained in his hands many
-guns, pistols, carbines, and ammunition, with
which he has supplied various jxiisanos who ac
companied him.”
The above is contained in one of the bulletins
published in the Havana papers, and signed by
Petro Estaban, Secretary of the Captain General.
In all the annals of barbarian warfare, we have
scarce ever read anything to equal the cold-blood
ed and cowardly deed which the Captain Gen
eral has the effrontery to publish to the civilized
world. It is far worse than the more formal
murder of the Fify in Havana. They were sub
jected to a sort of trial, and though enfeebled and
prostrate from fatigue and suffering, they were
at least in possession of sufficient vigor to stand
up and meet their fate like men. But these poor
wounded patriots, whom their companions had
endeavored to piotect and defend, having no
power to resist, many of them no doubt lamed
and crippled, were deliberately shot down by the
hirelings of a strumpet Queen and a depraved
Government!
They, too, American citizens, born in a country
where the least of her sons would not exchange
the proud position of an American citizen for the
highest post among a race of cut throat barbari
ans and dastard assassins, such as the Spaniards
in Cuba have proved themselves to be. We say
that deeds like these justify immediate and
prompt punishment of the authorities of Cuba by
the American people. The Government may
diplomatize, and dilly-dally, but witnoutthe peo
ple, our Government is a cypher. Sooner or la
ter these barbarous acts must be avenged. There
will be no adjournment of the matter to Madrid,
—hut there, on the very scene of those atrocities,
must the American people establish, in some
summary and effective manner, a lasting memo
rial of their horror and detestation of such cruel
ties, —a beacon to the blood thirsty minions of
despotism throughout the world.
But it is said these men were Pirates. That
burning shame and reproach to our country, the
National Intelligencer, will rejoice over this proof
of Spanish vigor, in the punishment of those
whom, it denounced as pirates. It is a result in
which that journal may well take a profound in
terest, for it was one to which it largely con
tributed. That paper and others, denounced
these enterprises—the simple object of which
was to aid the Cubans to establish their indepen
dence—as piratical. It supplied the Spanish au
thorities with rules and sanctions for their blood
thirsty conduct, and may therefore appropriate
a large portion of the infamy and shame of the
deed.
But did their dicta make them “Pirates?”
Where did the National Intelligencer and Con
cha get their authority to falsify law and lan
guage, and interpolate such anomalous and false
definitions into the code of nations ? Are not
pirates those who rob and murder .on the high
seas? Are they not enemies of the human race,
whom all nations afe at liberty to arrest and
punish? In what possible sense were these young
men, who went to Cuba to fight for the liberties
of that oppressed island, Pirates ? Will the U.
States, which in its treaty with Spain has re
cognized the law of nations as controlling their
relations, permit them to be thus violated and
outraged towards our own countrymen ?
Where is there in any code, or in the history of
any civilized nation, a precedent for a barbarism
like this? Admitting that these men were
pirates, was it consonant with even the course
admitted to be justified by the most severe laws
against piracy, to shoot down wounded men, —
in their very litters, whilst lying in a pitiable
Tmd defenceless state ? The untutored savage of
our forests would scorn so unmanly a deed. And
tlicse are the trophies of the proud Castilians, who
exult in such loud tones over their own courage
and greatness ?
Their pride is destined soon to trail in tile dust;
these boastful tones will soon "be reduced to a
piteous wall; their bloody deeds, against defence
less men, will be avenged, and the spots on which
they were acted will be rendered sacred and holy
in the view of regenerated Cuba, lor on them will
arise lofty monuments to commemorate the sig
-nal and complete vengeance, which the Ameri
can people never lail to visit upon those who I
have outraged humanity, and insulted the nation-1
al character.
To the Friends of Cuba.
At a meeting of the citizens of Augusta, favora
ble to the cause of Cuban liberty, held in the city-
Hall Park, on Thursday evening, the 28th ult,
the undersigned were appointed a committee “to
receive contributjons for the equipment of such
of our fellow citizens as are willing and anxious
to become identified with the career of the st ar of
liberty which is now rising on the lovely yet
fettered Queen of the Antilles.” Accepting the
appointment, they hereby announce their readi
ness to receive all contributions designed for the
furtherance of this noble Abject, and express a
hope that the citizens of Augusta will come for
ward liberally for the purpose in view. All con
tributors by mail, or otherwise, directed to the
committee will be properly appropriated.
JAMES GARDNER, Jr.
JOHN PHINIZY, Jr.
A. H. H. DAWSON.
WM. E. DEARING.
ROBERT A. WHYTE.
Invited to <Leave. —An individual calling
himself Wilkins, but whose real name is said to
be H. A. Layton,shaving given expression to
abolition sentiments of a very offensive and in
sulting character, in the presence of a 'party of
young gentlemen, w’as called upon last evening
and notified to leave the city. Wisely consider
ing perhaps that a longer residence among us
would not be good for his health, he very readily
consented to leave in last night’s boat for Charles
ton, on his way to the North. The young man
is from Philadelphia, and is certainly too indis
creet to be trusted so far from home, especially
in Southern latitudes. No violence was offered
him, and we trust the lesson he has received, if
it does not reform his morals, will at least teach
him discretion for the future.— Savannah News,
3 d inst.
The steam ship Southerner arrived about 12
o’clock last night from New York. We learn
that the cause of her detention arose from the
breaking on Monday, at half past 1 P. M., when
about twelve miles distant from Cape Look Out,
the light bearing N. N. W.,of the larboard shaft,
which disabled the larboard wheel, and com
l>elled her to proceed the rest of the voyage un
der sail, with the assistance of only the starboard
wheel.
At noori yesterday she passed the schooner
Isaballa Thompson, Captain Corson, from Phila
delphia for this port, laying to under close reefed
fore and main-sails. —Cluirleston Courier , 3 d inst. j
[Telegraphed for the Charleston Courier.] 1
Baltimore, Sept. I—ll P. M- *
The brig Grecian, Capt. Gilchrist, from Savan- n
nah, arrived at Thomoston, Marine, on the 29th b
ult., having lost all her officers and crew with e
yellow fever. The captain was alone with the .J
sick for five days, and had to steer and cook. The I
vessel was also struck by lightning. d
NEW SERIES VOL VI. NO. 106.
! 3Bi} Jfinptic
Reported for the Constitutionalist.
| LATER BJROM EUROPE.
I ARRIVAL
, OF THE STEAMER
; A MERIC A.
I ANOTHER ADVANCE IN COTTON.
Charleston, Sept. 3—p. m.
' The steamship America arrived at Halifax to
day, bringing advices that the common and mid
dling qualities of Cotton had advanced Id. and
the better qualities id. during the week. Fair
’ Orleans is quoted at s|d.' and Mobile 5Jd. The
’’ sales of the week were 68,000 bales. Specula
tors took 9,000, and Importers 14,000 bales. The
sales of Saturday were 8,000 bales, and the mar-
P ket closed firm.
Flour had declined 6d., Wheat 2d. Corn had
advanced Cd
The trade in the Manufacturing districts had
’ improved.
Consols 96| to 961
: At Havre the Cotton market was active, and
1 the-sales of the week amounted to 55,000 bales.
■ Sales of Thursday, to 2 o’clock, 2,000 bales. Ve
• ry Ordfiutire Orleans fully 93f.
d The political news is unimportant.
Washington, Sept. 3— p. in.
Official Despatches have been receive! ty the
Government that Lopez, on the 25th ult., still
held out, but with his force greatly i educed.
That it does not appear that any Creoles had
joined him. The Governor General had ottered
, a reward for him, and a pardon for hUfollowers.
The President has dismissed the Collector at
New Orleans, and appointed a substitute. Other
’ officers at New Orleans are informed that they
' will be dismissed if they neglect their duty.
Orders have also been given to intercept the
Pampero and other vessels with invading forces
, for Cuba. Stringent and precise orders have
r been renewed to all officers to suppress illegal
’ expeditions. Particular efforts are ordered to be
made to suppress any new expedition from New
Orleans.
r From the N. O. Delta.
| Adjutant R. C. Stanford.
To those who knew well the subject of this
sketch, no word of eulogy would seem anything
f but superfluous. But as many had not that plea
i snre, an obituary notice from one who knew and
B loved him .well, becomes, in some sort, a duty as
well as ahnoitmful pleasure. His residence in
e though -nCJittle more than two
s years, was sufficient for him to gain scores of
the warmest and most devoted friends which it
, ever fell to the lot of man to have. His high
' 'and chivalrous bearing, open, frank expression
1 of countenance, the kind and courteous address
1 he ever used to all, united to a handsome person,
, were well calculated to impress all wno ap
, proached him, with sentiments of esteem and
friendship. In the practice and observance of
all courtesies and conventionalities which regu
late gentlemanly intercourse, he had ho superior.’
But his intimate friends only knew the excel
lencieS'of his character which were deeper seated,
and have often had occasion to admire his detes
tation of anything approaching to meanness or
cowardice, his sympathy with distress, his deep
contrition and instant retraction when impelled
by a hasty temper into error of speech or action.
It may not be out of place here, in view of his
untimely end, to mention that he was of firm
I religious convictions, and conscientiously con
formed his conduct thereto as much as his nature
and circumstances permitted.
Such was the character of one, among the no
blest and bravest of that Spartan band who fell at
Havana on the 16th of August, victims to Span
ish cruelty. One hour before, and with a lull
• knowledge of the dreadful death he was to suffer,
he wrote the letter which has been published.
No one can view the firm, round hand in which
this is written—dated from the very spot of his
execution—and see, suffering as he was from a
painful wound, his concise and the only satisfac
’ tory account of the past few eventful days, with
out being struck with the calm collectedness
and cool courage there displayed. For clearness,
brevity,and succinctness, it might compare with
a General’s dispatch from a field of victory.
He was bom in Maryland, and belonged to
one of the best families in the State, but, for the
most of his life was a resident of Natchez, Mis
sissippi, and for seven years of Madison parish,
in this State, in both of which places numbers of
attached friends will mourn his loss. For more
than two years he has been an inspector in the
Customhouse of New Orleans, which office he
gave up, as did also Crittenden and Kerr, to serve
in the cause of Cuban independence.
Let no£ any one believe that false and extrava
gant hopes were held out to these brave men.
They were men of the first intelligence; they
examined closely for themselves the evidence,
and, with ninetenths of the community, saw
reason to believe that a struggle had commenced
between the Cubans and their Spanish oppres
sors, and feeling, only in a greater degree, that
sympathy which pervades this whole pervades
this whole community, their love of enterprise
irresistibly led them to take part and venture
their lives and fortunes on the issue. Well did
they know that in this game the stake was for
life, and when they had lost, we have seen how
manfully they paid the forfeit. No visions of
plunder, rapine or riches, acquired.by injustice,
did they entertain, the ultimatum of their desires,
as had from their own lips, being, in case of suc
cess, to be retained in the regular army of Cuba,
in the ran k to which conduct and courage might
have advanced them at the close of the war.
R. C. Stanford leaves a wife and an -only sis
ter to weep his untimely end. His associates
of the Customhouse, from the highest to the
lowest in rank, esteemed and loved him for his
qualities as an officer and a gentleman, and no
one more than J. H.
The Cbops.—The following is an extract
from a letter received in this city from a gentle
man of intelligence, residing in Beaufort District:
“The crops on St. Helena are, in the estima
tion of some persons, cutoff one-half; they are
generally good, but on riding down to White
Hall Ferry to-day, I see they are awfully whip
ped —in fact, knocked down flat in the alleys and
ooking wretchedly. It is the heaviest gale I
have evei known to continue so long; it is con
sidered the most destructive since 1824. In Beau
fort it was particularly severe. The streets are
blocked up with trees, and you will he astonish
ed to hear that every tree in the square of the
Arsenal has been upset — not one left standing.
Every fence in town has been blown down or
damaged in some degree.”— Ch. Courier , 3d it w(