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tastMnnalirt K JUpiMit. JAMES GARDNER, JR., ) amd > Editors. JAMES M. SMYTHE, ) [ From the N. O. Prirt Courrent , Ist insf.] Cotton—Remarks. #** *•*#* The total receipts at this port since Ist Sept, last,/rom nil tourer*, are 995,036 bales. This amount includes 14,816 bales from Mobile and Florida, and from Texas by tea: and this being deducted our receipt* proper are shown to be 950,- 220 bales, in which are included 18,051 bales re ceived direct from Montgomery, tec., Alabama. This, then, would show an increase in our re ceipt* proper, as compared with last year ujion the same basis, of 152,833 bales. The total ex ports since Ist September, are 997,158 bales, of which 582,373 bales Were shipped to Great Biitam, 130,362 to Fiance, 131,906 to the North and South of Europe, Mexico, Ac., and 152,817 to United States (wits. On a comparison of the exports with those of last year, there would ap pear to be an increase of 185,628 bales to Great Britain, 12,919 to France, 21,760 to the North ami South of Europe. Mexico, &c., while to United States ports, tnere is a decrease of 61,026 liales. The total receipts at ull the Atlantic and Gidf port*, up to the latest dates received—as shown by our General Cotton Table—are 2,331,- 464 bales, and the crop, when made up by the New York Shipping List, will probably not vary much from 2,350,000 bales. We have thus rapidly sketched the course ol the market during a season of extraordinary vicissitudes, and such an one as we hope never to witness again. In glancing at the peculiari ties of the season.it may be safely remarked that its prominent feature (and, as the sequel has pro ven, its prominent error) has been an under esti mate of the production.JTlns, as we have already intimated, led to the opening of the market at unfortunately high prices, wriich, under specu lative action, were subsequently carried to a higher point than they have reached since 1839. These under estimates were to a greater or less extent general,and we think it may salely be asserted that a majority placed the crop at or under 2,200,000 bales, while the bulk of the business, during the first six or seven months of the season, was done upon a basis of 2,100,000 to 2,150,000 bales. The estimates of very few par ties were beyond what the actual crop is likely to be, and these were looked upon as so extrav agant that their opinions provoked discussion and animadversion to a degree that has given them wide-spread notoriety. And thus is ad ded another to the many examples of the fallacy of early estimates of a crop whose culture oc cupies so broad an extent of country, embrac ing nearly every variety of soil and climate, and requiring many months to determine definitely the result. The error has been followed by most disastrous consequences, but that those who fell into it (and they embrace planters, factors and purchasers,) were honest in their opinions, their own losses should betaken to demonstrate. in viewing the causes of this astonishing re action the leading ones, of course, are the under estimates of the crop, and the consequent eleva tion of prices to what has proved to have been an extravagant point. But as a collateral one, growing out of these, we may mention that the o'ire or partial stoppage of nianiyofour home mills, owing to the nigh prices of the raw mate rial, and excessive stocks of manufactured ar ticles on hand, threw an undue portion of the supply upon the European markets. Thus Great Britiuu alone has not only taken the whole excess of our receipts over those of last year,but near ly 100,000 bales more,that .with moderate prides, would have been consumed in the United States. To Great Britain, therefore, the crop has been equal to one of about 2,150,000 bales, while at t he same time there has been a material increase in her imports from Brazil, Egypl and the East Indies. And besides this ample present supply, large estimates of our coming crop are imluged, which have had a marked influence in the depression of prices. Thus, once more the spin ners gained the ascendancy, and for weeks panic, which loses sight of the laws of supply and de mand, seemed to reign in the Liveri>ool market. It is gratifying, however, to observe that not withstanding the prevalence of comparatively high prices during a great portion of the first six months of the current year, the amount taken lor consumption in Great Britain slightly ex ceeds the amount taken tortile same purpose du ring a similar period last year: and by the last accounts the weekly average had reached 33,000 bales; the highest ratio of consumption yet at tained in the history of the Cotton manufacture. The following table exhibits the im|Hirts,delivery stock, Ac., in the whole of Great Britain, for the first six months, ended on the 30th June last, and a comparison with the same |ieriod in 1850. 1851. 1850. Slack Ist Jan halos 531.130 558,390 import six mouths 1.150.500 940,802 1,677,030 1,499,252 I’sports six months.. 95.300 119,800 Consumption 770,120 —871,420 770.952 —890,752 Stock 30tli June 806,300 008,500 Weekly average taken for 1 consumption, j . . .24,851 29,052 In France, also and other European countries, the deliveries for consumption exceed those of last year, the United '■Hates being the only point where a decrease is shown. In respect to the growing crop, which is now a matter of marked interest, we propose to sketch briefly its progress and present prospects, leav ing to others the indulgence in estimates, which the past season, among many that have preceded it, lias shown to lie attended with very serious consequences. It is understood that there was considerable increase in the breadth ol land planted, but an unusually cold and backward spring retarded the growth of the plant, and it hail made comparatively little progress up to the early part of May, when a favorable change in the character of the weather gave an impulse to vegetation. Fr< m this time to the first of.ltily, the accounts from the country, with some ex ceptions, were favorable, though troin the up lands there was some complaint of alack of suf ficient rain. The plant generally, however, though small, was said to look healthy, and to give good promise; besides which the crops were unusually “clean,’’ the very lack of rain complained of having favored cultivation by pre venting any excessive growth of grass and weeds. But now very serious complaints began to reach us from the uplands, of the long contin uance of the drought ; and as week succeeded week without any rain, exceptj an occasional shower, in partial neighborhoods, these tom plains were reiterated, and became more general, accompanied by representations that the very fair prospects which the crops presented up to about the first July, were blasted to an important ex tent, aud that no subsequent combination ot cir cumstances could fully recover them. For some weeks past, however, showers have been fre quent, particularly in this immediate neighbor hood. and in some parts of the interior heavy rains are reported, which coming at so tate a pe riod, are said to have been rather prejudicial to the crops. The bottom lands are generally ad mitted to give excellent promise, but so many contingences may yet arise, favorable or adverse, that calculation of the result would be mere conjecture. We make no estimates, but we will record it as our impression that, while the errors oi last year was an under-estimate of the crop, the errors ol the coming one is likely to be in the opposite direction. With regard to the market prospects for the coming cron, we think they may be said to be fair for ready sales at moderate prices. i n Great Britain, particularly, all the leading elements of an active and prosperous trade would seem to be in combination, viz—low stocks of goods, and of raw material, in the hands of the manufacturers cheap food, abundance of money, and the world at peace. Already the ratio of consumption is ! greater than ever before attained, and even a fur-1 ther increase is not improbable. In our own country, too, there will soon, doubtless, be re newed activity, as the stocks of goods, which for along time have been excessive, are much reduced, and the manufacturers are understood to lie without any considerable stocks of the raw material. Altogether the prospects would seem to be favorable lor fair returns to the planter, even with a large crop, and the chances are that the relation of consumption to supply will be such as to leave the leading markets without ex cessive stocks at the close of the season. The first bale of the new crop was received here on the 25th July, being seventeen days earlier than the first receipt of last year, and the total recepts of new crop up to this (late are 3155 liales, against 67 bales last year. Os this quanti ty there have been sales reported to the extent of about 2400 bales, at a t ange of 8 a 8 { cents for Middling and 81 a 0 cents for Good Middling to MiddlingfFair, and the market closes with a total stock, including all on shipboard not clear ed, of 11.890 bales, of which aliout 11,000 bales are in factors’ hands, embracing some 10,000 •bales of old crop, held under limits. Sugar. —At the date of our last annual report the prospect was considered fair for a full aver age yield, as the weather for some three months previous had been of a remarkably favorable character for promoting the growth of the cane. Subsequently, however, the character of the season proveed un propitious, an extraordinary period of drought having ensued, which preven ted the cane trom yielding juice freely, and also delayed the grinding, from the lack of water for working the steam engines. Thus the frost of the middle of November found an unusually large proportion of the crop exposed and the two cau ses above noted, combined with damage from overflows, led to a material reduction in the ex pected product. According to the statement of Mr. P. A. Chainpomier the crop of 1850-51 amounted to 211,203 hogsheads, weighing 231,- 191,000 pounds. Os this quantity 181,372 hogs heads are stated to be brown Sugar, made by the old process, and 26,831 hogsheads refined, clari fied, &c., including cistern bottoms; and the whole is the product of 1495 sugar houses, of which 907 have steam and 588 have horse pow er. The falling off in the crop, as compared with that of the previous year, is 26,720 hogs heads, or 38,375 ; 000 pounds. The stock estimated to be on hand at the close of last year was 2000 hogsheads, and this quan tity being added to the crop, as above stated, makes a supply, in round numbers, of 213,000 hogsheads. As nearly as can be ascertained the distribution of the supply has been as follows; shipments out of the State, by sea, (including an estimate of 10,000 hogsheads for the exjiort.s from Attakapas) 07,000 hogsheads; consumption of the city and neighborhood 15,000 hogsheads; taken for refining in the city and State, including cistern bottoms, 15,000 hogsheads; stock now on hand in the State, estimated at 2200 hogsheads: leaving as the quantity taken for the West 123,- 800 hogsheads. The quantity shipped|lo Atlan tic ports is about 45,000 hogsheads, against 90,- 000 last year. The first receipt of the new crop was two hogsheads on the 17th October; one week later than the first receipt of the previous year. The two hogsheads were of good grain, hut of course were not well drained, and they were sold at G cents per lb. Subsequently supplies came for ward slowly, aud it was not until the latter part of the month that the business assumed any con siderable importance. The course of the market will be best indicated by the following table, which shows the highest and the lowest point in each month for Pair Sugar on the levee. HIGHEST. LOWEST. Octobor cents per 1b...6 nfif 5 jas,l November 5)a52 4jas Decombor : 6 »5J 4 Jiw January sjasJ 4;’as February 5 aftjj 4(a. r iJ . March 4Jasj 4|af> April sJii. r >! 4JnSJ May., sj)asJ 51a5jj June ,‘..sjaC * 6)a5J July 5Ja6 s^asl August 0 J art i s’ati It will thus be seen that the market has not been subjected to any violent fluctuations throughout the season, but on the contrary, that il has gene rally been characterized by great steadiness, while the average prices has been considerably above that of last year. The transactions on plantation have, to a great extent, been on pri vate terms, though we obtained particulars of the sales of quite a number of crop, as they occurred, and we find by our records, that the ruling rates in January and February were 41 a 54, in March 1} a SJ. in April 5 a SJ, in May 5J a 5?, arid in June, when nearly all hud passed out of planters’ hands, 5 7-16 aSJ cents per lb. The deficiency in the Louisiana crop has led to increased im ports of foreign Sugars, and thus we have from Cuba 451 hhds., and 39,293 bpxes, against 397 hhds., and 18,813 boxes last year. We have also an import from Brazil of 1331 boxes of ISOO lbs. each; the first ever received at this port, but to he followed, we understand, by several other car goes. Besides the Louisiana crop there were produced last year in Texas about' 6000, and in Florida about 1500 hhds. With respect to the growing crop, we have hut a few remarks to offer, it being too early in the season to arrive at any thing definite regard ing its probable extent. It is understood that the severe frosts of November last, cut short the supply of plant cane, and thus somewhat cir cumscribed the cultivation, while the cold spring, and the subsequent long drought, were unfavora ble to the progress of the plant, particularly in the upper parishes. Within the past tew weeks, however, frequent showers of rain have fallen, and the crop in most sections are said to present a marked improvement. The result, however, cannot be determined for many weeks to come, and we shall close these remarks by referring to the annexed table, which gives the product of each year since 1828. Crop of 1850. 211.203 hhds. Crop of 1539. 115.000 lilt,ls. “ 1849.-247.923 '• '• 1838. 70.000 •• “ 1848. 220.000 *• “ 1837. 65.000 ■* '• 1847 . 240.000 “ » 1830. 70.000 « " 1846. 140.000 “ “ 1835, 30.000 “ " 1845. 186.050 “ “ 1834, 100.000 “ “ 1844. 200.000 '• 18143, 75,000 *• “ 1843. 100.000 11 '• 1832. 70.000 - “ 1*42, 140.000 “ '• 1829. 48,000 « “ 1841, 90,000 “ “ 1828, SS.OOO « “ 1840. 87,000 «- From the best available data, it would appear that, (estimating the product of maple Sugar at 50 millions) the present consumption of the Uni ted States is about 550 millions of pounds—equal to 25 pounds for each, individual of our popula tion. Os this quantity, Louisiana and Texas, with their present extent of cultivation, and an average product, can furnish fully 300 millions pounds. Besides the Sugar, there were imported into the United State, in 1549—50. from foreign countries, 25 millions gallons Molasses, and the product of Louisiana for the same season was 12 millions gallons. Molasses.—According to the statement of Mr. P. A. Chainpomier, the product of Molasses from the last cane crop, estimating 50 gallons for every 1000 pounds of Sugar, was 10.500,000 gallons, or 1,500,000 gallons less than the product of the pre vious year. This deficient supply has been pro ductive of a higher average of prices than has been attained for several years past, as will be' seen by the following table, which exhibits the highest and lowest point in each month, for sales on the levee, in barrels: HIGHEST. LOWEST. October cents per ga1..33 a35 20'a27 November 27 a2B 24 a24' Docoraber .24ja24j 23 a24 January 20 a24f 18 a234 February 23 a27J 17 a24 March >.25a30 23 a274 April 25 a33 22 a.'itH May 26 a35 25 a32 June 25 a32 25 a3O July : 22 a3O 20 a2B August 22 a32 22 a3O PEACH BRANDY 23 YEARS OLD. ONE bbl. of old Peach Brandy, distilled in 1828, by Joel Hurt, of Oglethorpe Co., Ga. Just received and for sale by i aug 29 A. STEVENS. EXTRACT . From the speech of Mr. Hunter of Va., delivered ] in the U. S. Senate, July 18, 1850. We of the South believe that the Mexican law was repealed by the acquisition of the ter ritory ; but if we had believed that the threats j and declarations of the supremacy of the Mexi- ' can law, made by so many distinguished jurists, would operate to prevent the holders of slaves— and all property holders are timid—from going ; with their property into the newly-acquired Territories, under the apprehension in the un settled state of the question, that they would thereby hazard their property—l say if southern ! men had seen that such would be the effect, I am inclined to think they would certainly have demanded a declaratory act, saying that the Mexican law was not in force. And they would have done so strictly in accordance with the pinciple of non-intervention, as I understand that principle, and in the only sense in which I can accord and accede to it. That doctrine, if 1 understand it, is one which proposes to leave the question of slavery or no slavery in the Territo ries to be determined by soil and climate; leaving it to nature w'hile they exist as Territories, and to the people when they come in as States, to determine the character of their institutions in this respect. That I understand to be the non intervention principle. Well, if soil and climate are to decide, then it follows that Congress can not interfere by legislation to establish or pro hibit it. Not only the legislation of Congress cannot do that, but the Mexican legislation cou not do it, because, if the Mexican law interven ed, the question would l>e determined by it, and not by soil and climate. This was the doctrine of non-intervention proposed in the Clayton compromise bill, which neither established nor prohibited slavery, but clearly implied a duty, as I nave endeavored to show, on the part of the territorial government, to protect such property, if decided by the courts to exist. I know it is said, that in maintaining the obligation to pro tect property you admit the right to destroy it. But 1 utterly repudiate and deny such a conclu sion. On the contrary, the establishment of this proposition would lead to the very opposite in ference. Who does not see.that il I establish the obligation of the Government to protect my property, I deny its right to destroy and confis cate it? So far from admitting the right to de stroy, I deny it in the strongest possible form, when I show its obligation to protect it. My State government is bound to protect my litrerty, and when 1 show that, do I admit that it can enslave me without cause? It is bound also to protect my property, and when I show that, do 1 admit that it can sieze and confiscate my proper ty without compensation to me for it. The United States Government is bound to protect the property in the slave on the high seas under the United States flag; and in asserting that duty oir its part, do I admit it has a right to confiscate such property without cause? And so, in rny opinion, it is bound to protect it iu the Territo ries, as much as on the high seas on shipboard, and under the American flag. Extract from the speech of Mr. Davis 'of Miss., of same date. I was confident then, and am confident now’, that I stood upon true ground. But is it aban doning this ground that l should refer to these opposite opinions of the most eminent jurists of the land as a motive for legislation—as a reason why no men would hazard his property whilst this threatening cloud hung over his rights ' Is it an abandonment of this opinion that I should insist that Congress should remove the obstruc tions which were considered insurmountable obstacles by some of the best lawyers in the Senate, and which, if they exist, interfere with —yes, sir, deny to us the exercise of—our con stitutional rights l This was no new opinion with me, nor is it peculiar to this place, or to the persons named. I was glad to hear my colleague say that be would stand by every position that our State has taken,as this may bring us into the conjunction l desire. Our Legislature have passed two series of resolutions—one presented to the Senate by my colleague, and one by myself. From the first one of them 1 will read to establish that this ground of opposition to the prominent feature ot this bill bus an origin more commanding than that which has been assigned. Our Legislature passed a series of resolutions, approved March (i, 1K.'.1), from which I will read the following: “He it further resolved , That it is the duty of the Congress of the United State to provide ter ritorial organization and government for all the Territories acquired by the comtnoit blood and treasure of the citizens of the several States, and to provide the means of enforcing in said Terri tories the guarantees of the Constitution of the United States in reference to the property of citizens of any of the States removing to any of said Territories with the same, without distinc tion or limitation.” That, sir, is what we claim, here and now. We claim that the Federal Government shall provide the means of enforcing our constitutional rights, of protecting us in our property, as guar antied by the Constitutidh, within those Terri tories to which the States have surrendered the control to the central Government. This is not begging the Federal Government to come to the protection of the States. This is not in viting the Federal Government to infringe the limits of sovereign States: but demanding that she should perform those functions which have been confided to her in regions from which the States have withdrawn their right of control. 1 have heretofore answered the position of my colleague that there is something humiliating iu this. 1 will not repeat what I have said—will nos weary the Senate by a thrice-told tale. The resolutions which my colleague presented equally uphold the same position. They were approved upon the same day, but are a different series,and refer to the question before us. After referring to California and the government for New Mexico, the resolutions go on to say: “Resolved . That the exercise by the Govern ment of the United States of a silent and passive jurisdiction over the Territory of California, in consequence of the failure by Congress to pro vide laws for the government of said Territory, and for the equal ami indiscriminate protection of all the citizens of the United States removing to said Territory with their property, is in the highest degree unjust towards the people of the slaveholding States, ,by deterring them from going to said Territory with their slaves, ami is calculated, and is intended, to deprive them, of an equal participation in the common property of the people of all the States. “ Resolved , That the policy heretofore pursued by the Government of the United States in re gal'd to said Territory, in refusing to provide territorial governments therefor, lias been and is eminently calculated to promote, and is about to eflect indirectly the cherished object of the Abolitionists, which cannot be accomplished by direct Legislation, without a plain and palpable violation of the Constitution of the United States.” Here is a complaint of the Federal Govern ment that it does not give the protection due, and that it avoids a plain and palpable violation of the Constitution of the United States, that it may effect the'same purpose by indirect means, lliat has been the burden of the argument of those who have acted with me against this bill and that has been the main ground against the admission ot California. Having been thus de prived of equality of enjoyment in the Territory, it is now proposed permanently to exclude us by admitting it as a State with a' constitution that was framed to answer the views of an anti slavery Congress; and which was neither form ed nor adopted by the majority of the inhabi tants of that Territory. This is the position of our State, and 1 think that it has fairly and fully maintained the position those with whom I am connected here, have taken upon this subject. I have too humble an opinion of my own judg ment to have any great pride of consistency. If convinced of error, I hope that I would at any momentjehange. But I must ask that gentlemen will wait till 1 do change before they attach to me the charge of inconsistency. I man tain now, as I have always maintained, that the con stitution gives us a right to go there with any kind of property, and I ask the Federal Govern ment to provide the necessary means to secure the enjoyment of that right. Extrait from the specchof Mr. Berrien, of Ga., delivered in the U. S. Sena/e, July 23, 1850. Mr. Berrien. Mr. President, lam unable to to consider, I wish I had the power to do so, that this is a bill of non-intervention, when in regard to the most important portion of this ter ritory—that of California—the people of one portion of this Union are excluded by an act which can only receive force and validity from the action of Congress. I apprehend that to be intervention, direct and practical. There is also the further intervention that was suggested by the Senator from Kentucky. [Mr. Underwood,] who sits near me. But, sir, retaining the opin ion, which I have expressed, and endeavored heretofore to sustain, that the laws of Mexico on this subject are not in force, there is, never theless, an improtant reason why the amendment ofithe Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Davis,] should be adopted, which I commend to the re flection of the other Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. Foote,] and it is this: There are, as he well knows, discordant opinions upon the ques tion of the validity of the Mexican laws. He entertains, and I entertain, a very strong opinion upon that subject, but persons whose opinions have equally and probably greater influence, entertain the opposite opinion. The pratical re sult of this diversity of opinion is, that southern men, with their particular species of property, are as effectually excluded from this Territory as if the Mexican laws were existing and in force, from the doubt which overhangs the sub ject, and the unwillingness of persons passing with this species of property into these Territo ries to subject themselves to a litigation by which they might be divested of their property. The Senator from Mississippi will recollect "the glorious uncertainty” of the profession of which he and I are members. The ‘ glorious uncer tainty'- of the law have passed into a by-word, not because there is an infinite variety in the interpretations of the law. The uncertainty which hangs over this subject, I say, operates as effectually against the rights of persons holding this species of property, emigrating to these Ter ritories, as if the Mexican law’s were decided to be valid, or in force. The amendment of the Senator from Mississippi is in fact a mere declar atory act on the part of Congress, for the purpose of removing these doubts and difficulties, and en abling persons holding this species of property to exercise their rights, without having suspended over them the dread of litigation. It is in that view; although the Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Foote] and myself agree perfectly as to the principle of the operation or non-operation of the Mexican laws, that I support this amend ment; and I submit to him that it removes all the difficulty—difficulty occasioned, not by the existence or force of the Mexican laws, but by the doubts. A declaratory act on the part of Congress removes that difficulty. It does not intervene by any [lossible legislation in regard to the subject of slavery. It exercises the right of a conquering country to modify, repeal or de clare null the laws of a conquered country, and iu that I would hope that the amendment of the Senator from Mississippi will find acceptance with the Senate. And I urge it more especial ly from the consideration that this is a bill of compromise. It was proposed in that spirit, it is advocated in that spirit. Certainly, if gentle men wish to conciliate those who may have had doubts in regard to the provisions of this bill, they will pot refuse a mere declaratory act. which will relieve this question from the doubt which overhangs it, and which as effectually denies access to these Territories as if there were a positive inhibition to enter them with slave property. If gentlemen's object really be com promise, if they want accommodation, if it is their purpose to allay the excitement which has existed in this country, I ask that they will de monstrate it by acquiescing in a proposition which will be purely declaratory, to remove the difficulties which prevent one portion of the pop ulation of the Union from emigrating into these Territories. I Telegraphed for the Baltimore S«».] Further per Steamer America. Halifax. Sept. 3. The steamer America arrived this morning with dates to August 21th. Markets. —The common and middling grades of Cotton have advanced during the week fully |d., and the better qualities Jd. The quotations are Fair Orleans 5Jd.. Mobile s>.d. The sales of the week have lieen 08,000 bales, of which speculators took 0,000 and exjxirtors 1 1.000 bales. The market on Saturday closes! firm with sales of 8,000 bales. Baknsxi ffs. —The prospect of an abundant harvest has greatly depressed Breadstuff's. Flour has declined Od. and Wheat 2d. Corn is 6d. better. e* Trade in the manufacturing districts is im proving. Spinners are fully employed. Money is in more demand at unchanged rates. Consols lor money 96j to !HiJ. The Havre Cotton market is inactive. Sales ot the w eek 53,000 bales. Sales on Monday up tojtwoyclock 2000 bales. Tie OrdinairejOi leans The challenge of the yacht America to sail against all English vessels was not accepted. The regatta came off on Friday, and she easily beat the eighteen yachets which ran against her. The general news is devoid of interest. Additional per America. Halifax, Sept. 3d—o P. M. Markets.— Hollingsheads & Felty's circular sajrs that Cotton is in good demand at advancing prices. Fair and superior qualities have ad vanced id., and middling and common id. The quotations are Middling Upland lid.; Fair do. s id.; Middling Orleans and Mobile s}d. Money.— Consols closed at 9Gj a 965. U. S. Stocks are inactive. Penn’a G's 81 a 82, others unchanged. England.— The Queen designed leaving for Scotland on the 27th. Her Majesty having ex pressed a desire to have a certain road in St. Pancros Parish for her to pass over, the vestry of the Palish coolly informed her that the road would be closed on the day named, and conse quently she could not pass over it. The affair had excited considerable merriment and vexa tion. The proposed meeting of the Catholics of the United Kingdom, in opposition to the Papal Ag gression Act, was held in Dublin on Tuesday. There was much excitement, and some violence occurred. • At the yacht race on the 22d, the America was the last to get away from her moorings, but soon passed her eighteen competitors, and reach ed the winning station 25 minutes ahead of the Volante. the best English yacht. The race was very brilliant, and the grandest day ever seen at Cowes. The throng of spectators w’as immense. The America’s match with the Zitauia will take place about the 2ffth. The Great Exhibition was growing less at tractive. 9nd the receipts had amounted to 2000 pounds per day. The question of establishing a packet station in Ireland w’as still discussed,' and large meet ings had been held in Dublin and elsewhere in favor of the project. France:— The opinion gains ground that Prince de Joinville will be a candidate for the Presidency. The President has abandoned his tour on account of some trifling disturbances in the provinces, which demanded his attention. Spain.—\V T e hear nothing but the old story of a ministerial crisis. Halifax, Sept. 3d. — The America sailed to day at 8 o’clock, and is due in Boston to-morrow afternoon. Our election resulted in the success of the Liberals, Who have 9 majority in the Assembly, which is considered favorable to the construction of the Canada and Portland Railroad, AUGUSTA, GA. SUNDAY MORNING, SEPT. 7. For Governor. CHARLES J. MCDONALD. For Congress—Eighth District, ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert. THE LARGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STATE. Can the Spell of Delnsion be Broken ?—Constitu tional Union Panorama. We announced yesterday that we should bring into view, this morning, the first scenes of our Panorama of the Constitutional Union Party. In the first place, for what purpose has that par ty been formed ? Ostensibly to save the Union. Mr. Toombs said, in the spring of 1850— “ This cry of Union is the masked battery from which the Constitution and the rights of the South are to be assailed.” 11 Let the South mark the man who is for the Union at every hazard, and to the last extremity. When the day of her peril comes, he will be the imitator of the historical character, the base Ju dean, who, for thirty pieces of silver, threw away a pearl richer than all bis tribe.” Notwithstanding this declaration then, Mr. Toombs, at this time, has no visions of eternal beauty but those which cluster around the Ame rican Union ; and there is no music so sweet to his ear as this “ cry of Union!” Union! Union! “ at every hazard and "to the last extremity!” The object of the formation of the Constitu tional Union party is to accomplish a closer and more perfect union of the North and the South— in other words, to maintain a more intimate and stricter alliance with those who, in the words of Mr. Toombs, a few months ago, showed a fixed purpose to destroy the political rights of the South—to put her institution under the ban of the empire, by excluding her citizens from an equal participation in the common benefits of the .Re public, and thereby to bring the powers of the government in direct hostility to their property. This Constitutional Union party professes to be governed by motives so pure and disinterested, that vanity, though marked upon nearly every sublunary object and aim, cannot be found paint ed upon its escutcheon. It wants not office for itself, though it is struggling sos power and place with an energy seldom equalled and never ex celled. No, it has no use for [lower, or only as it may enable it to give peace and per "petuity to the Union !! Charity begins at The Union is divi ded into two great geographical divisions upon the subject of slavery. One section, now nu merically the strongest, has sworn eternal hos tility to the institution of slavery. Not long since, a deadly contest threatened to burst into fire and flame between the North and the South. Northern fanaticism shot Girth the red lightnings of its hate, ami the South, though distracted by divisions, exhibited some degree of indignation and resistance. Under these circumstances, a series of measures, termed a Compromise, have been adopted by the National Legislature, The Southern Rights party contend that the South has not received justice by this miscalled Com promise. The Constitutional Union party, with Mr. Cobb at its head, says that it is fair, liberal and just. Among the chiefs of this latter party is a man of fame, long renowned in statesmanship and eloquence. There is nothing in the melody of song, or the fragrant flowers of rhetoric, that the Constitutional Union party has not brought and placed upon its altar, to do him honor. A crown of glory is placed upon his head, and Henry Clay, iu the sunset of his life, is covered over with golden clouds, ami promised an immortality which shall bloom in |ierpetual freshness and beauty. Let him pass, then, in panoramic exhi bition. Look, people of Georgia, men of the South, upon his moving picture. He is linked with the Constitutional Union part)’. He is the 1 architect who built up the great Compromise* structure. He is the enchanter, and our political opponents here are under his potent spell. Ob serve closely, as the canvass moves, and'decide for yourselvas whether he should be an object of your political worship. Mr. Clay, iu a speech in 1827, (and he~has never retracted the sentiment.) used the follow ing language in reference to the institution of slavery: “ If I could be instrumental in eradicating this deepest stain upon the character of our country, and rembving all cause of reproach on account of it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instru mental in ridding of this foul blot, that revered State that gave me birth, or that not less loved State which kindly adopted me as her son, I would not exchange the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy, for the honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the most successful conqueror.” Thousands who knew that Mr. Clay was op posed to sla.’ery in the abstract, trusting to his greatness of soul ami his love of justice,, believed that the South could rely upon him, especially as he was Southern born, and was the owner of a considerable number of slaves. They believed that he wouhl stand by the Missouri Compro mise to the last, as some of the brightest sun light of his fame was reflected from his Connec tion with that celebrated measure. As we can present only some of the promi nent views, we now pass over nearly twenty two years, and submit the following extracts from a letter of Mr, Clay’s to a Free Soil Con vention, held at Cleveland, Ohio, in 18-19: “ I concur entirely in opinion as to the teisdom of that great measure, (the WUmot Proviso,) and I am glad that it has secured to the States on which it operates, an exemption from the evils of slavery. “No one ran be more opposed than I am to the extension of slavery into those new territories, either by the authority of Congress, or by indi vidual enterprize.” Here is exhibited the hostility to the institu tion of slavery which Mr. Clay manifested with so much bitterness in 1827. Floating along the stream of time, we come to Mr. Clay standing in the Senate Chamber of the United States, and uttering the following lan guage. It will be found in his speech of July 2'2d, 1850, on page 1415, of the Appendix to the Congressional Globe for that session. These remarks were addressed to Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, to induce him to vote for the Compromise measures. Here they are: — “The honorable Senator talks about the sacri fice of Northern rights and power; what rights are sacrificed in this measure ? Let him reply. What rights are sacrificed ? what concessions of power and authority is made by the North in this measure ? Is it in the high degree of pro bability that all the newly acquired territories ' will ultimately be dedicated to the cause of Free Soil, without the Wilmot Proviso ? Do they hug i that precious Wilmot so to their bosoms that nothing but that will do—that no other obsta cles, no other preventives to the introduction of slavery in the territories will satisfy them, but Wilmot, Wilmot. Wilmot ? Is that a sacrifice ' To what power is the sacrifice made here ? Are they not satisfied with even' REAL SECURI TY FOR THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THEIR WISHES? or do they require to in flict what they know is regarded as derogatory to the honor and feelings of the South ? * * * “I ask him t vhat right is sacrificed by the North in this measure ? Let him tell me if the North does not get almost every thing, and the South NOTHING but her honor—her exemp tion from usurped authority in the Texas laud which I have mentioned, together with the fugi tive slave proposition, and an exemption from agitation on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia ? Ido not want general broadcast declamation, but specifications. Let us meet them like men; point upon jwint; argument upon argument. Show us the power here to which Northern sacrifice is made.-’ Mr. Hale had insisted upon the exclusion ol slavery by the passage of the Wilmot Proviso. Mr. Clay told him that the people of the North had “every real security for the accom plishment OF THEIR WISHES," without it. Messrs. Toombs, Stephens and Cobb tell us that we have a fair non-intervention in the Utah and New Mexico bills. Mr. Clay flatly contra dicts them. We need only state the fact, in this connection, that Mr. Clay averred that nothing on earth could induce him to vote lor any mea sure to extend slavery into the territories ol Utah and New Mexico!! Such is Henry Clay upon this great question of the institution ol slavery, and the rights of the South. We could fill two or three successive numbers of our paper with his speeches and let ters, loaded with opposition to the institution ol slavery. Citizens of Georgia, remember the saying that “aman is known by the company he keeps.' l Mr. Cobb, Mr. Toombs, and Mr. Stephens, are found in the company of Mr. Clay, as also of Mr. Webster, Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Dner, and oth ers, who are the deadly enemies of slavery. Turn, citizens, to your homes, and ask your selves if you can look for their protection to Mr. Clay—to a man whose sentiments -are such as .we have proved them to be ? Look within your oionbosoms, and ask yourselves if you can think of Mr. Clay as Messrs. Cobb, Toombs and Ste phens do ? Can you weave for his brows gar lands ol praise and fame, as they have done, since the passage of these Compromise measures? Is the (Mith trod by Mr. Clay the one to lead to your protection and safety ? If you can place your hands upon your hearts— look upon your rights, and your homes, and say that it is —that your representatives, who bestow upon him not'only their praise, but their affec tions, are worthy of your confidence, then indeed, with you, the spell of delusion is difficult of being broken. We shall not. however, despair if this fails, for we have other scenes, even more strik ing, to bring to your view. Southern Views of Non-Intervention. 'I lie doctrine of squatter sovereignty as deduced by Gem Cass Irom his Nicholson letter, and pro claimed by him in the United States Senate after the Presidential election in 1848, was denounced as absurd and untenable by every Southern Statesman as soon as it was proclaimed. It was the doctrine that the people moving to a territory, the domain and common property of the L nited States of this confederacy, immedi ately became the sovereigns of that, territory and could appropriate it, organize governments upon it, and make laws for it without waiting for the consent, or asking the permission of Congress.— This summary mode ol ousting Congress of its rightful control and jurisdiction would have been an effectual device to avpid the necessity of ad vocating the enactment of the Wilmot Proviso jin order to exclude the South. It was never the j understanding of Southern Statesmen, or the Southern people, that the. first handful of squat ters upon the territorial domain could thus sum marily determine for all time their rights to the common property. They deduced no such pow er from the non-intervention doctrine. That was a doctrine which they conceived secured to them an equal participation in that territory, instead of excluding them, or being so used as to exclude them trom it. Equal participation and non-in tervention were two ideas that went together, and were inseparably connected in the Southern mind. As Mr. Toombs once forcibly said of the Union and the Constitution, “ice tool; them both to gether. Wc trill have both or we will have neither." 1 This squatter sovereignty doctrine was charac terized by him in bis celebrated speech, 37th of Feb., 1850. 1 ‘ This new doctrine, asserting the right of the squatters on the public domain to assume sov ereignty over it, in its territorial state, was con cocted only for a Presidential campaign. It tailed of its purpose, and is now brought into general contempt. It is believed to be without a de fender, except in its putative father. Congress alone has the right to legislate for the territories until they shall be prepared for admission in the Union.” We to-day give extracts from the speeches ol leading Southern Statesmen in the United States Senate on this subject. They were delivered on the debate upon the Compromise Bill, and pre sent the views then currently entertained as to what they considered the South had a right to demand under the doctrine of non-intervention. They will be found to conform to the views which prompted the amendments of Mr. Seddon, and Mr Milson, of Va., and of Mr. Wellborn, of Ga., in the House, all Southern Democrats and non-interventionists, to which we have already called public attention. Terrible Gale a! Apalachicola. We learn from an Extra of the Commercial Ad vertiser, that the Gale ol the 23d ult. occasioned immense destruction of property in Apalachico la, and has almost left that town in ruins. At an early hour in the morning, the lower floors in Water street had five feet of water in them, and the wind blew with such fury that nothing could be done to save either the stores or their contents. Not a single building on Water street escaped serious injury, many having their roofs, and oth ers, including the Exchange buildings, the offices over the Hydraulic press, the store of Thomas Orman, and the building occupied by the Charles ton Bank Agency, being totally destroyed. The store where the Custom House was kept, was almost thrown down; the lower block of build ings nearest the Bay, is in ruins; and from that portion of the town, every house on Front or Commerce streets, is entirely swept away, in* eluding those of Mrs. Greirson and Judge Semmes. The Presbyterian church was completely, and the Episcopal partially destroyed. Every' house