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THE FENIAN CATSPAW.
Many honest folks am astonished to see the
imperium in imperii*- the power within a
power theory pushed so far by the Fenians
and allowed to be thus pushed by the Mew
England States, which assume to constitute
the government. We always suspected some
trick of trade.and nowwe know it The fol
lowing brief paragraph lets in the daylight
upon the whole transaction. Says an ex
change :
The Rochester (New Ydrk) Fenians have
pledged themselves to refrain from wearing or
using goods, wares or merchandise of English
manufacture.
There—is it not plain that just so long as
the Irish taboo Old England goods and favor
New England articles, exchanging Saxon ty
ranny for shoddy patronage, just so long will
they be permitted to play any pranks they
please in the matter of Head Centres and
Senators—every prank but the last prank of
going to war in earnest for the liberation of
the old land ? When the Rochester pledge
has obtained general circulation, and tbe
Spragues and other manufacturing monopo
lists juggle the pennies out of Irish pockets,
these deluded patriots will probably under
stand that they have been made limber jacks
by those who are doing their mightiest to
saddle upon the poor laborers of this country
the abject misery already entailed upon the
realm which they hate with traditional bitter
ness. In the meantime, the big babies amuse
themselves at games of Punch and Judy, and,
while thus titillated, their pockets are being
emptied of portable property by the owners
of the show.
Freedmen’s Bureau Bill.
ITS VETO BT THE PRESIDENT AND HIS REASONS
THKRKFOR.
To the Senate of the United States:
I have examined with care the bill which
originated iu tbe Senate and has been passed
by both Houses of Oqugress, to amend nn act
entitled “au act to establish a bureau for tbe
relief of freedmen and refugee#, and for other
purposes”
Having, with much if grot, come to the con
clusion that it would not be consistent with the
public welfare to give my approval to the meas
ure, I return the bill to the Senate with my ob
jections to its becoming a law. I might call to
mind in advance of these objections, that them
is no immediate necessity for tho proposed
measure. Tbe act to establish a bureau for the
relief of the freedmen and refugees, which was
approved of in the month of March last, has not
yet been repealed. It was thought stringent
and extensive enough for the purpose in view.
Before it ceases to have effect further expe
rience may assist to- guide us to a wise conclu
sion as to the policy to be adopted in time of
peace.
I have, with Congress, the greatest desire to
secure to the freedmen tbe full eijoyment of
their freedom and their property, and their en
tire independence and equality in making con
tracts for their labor. But tbe bill before me
contains provisions which, in my opiniou, are
not warranted by the Constitution, and are not
well suited to accomplish the end in view.—
The bill proposes to establish, by law of Con
gress, military jurisdiction over all parts of the
United States containing refugees and freed >
men. It would, by its very nature, apply with
most force to these parts of the United Slates
in which the freedmen most abound, and it ex
pressly extends the existing temporary jurisdic
tion of the Freedmen’s Bureau, with greatly
enlarged powers, over those Siat9B in which
the ordinary course of judicial proceedings has
been interrupted by the rebellion.
The source from which this military jurisdic
tion is to emanate is none other than the Presi
dent of the United States, acting through the
War Departmentand the Commissioner of the
Freedmen’s Bureau The agents to carry out
this military jurisdiction are to in selected
either from the army or from civil life. The
country is to be divided into districts and sub
districts, and tbe number of salaried agents to
be employed may be equal to the number of
counties or parishes in all of the United States,
where freedmen and refugees are to be found.
The subjects over whom this military jurisdic
tion is to extend in every part of the United
States include particularly all employes, agents,
and officers of this Bureau in the exercise of
the dutiesjmposed on them by the bill. In
eleven States it is farther to extend over all
cases affecting the freedmen and refugees dis
criminated against by local laws, customs, cr
prejudice in those eleven States.
The bill subjects any white person who may
be charged with depriving a freedman of auy
civil rights or immunities belonging to a white
person to imprisonment or fine, or both, with
out, however, defining the civil rights and im
munities which are thns to be secured to the
freedman by military law. This military juris
diction also extends to ail questions that may
arise respecting contracts; the agen ts who is
thus to exercise the office of a military judge
may be a stranger,, entirely ignorant of the
laws of the place, and exposed to theories of
judgment to which all men are liable; to the
exercise of power over which there is no legal
supervision by so vast a number of agents as is
contemplated by the bill, must by the very na
ture of man be attended by acts of caprice and
injustice in passion.
The trials having their origin under this bill
are to take place without the intervention of a
jury, and without any fixed rules of law or
evidence; the rules on which offenses sre to be
heard and determined by the numerous agents,
are such rules and regulations as the President,
through the War Department, shall prescribe
No previous presentment is required, nor any
indictment, charging the commission of a crime
against the laws but the trial must proceed on
charges and specifications.
The punishment will not be as the law de
clares, but such as a court martial may thing
proper, and from these arbitrary tribunals there
lies no appeal, no writ of error to any of the
courts in which the Constitution of the United
States vests exclusively the judiciary power of
the country, while the tjrritoiy and the class
of actions and offenses that are made subject to
this measure, are so extensive the bill itself
should not become a law ; will have no limita
tion in point of time, but will form a part of
the permanent legislation of the court.
I cannot reconcile a system of military
jurisdiction of ibis kind, with the words of the
Constitution, which declare that no person
shall be held to answer for a capita] or other
wise infamous crime unlesson presentment or
indictment of a grand ju-y, except in cases
‘ arising in the land or naval forces, or in tho
militia when in actual service in time of war or
public danger ; and that in all criminal prose
cutions the accused shall enjoy the right to r
speedy and public trial by an impartial jury oi
the State or di trict wherein the crime shall
have been committed.
The safeguards which the wisdom and expe
rience of ages taught our lathers to establish as
securities for protection of the innocent, the
punishment of the guilty and the equal ad
ministration ot justice, are to be set aside, and
for the sake of more vigorous interposition in
behalf of justice we are to take the risk of the
many acts of injustice that would, of necessiiy,
follow from an almost countless number ol
agents, established in every parish or county,
in nearly a third of the States of the Union
over whose decision there is to be nft superior
control by the Federal courts. The power that
would be thus placed in the hands of .be Presi
dent is such as, in time of peace, certainly
ought never to be intrusted to any one man.
If it be asked whether the creation of such a
tribunal within a State is warranted as a
measure of war, the question immediately pre
sonts itself whether wo are still engaged in
war. Let us not unnecessarily disturb the
commerce and credit and industry of tbe coun
try by declaring to the American people and
the world that the United States are still in a
coaditiea of civil war.
At present there is no part of our country
in which the authority of the United States is
disputed. Offenses that may be committed by
individuals should not work a forfeiture of
rights of the same communities. The country
has entered, or is returning, to a state of peace
and industry, and the rebellion is, in fact, at
tbe end. The measure, therefore, seems to be
as inconsistent with the actual condition of the ,
country as it is at variance with the Constitu
tion oi the United States.
If, passing from general considerations, we
examine the bill in detail, it is open to
weighty objections- In time of war it was
eminently prfeper that we should provide for
those who were passing suddenly from a con
dition of bondage to a state of freedom, but
this bill proposes to make the Freedmen’s Bu
reau, established by the act of 1865, as one of
the many great and extraordinary military
measure to suppress a formidable rebellion, a
permanent branch of the public administration,
with its power greatly enlarged.
I have no reason to suppose, and Ido not
understand it to be alleged, that the act of
March, 1865, has proved deficient for the pur
pose for which it was passed, although at that
time, and for a considerable period thereafter,
the government of the United States remained |
unacknowledged in most of the States Whose ,
inhabitants had been involved in tbe rebel
lion. - i
The institution of* slavery, for the military ,
destruction of which tbe Freedmen’s Bureau ]
was called into existence as an auxiliary for it, j
has been already effectually and finally abro- i
gated throughout the whole country by amend i
ment to tbe Constitution of tbe United States, t
and practically its eradication baa received the t
assent and concurrence of most of those States t
in which it any time bad existed. c
1 am not, therefore, able to discern in the *
country anything to justify an apprehension '
that the powers and agencies of the Freedmen’s
continuation ornosbnties and If African ser
vitude, will now, in a time of peace, and after
the abolition of slavery, prove inadequate to
the salee proper ends.
If lam correct in these views, there cm be
no necessity for the enlargement of the Bureau,
for which provision is'made in the bill. The
third section of tbe bill -author lees a grwjrsl
unlimited amount of support to the institution,
and suffering refugees and freedmen and their
wives and children.
Succeeding sections make provision for the
ren t. or purchase of landed estates for freedmen
and for the erection for their benefit of suitable
buildings forowylums and schools, the expenses
to iw defrayed from (he treasury of the whole
people.'*'' ' '
Tbe Congress Os the United States has never
heretofore thought itself competent to establish
any laws beyond the limits of tbe District of
Columbia, except for the benefitof our disabled
soldiers and sailors; it has never founded schools
for any class of our people—not even for the
orphans of those who have fallen in defense of
the Union, but has left the care of their educa
tion to the much more competent control of
' the States, of communities, of private associa
tions, and of individuals
[t has never deemed 'itself authorized to
expend public money for rent or purch se of
houses far the thousands, not to say millions,
ot the white race who are honestly toiling from
day to day for their subsistence. A Bystem for
the support of indigent persons in the United
; S'ftteg was never contemplated by the authors
| of the Constitution, nor can any good reason
' be advanced why, as a permanent establish
ment, it should be fonnded for one class or
■ cob rof our pi ople more than for another
Pending the war many refugees and freed
men received support from the government, but
‘ it was never intended they should henceiorlh
be fed, clothed, educated, and sheltered by the
United States. The idea on which* I 'the slaves
> were assisted to freedom, was, that on becom
) ing free they would be a self-sustaining papu -
lation; any legislation that, shall imply they are
n it expected to attaiu a self-sustaining condi
tion must have a tendency injurious alike to
their character and their prosperity.
i The appointment of an agent for every coon
t v find parish will create an immense patronage,
nrjil the expense of the numerous officers aud
;heir clerks to be appointed the President
i will be great in ibe beginning, wi;h a ten-
I dency to steadily increase,
t The appropriation asked by the Freedmen’s
e Bureau as now established, for the year 1866,
r amounts to $11,745,000. It may be sately
estimated that the cost to he incurred under
- the pending bill will require double that
e amount, more than the entire sum expended in
i- any one year under the Administration of the
i- cee.ond Adams.
a If the presence of agents in every parish and
„ county is to be considered-as a war measure, op
-1 position, or even resistance, might be provoked,
b so that to give effect to their jurisdiction troops
s would have to be stationed within reach of
>t every one of them, end thus, as a large sland
t ing force would be rendered necessary, large
. appropriations would be required to sustain and
- enforce military jurisdiction in every county
- and parish from the Potomac to the Rio Grande,
if Tbe condition of our fiscal affairs is encour
aging, hut in order to sustain the present meas
o ure of public confidence, it is necessary we
f practice not merely customary economy, but as
- lar as possible severe retrenchment.
In addition to the objections already stated,
a the fifth section of the bill proposes to take
e away land from former owners, without any
it legal proceedings’ being first had, contrary to
- that provision of the Constitution which de
clares that no person shall be deprived of life,
e liberty or property without due process of law.
i- Tt does not appear that the lands to which
h this section refers may not be owned by minors
is or persons of unsound mind, or by those who
t have been faithful to all their obligations as
3 citizens of the United States. If any portion
y of the land is held by such persons it is not
b competent for any authority to deprive them of
is it.
If, on the other band, it be found that the
• property is liable to confiscation, even then it
cannot be appropriated to public purposes until,
s by due process of law, it shall have Icon de~
‘ cjnred forfeited to the government.
I There are still farther objections to the bill
I on tho grounds of seriously effecting the class
> of persons to whom it is designed to bring re
' lief. It will tend to keep the mind of the freed
* men in a state of unesrtain expectation aud
restlessness, while to those among whom he
lives it will he a source of constant and vague
apnrehension.
Undoubtedly tho freedmen should ho protect
ed, but they should lie protected by the civil
authorities, especially by the exorcise of ail the
constitutional powers of the courts of the United
States and of the Stalss. Their condition is
not so exposed as may at first be imagined.
They are in a portion of tbe country where their
laber cannot well be spared.
Competition for his services from planters,
from those who are constructing and repairing
railroads, or from capitalists in his vicinity or
from other States, w 11 enable him to command
almost his own terms. He also passesses a
perfect right to change his place of abode, and
If, therefore, he dees not find in ono communi
ty or Stale a mode of life suited to his desires,
or proper remuneration for his labor, ho can
movo to another where labor is more esteemed
and better rewarded. In truth, howover, each
State, induced by its own wants and interests,
will do what is nocessmy and proper to retain
within its borders all the labor that is needed
for the development of its resources.
The laws that regulate supply and demand
will maintain tbeir force, and the wages of
the laborer will be regulated thereby. There
is no danger that the great demand for labor
will not operate in favor of tbe laborer, neither
is sufficient consideration giveD to the ability
of the freedmen (o proteot and take care of
themselves.
It is uo more than justice to them to believe
that, as they have received their freedom with
modesty and forbearance, they will distinguish
themselves by their industry, ami they feel and
will soon Rhow the world that in the condition
of freedom they are self-sustaining and capa
ble of selecting their own employment and
their own pla ts of abode, of insisting on for
themselves a proper remuneration, and ot es
tablishing and maintaining their own asylums
and schools.
It is earnestly hoped that, instead of wasting
away, they will, by their own efforts, establish
for thems'dvf s a condition of respectability and
prosperity. It is cortain that they can attain
to that condition only through their own merits
and exertions.
Inthisonn 3tion the query presents itself
whether the system proposed by the bill will
uot, when put into complete operation, practi
cally transfer the entire care, support and con
irol of four millions of emancipated slaves to
agents, ove-s rs or taskmasters, who, ap
pointed at Washing'in, are ti be located in
every county and parish throughout the United
States containing freedroen nod refugees.—
Such an asylum would inevitably tend io such
.» concentration of power in the Executive,
which would enable him, if so disposed, to con
trol the action of a numerous class, and use
them for the attainment of bis own political
end.
I cannot but add another very grave objoe
jection to this bill; the Constitution imperative
ly declares in connection with taxation that
each State shall have at least one Representa
tive, and fixes the rule for the number to
which in future Limes each State shall be en
titled
It also provides that the Senate of the Uni
ted States Bball be composed of two Senators
from each State, and adds, with peculiar force,
that no State, without ii consents, shall be de
prived of its suffrage in the Senaie. The origi
nal act was necessarily passed, in the absence
of the States, cliiefy lieoauso their people were
contumaciously engaged in rebellion, but the
ease is changed, and some at least of the States
are spending Congress hr loyal Representa
tives solieiliuer the,allowance of the constitu
tional right of representation.
At the time, however, of the consideration
and passing of the bill there was no Senator or
Representative in Congress from the eleven
States which are to be maiuly affected by its
provisions. The very fact that reports were
and are made against the good disposition df
the country, is an additional reason why they
need and should have representatives of their
own in Congress explain their condition,
especially to the accusations, and assist, by
their local knowledge, in perfecting measures
immediately affecting themselves, while the
liberty of deliberation would then be free, and
Congress would have full power to decide ac
cording to its judgment.
There could be no objection urged that the
States most interested had not been permitted
to be beard. The principle is slimly fixed in
the minds of the Americau people that there
should be no taxation without representation.
Great burdens are now to be borne by all the
country, and we may best demand that they
shall be borne without murmnr when they are
voted by a majority of the representatives of
all the people.
. * wo , u ! d n°t interfere with the unquestionable
right of Congress to judge, each House for it
self, of the election returns and qualifications of
its own members, but that authority cannot be
construed as including the right to put out in
time of peace any State from the Representa
tives to which it is entitled by the Constitu
tion. At present all the people of the eleven
States me excluded, those who were most faith
ful during the war, not leas than oihera.
The Btate of Tennessee, for instance, whose
authorities engaged in the rebellion, was re
stond to all her constitutional relations to the
Union by the patriotism and energy of her in
jured and betrayed people before the war was
brought to a termination. They had placed
themselves in relations with the general gov
ernment, had established a State government of
their own, and ass they wsw not included in
the proclamation, they, by their
own act, have amended their Constitution so
as to abolish slavery within the limits of their
State..
1 know no reason why the State of Tennes
see, lor example, should not fully enjoy her
relalidhs to the United States.
The Presravn of the Uoited States stands
wards ttasteountry in a somewhat different at
titude from that of any member of Congress
chosen from a single district hr. State. The
President is chosen by the people ts all the
States. Eleven States are not *t this time re
presented in either branch of. Congress.' It
would seem to be his duty, on all proper
casions, to p'resent their fast claims to Congress.
There always will be differeaces of opinion in
the coualry, and individuals may be guilty- of
transgressions of* the law; but these do. uot
c,'insulate valid objections against the right es
a State to Kepieseutatives, and would, in no
wise, interfere with the discretion of Congress
with regard to tbe qualifications of members;
sous I hold it my duty to recommend to you, in
the interest of peace, and ia the interest of the
U (lion, the admission Os every State to its share
of public legislatkgs, when, however insubor
dinate, insurgent ar rebellious its people miy
have been, it prcsMUaiWaif upt only in an at
titude of loyality aud harmony, but ia the per
' sous of Representative* who e loyalty cannot
be questioned under the existing Constitution
’ or legal test. I Pis plain that au indefinite or
permanent exclusion of any part of the country
from representation be attended by a species of
disquiet and complaint. It is unwise and
f dangerous to pursuea course of n easures which
will unite any large section of the country
i against another section of the country, no
■ matter bow much the latter may predominate.
I The course ol immigration, the wants of in
i dustry and business, and-qatural causes will
• raise up the Fouih men as devoted to-tbe Union
as those of any otherssarlof the land ; but if
r they are all excluded from CoDgress, if iu a
permanent statute they are declared not to
• lie in full constitutional relations to the conn-
I try, they may think they have cause to be-
II como a unit in f .<. ling aod sentiment against
e Ibe governmon'
3 Under the political education A)f the Ameri
can people the idea is inhereut and ineradica
ble, that the consent of the majority of the
whole people is necessary to secure a willing
acquiescence in the legislation. The bill under
consideration refers to cettaiu of the States as
thouiih tlioy had not been lully restored to the
United Stale;-; and if ihey have not, let us at
once act together to secure that desirable end
at the earliest practicable moment.
11 ia thirdly necessary forme to inform Con
gress that in my own judgment most of these
States, so far at leas, as depends upon their
own actions, have already been fully restored
and are to be deemed entitled to enjoy their
constitutional rights as members of the Union.
Reasoning from the Constitution itself aud from
the actual situation of the country, and feeling
net only entitled but bound to assume that,
with the Federal courts restored in the several
States and iu the full exercise of tbeir functions,
the rights and interests of all classes of the
people will, with the aid of the military, in
cases of resistance to the law, be essentially
protected against unconstitutional infringe
ment and violation. Should this expectation
unhappily fail, which I do not anticipate, then
the Executive is already armed with thepowerc
conferred by the act of March, 1865, establish
ing the Freedmen's Bureau, and hernfter, as
heretofore, he can employ the land and naval
forcci of the country to suppress insurrection,
and to overcome abstractions to the law.
I return the bill to the Senate in earnest.hope
that a measure involving tbe question and in
terests so important to the country will not
become a law unless upon deliberate considera
tion by the people, and it shall receive the
sanction of an enlightened public judgment.
[Signed] A. Johnson.
Washington, D. C , Fsb. 18, 1866.
From the Knoxville Commercial, 14th.
THE KNOXVILLE TRAGEDY.
MURDER OF COLONEL DYER BY A NE.
GRO.
THE MURDERER EXECUTED BY A MOB.
A most atrocious murder was committed in
our city yesterday, at half-past eleven, at the
Charleston depot, where there was a govern
ment s»le in progrfis. 0. M. Dyer, late Ideut.
Col. of the Ist Tennessee Cavalry, one of Ten
nessee’s best soldiers, and one of our be9t citi
zens, was deliberately murdered by a negro
soldier.
So far as we are able to learn, the facts arfi
as follows :
The Colonel, in company with Cant. Sharp,
having c mpjeted his purchase, went to the
rear of the building, which contained the pro
perty they had bought; ac this place a negro
guard was stationed, with orders to allow no
person to enter the building except on busi
ness. Bach qf the gentlemen r.ad the necessa -
ry papers In hand, to show that he was enti
tled to entrance, and Captain Sharp did enter
unquestioned, but Colonel Dyer, who was
immediately following the Captain, was or
dered by the guard to halt; the Colouel told
the guard he was after his property, at the
same time showed his papers, and then stepped
into the building, when the guard fired upon
him, shot him through the breast, and killed
him instantly.
The body of tbe murdered roan was immedi
ately taken possession of, and placed in a me
tallic coffin, preparatory to sending him to his
home at New Market. In the death of this
gentleman, we have to deplore the loss of ono
of Tennessee's first defenders, and best eitizeos.
He left his home and joined the Union army as
a private, in Kentucky, as early as 1862.
Shortly be was promoted to Ist
liovitenant in his regiment, and then to major,
in August, 1863. At the time of the Wheeler
raid on Nashville, in 1864, he was promoted
to lieutenant colonel, from which time, he was
in command of his regiment until mustered out
of service; since then-his course has keen
marked by his efforts to restore peace and
harmony to the people of his vicinity, and in
, every manner, indicative of n good citizen of
Tennessee, devoted to her best interests.
That tho life of any man, and especially of
I one so well known and beloved as he, should
be thus wantonly sacrificed, we, in unison with
tho void of the people, take occasion to de
plore, that men’s lives are to be continually en
. dangeted by the presence of a set of men in
authority, utterly ignorant of the faculty of
discernment between right and wrong, we
emphatically protest against. We do not wish
it understood that we are among those that are
of tho opinion that mob law is in any case ius
tifiablc. 1
What the world may think of us, from the
i developments of a later period in the day, we
are not able to predict. Whether it will make
■ allowance for the .eeliog of those who knew the
murdered man best, associated with him
through the trials of four years terrible war.
experienced at his .hands the ministrations of
an excellent officer and almost brother and’
who in theiprage at his trag e fa,e took the
law into the own hands and putvshtd the mur
derer, or judge those who participated in the
summary punishment, ns me*! utter!*- unused
to a recognition of civil law, we cannot ven
ture to say. ■'
We are inclined to the belief that the sober
second thought of a people will severely oon
demn this usurpation of civil law, which at
taches to us an unenviable reputation.'
The guard, a.ier having dots this horrible
deed, wes arr ued by Captain Abdill, who
command’ i the negro’s company. It seems
that before reach : ng the office, the guard quit
ted him, and lie was met by his officer, who
asked him what he was doing away from- bis
place of duty, to which the negfb answered, he
had heen ordered to Ins quarters under arrest.
The officer then ordered him to go into hia
quarters to await a further deve'oproent of the
fact, ot which the negro availed himself to
make his escape.
By this time an infuriated mob had gather
ed and proceeded to the office and demanded
the negro, but the officer being unable to pro
dace him, was menaced with threats of hang- -
ing, Tor being accessory to his escape: Through
our intercession, the mob agreed that we in
company with the officer, should seek him, but
•ur search was in vain.
Returning to the mob, "we informed them of
the fact, when three or four of them again
took the officer, to n-now the seareh, makiDg
the success of the search a condition of his
own life. At about two o’clock the murderer
was found at the government corral, where he
had secreted himself.
In attempting to make his escape, about a
dozen shots were fired at him, three of which
took < ffect, but none seriously disabling him
He was at length captured and dragged to the
corner on which the office of the Freedmen’s
Bureau stands, where an attempt was made to
hang him. Up to this time he had exhibited
little or no sign of life, and it was generallv
supposed that the rough treatment he bad ex- :
perienced, bad proved fatal; but upon being 1
pulled up by the rope be struggled so violently 1
that,the rope broke and be tell to the ground. 1
Jumping up, he made a desperate attempt to '
escape,, but was soon overpowered, and then '
taken to the yard in front of Capt. Fainright’s 1
office,''where, after procuring a stronger rope, I
and allowing the wretched man a few moments 1
to appeal to the Source of all Mercies, the in- <
durable mob hung him to a tree. It was fall ’
twenty minut?s before be ceased to straggle, I
and fifteen minutes more before judges pro- <
nounced the fact that his gnilty spirit had taken I
leave of its ghastly tenement. t
That we may never again have occasion to <
chronicle the repetition of so dastardly a mur- ]
der as was committed by this negro, we pray, <
and that our people may never again take the t
law into their own hands, we do as earnestly ,
hope.
The Indianapolis Herald has the following l
paragraph: The Republicans say John Brown’s <■
soiff in marching on. We think, in this, they are c
correct. The terrible prevalence of theft," rob- ,
beryj violence aqd murder Indicate Boost clearly }
that John Brown’s soul is about; yes, that old 1
John Brown’s soul is marobiffg on. There can 1
be little doubt of it. 1
A Voice from a Man in Gray ! ,
The Richmond Enquirer Bays : Our reaE9S
will remember that several weeks ago, Senat3b.nl
Benjamin P. Wade, of Ohio, caused a
ful assassination story to be published in thlQ
Washington papers. "A man in gray,” with
streaming locks, and bowie knife as long as c
your arm, called on the honorable Senator at »
the witching hour of night, and threatened to (
sever the tender cord which held him in thld
terrestrial hemisphere, unless the Ohio Btatas- ]
man signed a recommendation which the map |
in gray held Id his hand. The Senator refused
The man in gray brandished his scythe blade, '
and byway of completing the dramatic picture, j
the honbrable gentleman “sprang to his feet,
seized his pistol, and placing it within a short
distance of his head, ordered him leave.’’
Ho went. A few days thereafter, thj Chronicle,
rfby authority,"contradicted the above story,
hod stated that the man who called upon the
"gentleman from Obio'wfs an individual named
.Fleming, that he insulted the Senator, and Was
by him kicked out of the room. Now, the
genuine Yankee can’t Ataud “booting,’’ even if
done with French calf-eking, by a Congress
man. He must have his revenge, even if he
has to go to law about It. Therefore, this last
statement has called forth the “mao in gray.* 1
aMr. W. L. Fleming, who turns out to be a
“g<x># an old chum of the
honorable gwutlenuta from Ohio. In his card
in the Star, be Bays : jf
Now I wish to aay.tifiat I am the mysterious
stranger id gray—«« my name is Fleming—
and that the story put forth by Senator Wade
iu regard to that interview is from beginning to
end a the honorable Senator’s
brain, as ridiculod* as it is unt/ue, as I shall
demonstrate* before lam done. It has 60 bap
pened that this story was circulated for weeks
before it came to my knowledge, and then I
only learned it through a friend who wrote to
me inquiring about it. What end Senator
W.ade had in view in starting this absurd story,
whether from an itch to figure be'ore the
public as a personage of such importance as to
boa mark for assassination, or whether for
some villainous purpose he wished- to put a
brand of inst jiy on an humble person like my*,
self, who has done him good service in years
past, is known only to his own conscience.
On the uight in question I called on Senator
Wade —not, as siat?il, to get a situation in the
. Navy, but to see him in regard to the coarse
adopted by the Navy Department of discharg
i ing civilians—master workmen—from navy
- yards. Senator Wade declared that he would
| have nothing to do with me—that I had, at
i Charlestown, Massachusetts, last winter, told
things about him and Kansas affairs that should
\ not have .been told. Said I: “Judge Wade,
, what did I sav ?’’ He told me to go to Sena
r tor Wilson, who would tell me all about It.
. I told him that I had seen Senator Wilson, and
, that he had shown me a letter from Mr. Hard*
, ing, a workman in the machinist department,
, Charlestown, which came tbroug the hands of
. Mr. Charles Field, chief clerk of the Yard,
3 alleging that! had divulged certain things in
1 regard to Kansas affairs prejudicial to Senator
Wade. I told Mr. Wade that the statement
’ was untrue. At this time there beings strong
s smell of gas in the room, I called Mr. Wade’s
. attention to it. He got up and opened a floor,
t and raised a window, and sat down to reading
. a newspaper. Said I: “Judge, what makes
e yon so cross to-night? We have always been
good friends since 1857, and strong free Slates
men together, and now you are giving me the
cold shoulder.” I then got np to spit in the
fire, and being something of a tobacco ehewer,
I took out a largo piece of tobacco and a com
mon sailor’sjack-knife—a blunt-pointed, wide
bladed affair, about as fit for stabbing purposes
as a tallow candle—and having cutoff a chew,
'- returned it to my pocket and took my seat
again, saying, as I did so, ‘Judge, those
men in Charlestown have told you a lie,”
As he still seemed incline to be sulky, and
ts profess to believe that I had talked ahont
him in Massachusetts, I bade him good night
a civilly, nnd opened and closed the door after
e me, and went away. He did not follow me,
■ or even rise from his seat, and as to the story
he has told about drawi.ig a pistol on me,
• and the story he has told since about kicking
- me out, I have only to say that bad ha drawn
3 a pistol, it would have speedily found its way
out, of the window, and had he attempted the
6 kicking process he would have followed h<<»
pistol in the same direction, Lam a tolerably
, patient man generally, but, like most hard
e fisted, able-bodied Yankee meebanios, should
* not stand kicking more than a week without
3 getting my dander an. But there was no oc
) casion for any such d( cds of valor on his part,
- and he certriialy attempted nothiug of the
- kind.
- _ I have taken pains to minutely recount every
r incident of my interview with the Senator, to
i the best of my recoil; it ion, and I now submit
- it to an impartial public to judge as to its
I trulhfulu'ss as compared with the statement
! of the honorable Seuator.
The Height op Impudence. —lmpudence,
from its absurdity, oftentimes is to be admired ;
for instance, Thad. Slovens blackgunrdiug the
President. Sometimes, again, it is disgusting;
especially is it so when some wonderfully smart
fellow, desiring to benefit all the world, and
editors particularly, takes upon himself the hu
mane duty of subsidizing the press. A few
days since we received a circular from Parkin
son & Co., No. 208 Broadway, New York, who
state that they bavo $1,006,000 worth of mag
nificent jewelry to be sold, without regard to
value, and that you need only send them $S
and they wil' inform you what you are to have,
and you need not takr* it unless yon desire.—
Was there ever such liberality ! This is not
■ equal, however, to their proposition to editors.
Here is what they say to ns. Their proposi
tion is perfectly sublime I Note the third para
graph in particular:
STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL!
. Publishers of the Daily flews, Charles tbn, S. C:
. ' Gentlemen —Being dnsifbus of extending our
business, we have resolved to offer an induce
ment to the press, unsurpassed by any like con
cern, and having no parallel In liberality !
If you will publish the above advertisement
three months, we will send yon a package of six
certificates in our.gift sale, taking care that
they be Tor onr Very best articles of jewelry
and silverware, and one of them, at least, to
be a certificate for a heavy hunting silver
witch, of massive construction, white dial,
fancy cat hands, seconds, stoat ceses, sound
spring, engraved in a superior style, and war
ranted a most reliable time-keeper.
This proposition,is, of course, confidential.
We shall expect of you not only to give our
advertisement a conspicuous position in yonr
paper, but to call attention to it at lepit once
■ editorially, and to further onr interests at all
fines as best yon can. Should any readers
ask your opinion in regard to the character of
our house, we shall expect you to give us as
good a name as you feel warranted in doing,
and in all the many ways that arc constantly
occurring to one in your position, try and in
crease our business in your localby, so that
the investment may. not prove disadvanta*.
geous.
The payment will be forwarded only upon
receipt of of the first copy of paper containing
our advertisement
Propositions different from this will meet no
attention whatever. Editor* will please save
their time and postage 1
In no case will pty he sent before seeing
papey containing the advertisement.
We are satisfied should you feel inclined to
eive us a good word, that our business coaid
but, prove profitable among your readers, and
that it would not consume “many days” be
fore the ‘‘bread cast upon the waters” would
return.
Awaiting yom-compliance, we are, with high
regard, very truly,
Park’nson k Company.
- Now, we might express our opinion of Messrs.
Parkinson & Co. without imposing upon them
so much as to accept tbeir “inducement to the
press ;” and, feeling really under obligations to
them for thinking of us when sending out their
circulars, we will do so without any charge.
Then, courteous reader, beware of Parkinson
& Co ; they are humbugs of the first water,
and if you will deal with them, you will be
fleeced, sure. Keep your money in your
pocket.
We observe, in the advertisement sent us,
that many endorsements of the press are quoted
to satisfy the people that everything is O K
with P. & Co. If they choose to give what
we have said, we will not be pug™.-—Charles
ton News.
Has Prabd come to Life Again? — If we are
to believe ibe Salisbury (North Carolina) Ga
zette, we should answer in tjhe affirmative for
that paper paradea bis name, and boasts that
he is one of its “ very best contributors ” The
following item, out from the Gazette’s editorial
columns, speaks for itself : “Good flight to the
Seasons !—But for the want of space on yester
day, WO would have called attention to a very
good piece of. poetry, with the above name 1
written by Mr. WintbroD Mackworth Praed’
one of our very best contributors. Now, we
wish to say, that we have heard the piece com
plimented by several who have a right to judge
about such matters. Notwithstanding several 1
typographical errors, the piece read well, Ins
deed.” Now, as Wiothrop Mackworth Praed
departed this life on the 6 fleenth day of July i
1839, he must either communicate with the 1
editors of the Gazette in a spiritual way, or
these gentlemen have been “sold.”—Home
Journal. • I
Are Bane Shares Taxable?—A case has 1
been for some days before the Supreme Court 1
of the United States, which involves the right t
of the State authorities of New York to tax 1
the shares of National Banks. The decision of i
the court will affect some fifteen millions of an- I
nnal bank product, and some six hundred mil- i
lions of national securities. I
MuLUIIGIA LEGISLATURE. "*
j MabraosvitLS, Feb. 19.
>f tttk/. . SENATE.
met at 10 o’clock, a. m. Hon.
of Richmond, in the chair.
Prayer by Rev. 8. E. Brooks.
Mr.-J. A. W. Johnson introduced a bill to
*he lands belonging to the State lying
in tßh Okafonoka swamp as a permanent en
dowment to the Orphan’s House.
aK STOATS BILL ON THIRD READING.
House bill to regulate and fix the charges of
railrouds in this State at the charges allowed
the Georgia railroad, was lost
Bill to make valid private contracts made
during the late war and to allow to the same
ail equitable, A substitute was
offered to this bill, which was ordered to be
printed, and the bill and substitute was post
poned for the present.
Bill to take the census of the StatA the prer.
ent year. Laid on the table for the present.
Bill to repeal section 4413 of the Code.—
Passed. It repeals the law forbidding the
carrying of concealed weapons.
Bill to incorporate the Rome Gas Light Com
pany. Passed.
Bill to incorporate the North American Fire
rnsuiance Company of Atlanta, capital stock
SIOO 000. Passed.
-Bifl to incorporate the Wahatchee Mining
Company. Pt-ssed.
Bill to regulate the sale of spirituous liquors
and to provide against the keeping of disorderly
houses. Passed.
Bill to establish a State Orphan’s Home.
Madq the order of the day for Wednesday
next.
Bill to vest the Stale’s reserve in the cor
porate lines of Macon, in the city of Macon.—
Passed.
HOUSE BILLS ON THIPD READING.
Bill to extend the time for the issue of head
rights. Passed.
BiH to increase the per diem pay of teachers
or poor children Passed
Bill for the relief of Martha A. Lester, of
Fulton county. Passed
Bill to change the line between Fayette and
Clayton. Lost.
Bill to change the liue between Upson and
Crawford. Passed.
Bill to authorize the appointment of vendue
masters in the several incorporated towns of
this State. Passed.
Bill to declare valid all the aca of the civil
officers of this State, whether such efficers have
been pardoned or not. Passed.
Bill to amend section 3320 of the Code
Passed.
Bill to incorporate the town of Steadman,
in the county of Newton. Passed,
Bill to amend section 3794 of the Code.—
Lost. ■
Bill to amend the charter of the town of
Georgetown, in Quitman county. Passed.
Bill to amnd the chacter and corporate laws
of the city of Milledgeville. as to the mode of
electing aldermen. Passed.
Bill to authorize the Inferior Court of
Scriven county to levy an extra tax. Passed.
Bill to compensate ordinaries and clerks for
administering the amnesty oath. Lost.
After the reading of bills the second time
the Senate adjorued till to-morrow morning 10
o’elock. 61
HOUSE.
_, _ February 19.
Tne Houßo met at 9 o’clock, a. m.
Prayer by the chaplain.
Mr- Hudson, of Harris, moved the reconsid
eration of the tax bill passed on Saturday. The
motion prevailed.
NEW MATTER
Mr. Hardeman, of Bibb—A bill relating To
vendue masters.
Mr. Caudler, of Carroll—A bill to incorporate
the Carroll Manufacturing Company.
Mr. Maddox, of Fulton— A resolution that no
new matter bo introduced after the 20th in
stant.
Mr. Morris, of Franklin—A ’resolution that
the committee on the penitentiary report what
repairs are necessary to put tho institution in
order for the reception of criminals
Mr. McWhorter, of Greene—A bill to repeal
sections 4433 and 4434 of the Code.
Also, a bill to allow the Inferior Court el
Greene county to levy and collect an extra tax
to build a bridge over Oconee river.
Mr. McWhorter, of Oglethorpe—A bill to
incoi porato the Little Riyor Mining Company.
Mr. Alexander, of Houston—A bill to re
peal tho'law prohibiting tiro mnrriago of first
cousins.
Mr. Moses, of —A resolution for the
relief of tanks.
Mr Russell, of Muscogee—A bill to incorpo
rate the Bteam Cotton Milliu Columbus.
Mr. Johupon, of Pierce—A bill for the relief
of Milah Howard, of Pierce county.
Mr. Sims, of Newton—A hill to allow ordi
naries to grant temporary lettors with a bond
only for personal property.
Mr. Mosos moved to susppend tho rules to
take up Ids resolution for tho relief yf bauks.
The mot'on, after some discussion, was lost.
The House adjourned till 3 o’clock, p. ip.
Quiet has been restored to our sister city of
Columbus, and in order that unpleasant occur
; ences my be avoided in tbs. future, efforts are
' being mado by the citizens to have the negro
l garrisons removed. The following statement
I of the Columbus Sun explains itself :
Rkscct of the Conference: -From a most
' honorable and responsible gentleman, we have
learned something of the interview which took
i place yesterday between tho committee ap
• pointed by Council and the Federrl officers,
i Col. Bogart, the commandant of the district,
i was present. The officers said they had no
authority to withdraw tho garrison, hut added
. that there was no probability that a larger one
would be ordered here, nnd thnt the fewer the
difficulties, the shorter time would a force Ire
■ stationed in Columbus. They seemed to desire
■ the apprehension of Messrs. Lindsay and Ruth
erford, in order that they might be carried to
Macon, and there await instructions from Gen.
Brenoan, who would doubtless order a court
martial to investigate the affair. They said
court-martials were courts ofjusiice. To this
some members of the committee demnrred,
stating that the people in this section believed
they.could never get a fair sentence from one
of those courts, and, aR the ne«ro soldier shot
was off duty, the case clearly belonged to the
- .civil authorities, and they believed Lindsay
had the sense to keep himself aloof from court
bnartiais, where one is considered guilty until
be is proved innocent. The officers besides
wanted one or mote oilier gentlemen bound
over for a civil trial, the case to be called up
whenever they choose. This conference with
the officers, though friendly, resultedjn noth
ing Col Bogart remarked that from accounts
elsewhere he expected to find Columbus in
turmoil and confusion, and that ho would be
compelled to bring other troops here, to pro
tect himself to his office, and he was surprised
to find everything so quiet and orderly.
We understand the exaggerated report was
carried to Macon by several New York drum
mers, who were so badly scared that they
hardly knew their own health.
After the officers bad retired, the committee
requested Hon James Johnson, who had
spoken warmly in favor of the withdrawal of
the troops, to represent the cose to the Presi
dent and Secretuiy of* War, and ask, in the
name of the city, that the negro soldiers should
be removed. He accept d the office, and as be
is shortly goiug to Wr’liiDglon on private
business, we hope he may be successful in
this mission. The Governor stated to the
committee that he had heard of a report that
he had asked lor a gsrri. ju in Columbus.—
Such a report he regarded as unworthy of de
nial, The ret ords of the Executive Depart
ment would show that be had used his best
endeavors to have every shadow of military
power—troops, Bureau and Treasury Agents—
removed from the State, and to have civil law
fully restored. He believed, that he and his
neighbors could act justly by their former
slaves, and that the civil law was sufficiently
powerful to protect every man, both white and
black, in the possession of every legal right.
We do not pretend to give language but the
substance of the report given ns. The negro
tr ops, it seems, can only be removed by the
President.
An Eloquent Denunciation ok Thad. Pte
ven&— Mr. Delano, of Ohio, is a Republican.
He is surrounded by colleagues of tho Radical 1
stamp. Yetfie has had the manliness to de- 1
nounce, from bis place in Congress, the mad '
schemes of these agitators. The following i
sketch of bia remarks will afford the reader an •
idea of their nature :
“SomkfiiontliH ago he had beard sounded !
the of the gentleman from PennsyU .
vatila, (Mr. Stevens), that the properly of ten ,
millions of people should be subject to a con
fiscation aud disposed of in payment of the na~ '
tional debt, for the location of the emancipated !
race, ancf to increase the pensions of those
who had suffered in tbe late war. He was
shocked at the annunciation of that universal
scheme of plunder, and he felt as If Amerioa *
would lose her.reputation before the nations of '
the earth if we should adopt so uncivilized a .
policy. But it was based "on tbe theory of 1
dead States add conquered provinces. The f
man who put forth that theory was Lot wanting
in intellect sufficently dear to apprehend the
inhumanity of tbe proposition in all its logical -
and necessary consequences. The Duke of :
Alva executed the decrees of a bigoted master t
with fire and sword in the Netherlands, but „
this gigantic scheme of plundering the South „
would make tho ghost of Alva blush for bis .
timidity, and admit that be was not a robber or D
murderer fit to be respected in America. He n
referred to Cromwell's invasion of Ireland, and r
the devastation of that country, but those ex- 0
am pies of waste, savagery, and desolation, h
faded ipto insignificance before that extensive ©
scheme of plunder proposed by a member ot n
the American Congress.” E
Dressing for Church.
Has anybody heard the bell V.
Yon have T— dear me, 1 know full well 1
I’ll never dress in time—, B
For thercyt sake eome help me, Lnce,
I’ll make say toilet very sprues—
This silk is quite sublime I ,
Here, laoe this gaiter for me— do:
•f A hole 1” yon say ? plague take the shoe 1
Fierce, tucy, try And bide it—
Just think, it's Sunday, sad, my soul,
I cannot wear it with a hole 1
The men will surely spy it.
* / ' s ' '
They’re always peeping at nur feet,
* (Tho’, to be sure, they needn’t peep,
The way we hold our dresses’;)
I’ll disappoint (hem. though, to-day I
“And cross myself, ’’ pray did yon say f
Don’t laugh at thy distresses!
Now, Lucy, pray .feel my waterfall,
Do von think itiarge T ain’t it too small ?
What bother these things give, *
My Rhts and Mice, do they set straight ?
Please hurry, Lucy, I know I’m late—
There’s “ Willie," as I live.
Bow splendidly the &k will rustle 1
(Please hand my “ self adjusting bustle,”.
My corset and my-hoop,)
There now, I’ll take five skirts or six—
Do hurry, Lucy, ard help me tlx,
You know I eannot stoop 1
t vO * - •
“How shall I say my prayers to-day t’’
As if girls went to church to pray !
How oan you be so foolish T ,
Here damp this ribbon in oologne;
“ What for V* to paint, yon silly one ;
Now, Lucy, don’t be mulish.
Now, then, my hat—bow he abhors
This thing—it’s big as all out doors—
Tte-frightful sugar scoop!
Thank heaven, my cloak is handsome too,
It cost enough to be. I know—
(Straighten this horrid hoop I)
My handkerchief and gloves you’ll had
Jiiat in that drawer. Lney, are you blind T
(Does inv dress trail ?)
It’s all tho fashion now', you know ;
(Pray does the paint and powder show
Through my loose veil ?)
Thank you, my dear, I b’lieye I’m dress'd ;
Tho saints he praised 1, the day of rest
Comes only once in seven,
For if, on all the other six.
This trouble I should have to fix
I’d never get to heaven
An Extraordinary Speech on the
Gallows.
Dr. John W. Hughes, who was haneed on
Friday last, at Cleveland, made a queer speech
—perhaps the most remarkable ever made un
der similar circumstances :
hughes’ speech.
My Friends—'This is, indeed, a sad fate. 1
would wish you lo remember it—not as an
example, but as tbe acme of human justice
Do you suppose that I think for a moment
that the law of man is just in taking my life ?
No I Man law is but tbe law of a murderer
like me. Who made bat law? Moses, who
was the greatest murderer we have ever heard
of. Look into the second chapter of Exodus,
ttod you will find the authority, in the ac
count of his taking the life of the Egypt
ian. Yet he proJaims himself priest and
prophet, and by his law I suffer.
I will admit, gentlemen, that life is dear,
and ought to be protected ; that, if man takes
life, it is tbe natural impetuosity of human
nature. If the people of Bedford had taken
my life at the time t committed the deed, I
would have said it was Nature’s hand, and
comes from the heart; but when, after six
months of premeditation and deliberation by
those who wish to work their way to official
|)08i‘ i ons, they ♦".ke my life, they murder.—
Which is the most advantage to you, gentle
men, the simple matter of putting that rope
around my neck, or sending John W. Hughes
to the penitentiary, nnd keeping him there as
many years as you would like, and then turn
him out as a penitent man ? Which is tho
most advantag -this, or putting him where
he would do the most good with the little tal
ent and ability the Almighty has given him,
to the people of Guyahcga county ?
The death penalty is pernicious. One life is
as good as another, I admit; at the same lime,
what advantage, think you, to take my life?
None. Did I remember the time, In the'mad
ness of my infatuation and in a fit of drunken
ness, did i remember of pointing that' pistol?
No, Ido not remember it to his day. Yet,
gentlemen, it is the law, and we must abide by
the law—the law of mao, not of God I am
convinced.
IfCrsix months I have had conversation
with religionists, who have told ipe which is
the way to Heayen. Do I believe them ? No
The way to Heaven is tiie same as the-way ou
earth. Do nnto others as you would wish to
he done unto. Thi3 is the point, gentlemen,
and I go with the full, calm, and certain as
suraDce that :.iy life in the other world is a
power given ra} self. What does this scientific
execution amount n> ? 1 have considered this
over these six months, and intended to give my
own life a quiet exit from this world, hut un
fortoately I did not do ao; I took enough, but
it did not accomplish its object.
Sheriff Nicola has treated me, from tbe first
to the lust, like a brother. If he has had a
hard duty lo do. it wai not in his power to
avoid it, for he has sworn to do his duty, and
I dojnot lay any blame to him.
Mr. Thome, my spiritual adviser, is my
dearest friend. Why? Because I respect him
as a father Ido not remember of a father.
But he has been a father to me, and I love
him and respect him as such, and my whole
heart bears him up a9 a father, and if I could
I would bear him up into eternity as a father.
But this is not my idea. Since I have been in
the prison I have had every sect of religion
with me—every one I oanuot tell of any sect
that I have not had—have hud every one. I
argued with them, and learned their opinions
of Christ, and of their road of salvation. Dare
I deny him who tells roe to believe in Jesus,
and believe in Ihe Holy Spirit, which proceeds
from Jcsns? No. But, gentlemen, I love
him «s a lather, and yet, at the same time, my
mind is not his mind.
I do not believe, to-day—God forgive me if I
say anything wrong—that Jesus is God. My
anomitical practice—everything— siys the doc
-1 trine of the immaculate conception is not right.
: It is against Natural Philosophy, and against
' human nature. I believe he had a pure spirit,
1 and that a better man never reigned on earth
' than Jesus Christ—that, in spirit and in heart,
he was next to the Creator himself, so far as
we know ; yet, at the same time, I know from
my own experienc3, that the connection be
tween the departed spirits and those of this
world is complete. While I to-day suffer the
extreme penalty of the law, I will see you
all together.
I do not believe in spiritualism, such as
spiritualists believo in. Why ? Because I have
aot seen a medium or a single indication of
such phenomena as they profess. At the same
time every Christian, I do not care who he is,
will experience some things in his life to show
that his life has been influenced by some pe
culiar power other than'that within himself.—
Therefore, gentlemen, I say, as far as I know,
I believe in all the principles of spiritualism,
and if you search and contemplate over the
doctrine—*f you study the principles, you will
feel in your mind that the spirits of (he de
parted have a r oramuniou with the spirits of
those present. Ido not for a moment think
that Mr. Thome, who has spoken to me so
earnestly and so often al jut our Savior Jesus
Christ, is not sinceu. I believe in Christ rs a
mediator, but do not believe in Him as an
atonement Ido not believe in the -story of
His birth ; but I believe that He is the purest
spirit that over at jnded on high. 1 have
adopted what I believe : s right.
Do Igo to the worst place? If I thought,
for a moment, I should go to brinast mo and
hell, to be slung up for eternity, I should fear.
Did I think I should go round the throne, or
sit there for ages, to do nothing but sing, I
should think myself a fool.
Wo progress They may k>ll this body, as
they will in a few moment, hut they cannot
kill this soul. It soars aloft with other beings,
and lias its work to do. 1 believe this mo
ment I will be as much here ai\er this execu
tion as I am now.
T would say, in conclusion, that the sheriff
has been a brother to me. The jailor, Mr.
Smith, has been <i f-,n,er to me. Good-bye, Mr.
Smith. 1i" > it. i|„ lA'.d iH-rdHion, but
to it, e lmi,t of progression ; uud while T admit
i the justice of the law of Ohio, I say it is fool
ish and vain. Bo you mean to say that, Jut
cnuße that rope goes around pay neck, and
chokes me to death, it is goiner to prevent
orime ? O.hers, with the same influences that
have been thrown round J. W. Hughes, will
do tho same as he has done, and no example
on earth would prevent it.
I go in submission to tho law of the land,
and because this is, as duel n muvder—this
taking my life—as that when I fired that pis
tol, which, to this hour, I do not remember.—
I leave you. I hope this execution will be ad
example to eveiy one, not in favor of the death
penalty, but to show the folly of it, and tnat
you may consider over it.
Novel Dcmanb.—Our readers will remember
the publication, a short time since, of a letter
written by General Robert E. Leo to General
Jnbal A. Early, explaining the reasons which
induced the former to agree to a change of com
manders in Geneva! Early's department. The
letter was private in its nature, and only pub
lished to set at rest a slander en the reputation
of a gallant and able officer. Nevertheless, a 1
few days ago an order wae received from Wash- ,
ington by Captain Samuel H Early, brother of
the General, cotntnA' ding him to give np to the
military authorities the original letter, sup
posedno he in his possession, on the singular
ground that it belonged to the archives of the
nation: The order came throngh Major Latti
mer, commanding this post. Captain Early 1
replied that the published letter was only a copy 1
of the original, which had passed cut of bis e
hands. It was therefore Impossible for him to
comply with the demands of the War Depart
ment, if he bad been so inclined .—Lynchburg 1
Republican. i
By Telegraph.
Gortons News tor the South.
GBIAT SPEECH B! THE PRESIDENT.
He Stands with the Democracy.
Southern Representatives Must
be Admitted.
The following important telegram, conveying
words of good cheer to our people, will be
hailed with joy.
The suicidal policy of the Radicals has pro
voked the issue between themselves and the
President, and the conservative element North
and South will sustain him, and crush out the
only disloyal faction now in existence in the
country.
Washington, Feb. 22, 1866.
Kd. Ludwig, Esq, Agent Southern Express.
Victory I President Johnson delivered a
great speech this evening. He stands by the
Democratic party, and imperatively demands
the immediate admission of Southern Repre
sentatives. &
associated press dispatches
Later from Europe.
ARRIVAL OF THE STEAMER MORAVIAN.
COTTON ADVANCED THREE-QUARTERS
AND BUOYANT.
SAILING OF PERUVIAN PRIVATEERS
SPANISH FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES.
New York, Feb. 19.
The steamship Moravian has arrived at
Portland. Cotton buoyant, with an advance
of }d for American, and }d on other descrip
tions. Sales of the week 10.000 bales. The
sales on Friday were fifteen thousand bales.
Holders demanding an advance. Middling
Orleans I9}d.
5-20 S 67}a67|.
Consols S6faßlJ.
The Spanish government at Cadiz has been
notified by a telegram, from the Spanish Min
ister at London, of vessels having left the
Mersey under the Peruvian flag, to prey upon
Spanish commerce.
In the Spanish Chamber of Deputies a re
sponse to tbo Queen's speech was offered, set
ting forth the increased financial difficulties,
and urging the necessity for balancing the ex
penditures with the revenue, as it is impractica
ble to raise the taxi s.
LATE3T.
New York, Feb. 22.
Liverpool dates to the 10th inst. have been
received. The market was flat, with a partial
decline of }d.
U. 8. 5-208. 67fa675.
Consols 86}a86f.
In the House of Commons the Feniau con
spiracy has beon chargod to American origin,
with Secretary Seward as the real head centre.
Tne cattle plagne is the leading topic in both
Houses.
The official dispatches of the French or
at Washington relative to the Bagd 1 nfnfr
have been published.
It is announced that the U. S. will net < fl
ange in any conflict with France.
1 CONGRESSIONAL.
y Washington, Fab. 19.
n Sanatk. —The President sent in his veto to
the act amendatory to the Frecdmen’s Bu
n rean bills. He takes the ground that it is un
( constitutional, and the appointment of agents
D in every county where there are freedmen and
o refugees would place too much patronage in
'• the hands of the Executive, and enable him to
use it for political purposes, should he be so
c disposed. He expressed an earnest hope that
a a question so important to the country would
y not become a law, unless upon deliberate con
,t sideratlon by the people, it shall receive the
sanction of an enlightened public’s judgment.
R The House, by a large majority, -passed a
* resolution declaring that the rebellion deprived
d the people of the South of all civil govern
ment,, it becomes the "duty of Congress to en*
y able them to organize their State government,
“ and that the President is fully justified in
e maintaining the suspension of the writ of ha
le beas corpus, and in keeping troops for the proa
d lection of Union citizens and freedmen.
n Washington, Feb. 20.
n Senate. —Mr. Wall offered a resolution to
t amend the Constitution by rendering the Presi.
1 dent inelligable to -election for the second
e term, aud supported it in a speech, alluding in
i, caustic terms to the President, wbo, he said,
8 had developed a policy agreeable to every
8 enemy of the country.
r Mr. Wilson offered a resolution, which was
1 adopted, instructing the Committee on Rccon
y struction to inquire how far the late rebellious
- Stales had conformed to the requirements of
t tho President’s reconstruction policy.
, Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, read a long argu
l moot in opposition to the freedman’s bill, and
, sustaining the veto of the President. Mr.
® Turnbull followed, opposing the veto.
A vote was taken trn tho vetoed bill, and re
s suited, yeas 30, nays 18 ; vote insufficient to
s secure the passage of the bill.
1 House —Mr. Stevens, from the Committee
, on Reconstruction, reported a resolution de
, daring that no Senator or Representative shall
f be admitted to either branch of Congress, un
* ‘il Congress shall have declared such States
’ entitled to representation.
Mr. Grinder obtained leave}to read the mi
nority report from the Reconstruction Commit
> tee, declaring the State of Tennessee entitled
to representation.-
I Mr. Stevens said there was an earnest dis
. position until yesterday to inquire into the
f condition of Tennessee, and see whether the
( State is entitled to representation; but since
, then there has been a change, and it is wholly
\ ont of the power of the committee to proceed sar
i ther without surrendering the rights of that
body to the usurpation of another body. Much
| excitement prevailed during the proceedings.
He demanded the voto on the previous question.
Motions for adjournment, for the purpose of
preventing the vote, prevailed all day.
The House is still in session to-night, and no
project of adjournment.
Mr. Stevens’ resolution to deprive the South
ern States of representation until declared fit
by Congress, passed the House to-night, by a
voteof 109 against 40.
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
s
MiLt.sboE ville, Feb. 22.
The Legislature, in respect to the day, and
to hear Senator Stephens’ speech, adjourned.
The speech was highly conservative in
character, and universally approved. His
theme was the jieaceful re-establishmeot of
good government, eud its peaceful maintenance
hereafter.
The Senate passed the bill establishing the
orphan’s home ; also a resolution appointing a
committee to select a site for the peniteptiary.
MILUtDOEVILLB, Feb. 83.
The Legialataro passed r resolution cordially
endorsing the address of Senator Stephens, de
livered yesterday, and ordered it put upon the
journal of both Houses.
The Finance Committee, appointed by the
Convention, after fifty-four days’ sossion, after
hearing sworn testimony, report that there is
no evidence of fraud or corruption, or other
misconduct or improper use of public money
by any State official, from ex Gov. Brown down
lowest official or agent.
The report is, full and complete, and acquits
the late State government of every charge
made against it.
FROM PANAMA AND CALLAO.
Nkw Yoke, Feb. 21.
Panama dates to tho J2tb received. A gold
mine has been discovered eighteen miles from
Panama* The developments are pfbnounced
exceedingly rich."
Callao-advices confirm the declaration of war
by Peru against Spain. Hostilities have oot
jet oommeboed.
f FROM WASHINGTON. ,y
"Washington, Feb. 2?
den >Qn#trat\on gs, the citizens ?Mbe
district of Columbia,Jn support of the Presi
dent’s policy .was attqujied by au immense con
emrse. The haeeUng was addressed by promi
nent individual* end pf solotiene to support the
patriotic policy of the President were adopted
and presented to him at tho Executive mansion
in response to which he made a speech reitera.
ting his devotion to the Union. He eaid the
Radicals were endeavoring io break up the
Union we fought to present*. Hi ß remarks
were greeted with great applause by a vrst
gathering.
TENNESSEE UNION CONVENTION.
Nashville, Feb. 2,1.
Tho Union Convention adjourned to-day,
after tho pcssage of a resolution declaring that,
the people of Tennessee are unjustly excluded
from the benefits of the Union, and heartily
endorsing the President’s policy, especially the
recent veto.
THE STAY LAW IN MISSISSIPPI.
Jackson, Miss., Feb. 21.
The High Court of Errors and Appeals has
unanimously decided that the Btay law is uncon.
stitulional.
NEW YORKCOTTON AND GOLD MARKET
1 . Naw York, Feb. 21.
Cotton firm ; salee 1,800 bales, at 45a46c
Gold 37J.
MOBILE MARKET.
Mobilh, Feb. 21.
, Cotton excited, and advanced 1 cent. Sales
to day 3,200 bales. Middlings 46a.
Gold, 36.
Sterling exchange, 46.
GEORG IA LEGISLATURE.
Miixedguvillb, Feb. 20.
Senate.—The House bill to compel railroads
u to furnish separate cars for negroes as lost.
, The House passed the revenue bill, $300,000
to he collected by au ad valorem tax.
Senator Stephens is here, and will speak
Thursday, noon.
r NEW YORK COTTON AND GOLD MARKET.
New York, Feb. 19.
Cotton quiet at 44.
Geld, 37}.
1 New York, Feb. 20.
Cotton firm, at 45a46.
» Gold, 37}.
i m -
How a Man Feels with his Hear Off.— lt
is considered on all sides that the body does not
feel one instant after decapitation, for tho
brain being the seat of sensation for the who'e
, frame through the medium of the spinal mat
. row, every part of the body beneath the joint
at which the latter may be c’ivided must be
deprived of feeling. But it by no means fol
lows that the head is deprived of st nsation
immediately after decapitation, nor that it may
not retain its consciousness, and like the head
of the Irish knight who was killed by Saiadin
1 in the Holy War, get up and declare that it
1 was never cut off by so sharp a eimoter before
—nor, like that of the assassin liOgare, swear
roundly at the executioner for not keeping a
keener axe; but it is quite impossible that it
may be troubled with very serious reflection
upon the irrevocability of its fate, and the aw
, fulness of its deprivation. In support of this
unpleasant theory many fuels are adduced, with
grave vouchers for their authenticity. Among
others is the unfortunate Quagn of Scots, whose
lips continued to move in prayer for at least a
r quarter of an hour after the executioner had
peiformed his duties. Wilt states that hav
ing put his mouth to the oar of a decapitated
criminal's head, and cal led him byname, the
. eyes turned to the side from whenoe the voice
camel; and. the fact is attested by Fontanelle,
Mogore, Guillotine, Naualie and Aldint. On
the word “murder” being called in tho case of
a criminal executed for that crime at Coblenlz,
the half-dosed eyes opened wide with au
> expression of reproach on those who stood.
. around.
A certain young lady in Limerick, Ireland,
on the death of a wealthy relative recently, be
came entitled to £B,OOO. Admirers flecked
around the hitherto neglected beauty, and
there wfts no end to the overturosrof loye. Pre
vious to the turn of fortune’s wheel a young
man, of bumble pretentions, had been tho
voting lady’s only suitor, but the knowledge of
her wealth at onco placed a formidable barrier
in his way, and he contented himself with
bciug a silent worshipoer at a distance. Mat
ters ultimately came to a crJsr and in order to
test tho affections of her devotees the young
lady caused a report to be circulated that tho
supposed fortuue wan in reality a sham, the
mistake having occurred (through a similarity
of name. This intelligence had the effect of
causing the visits of the lovers to become less
frequent, and finnlly ceased altogether. The
humble youth rejoiced at the change, and at
onco took an opportunity to consolo the mis
tress of his heart, who, to the surprise of all,
rewarded his sincerity -with her head, and
made him sole master of £8 000.
National Ranks.—The following is a slate
meot of the National Bunking Associations of
tho United States on the morning of the first
Monday of January, 1866:
ASSETS.
Loans and discounts $498 843 447 11
Overdrafts 1.866 662 08
Real estate, furniture and fixtures, 15,436 296 16
Expense acconnt 3.193,717 78
Premiums paid . 2,423,782 60
Remittaneas and other ct-sh items, 89 837,684 50
Due from national banks 93,254 551 02
Doe from other brinks 14 658 220 87
United States bonds deposited to
secure circulation 208,376,850 00
Other U. S. bmdsand securities.. 142.003,590 00
Bills of other bank* 20 406,444 66
Specie 16 909 363 80
Other oney 187,846 546 16
State stocks alid other items 17 483,798 60
Aggregate $1,402,480 964 34
LTABILITIBS.
Capital stock paid in $403,357,446 OO
Surplus fund 43,600,870 78
Notes in cirenlation 218,439 5?0 00
Individual deposits 613,608,888 67
United States deposits 29,747,230 15
Dividends unpaid...,. 5.645 642 02
Due to national banks 94 709,074 16
Due t« other banks 23,798 584 24
State bank circulation outstanding 45,413,276 30
Other items 993 528 43
Aggregate $ 1 ,402,480.964 34
F. Claiike,
Comptroller of the Currency.
Dancing.—ln all ages and in all climes this
has been a favorite amusement with the young
and oftentimes with the aged. We remember
hearing the Rev. Dr. Hoge deliver a lecture in
Richmond daring thawar. He had jnst return
ed from Euro| ;. Whilst abroad he spent some
time in Scotland, and oneeveuingin Edinburg
being invited t-» take tea at the house of an
eminent divine, where he met with a number of
preachers and their wives, after supper the room
was cleared and these good people had a good
old-fsshione 1 reel, all to temeelves.—Norfolk
Day Book.
• r
Reciprocity.— We learn that a Federal offi
-0 cer, who saw proper, while on the Vicksburg
train, on Sunday last, *» exerc'se a little au
thority by cutting some brrss buttons from.
- the coat of an ex-rebel, awoke from his slum
t hers at a hotel in this city, on the following
i “turning, Minus his own brr*g buttons, shoul
***‘r ®J r *ps an d other decorations. So rnucb
for officioasa^s.—Jackson Standard.
Gkw. Harukb at the Capitol.—Gen. Haidee.
tue distinguished Confederate general (so-called)
IS on a visit to the c ty. '
He was iav.fed hai* t in the House yester
d*y, end on being - carted t> the Speaker’s
chair, (arn-d applause) retuioed his thanks for
tho honor conferred, remarking that he waa
pleased to meet, m members of uie Legislature
ammy of his old soldier friends. Ac., Ac
Gen. H irdee is now a citizen of onr State and
is the eilh lent President of the Selma and Meri
dian r i.lroad. Go where bo will he meets with
a lu arty welcome.—Montgomery Mail, 16th.
New York, Feb 16.—Yesterday the jnry
in the case of McDonald vs. the Hudson river
Railroad Company, rendered a verdict of S2OO
Iff the plaintiff Owing to the negligence" of
the agents in running a detached
engine down tbeir road in October last, t a
plaintiff lost two horses and a wagon.
iwks. PAirriNcroNts last.-thh
following it from B. P. Shillaber, Rsq., w«U known as
the author of Mrs. Partington’* celebrated aayinga :
'Cuklhica, Mass., June 24,1664:
My Oka r Mr. Bools; The alarming throat of pre
mature old age, manifest In my obanglug bair, Induced
me to oppose yonr oew Hair Tint as a defence, and the
reault baa proved overy thing I could wish. It cora-
PloUly ohanged the grey, by a simple application, and
freed me from the mould of antiquity not yet dne: 1
am delighted with It, and commend it to all who, Uk«
myself, would deprive Tim> of an early triumph.
Wishing It the auooeas it deserves, I remain,
Tours truly, B. P. 8.
This is only a sample from hundreds of a similar na
ture, in favor of the New Discovery, Mystlkes, or Bo*
glo’e Mystlo Hair Tint! One preparation. Any eeier.
No washing before or after the application. Safe and '■ «,
Thla, with Bogle’s werid renowned Hypertan
Fluid for dressing the hair, Blectrio Hslr Bye, and
other preparations, maybe had of W. Bogle, Wig and
Hair Work Repository, Boston, and
STEVENSON A SHELTON Druggists,