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CONSTITUTIONALIST.
REPRESENTATION
Since the South ceased to maintain Its Sena
tors and Representativeß at Washington, hot li
tiouses of Congress have wofully fallen from
tlieir high estate of dignify and decorum. Ver
biage has supplanted argument, depar
tures from grave maxims of Republican govern
ment are the subterfuges that mock and slander
the statesmanship of the past. The Southern
intellect, fiery, creative, impassioned and chiv
alrlc, was an admirable foil to the calculating,
hardy, aggressive mind of the North. Where
both met on the arena of reason, both were held
in nicest poise, the one by the other; and both,
by such graduation, (lowered into something
really great. Segregated from one another,
both seemed to lose vitality. During the five
tremendous years that have passed away, noth
iug more lamentable in the annals of our laud
has occurred than the flaccid measures of
the Southern Congress and the frenzy of its
Northern prototype. Soul wits wanting at
Washington atid Richmond , and, strange as it
may appear, the world has witnessed its first
stupendous revolution that had not richness of
material to mould a single statesman worthy of
the name. The proper stimulus of antagonis
tic elements converging towards the same destiny
was lacking, and here the necessity of an intel
lectual Union js strikingly exhibited in the
reeord of that unhallowed legislative era which
survived on both sides,pendlngthe clash of arms.
The Southern Congress equally with the North
ern was a carieature upon civilization. Neither
ascended to the abounding spirit of embattled
peoples of cither section, harrassedby imbecility
or betrayed by private greed. Alas ! the dignity
of the country, when torn assunder, lias been
severely compromised, and the austere shades
of Webster or CAi.HOtm may well feci dolor,
if perchance they are pleased to revert to the
scenes of their former grandeur, when they
stood like Titans,in the ampithent.re of Though!.
“ Athos and Ida with a dashing sea \
Os eloquence between.”
The tendeucy of the day is to regret the mad
ness of departed years and bring back, if pos
sible, the old principles and the old Union,
trusting that with the restoration of such ele
ments the olden glories of an august Senate
may be revived in the exaltation of men who
shall emulate the renown of the mighty dead
of Massachusetts and South Carolina. The
Republic has received a terrific shock, but it is
not moribund. It remains with the conserva
tive people of the land to make a new precedent
in history; for never before did a Republic
drift so far into the jaws of anarchy and return
with something like integrity to the cardinal
principles that made it illustrious and free.
President Johnson 'has pointed out the path
of safety. The people have only to close up
their shattered ranks and march, compact as a
Roman legion, under the banner of Restoration.
Unquestionably, the first move towards so
desirable a consummation is the admittance of
(Southern Representatives to Iheir vacant places
in Congress. This privilege denied, the Union
is dead and buried. As the case stands, nothing
can be so perilous to all the best interests of the
common weal as the lop-sided and partial legis
lation we deplore. President Johnson per
ceives this and many Republicans are beginning
to appreciate it. A faction, however, apparent
ly bent upon rifle or ruin, stolidly opposes the
President’s scheme, thereby falsifying every
motive with which they urged their section to
blood and rapine. This faction an indignant
constituency must change.
Let us pxaminc some of the reasons witli
which they defend their position and combat the
policy of the Executive.
One reason has cropped out in the discussion
of the Freedman’s Bureau hill, emanating from
Senator Fessenden, who declared, in sub
stance that lie “ was not disposed to be lectured
by the President concerning the duties of Con
gress, in the matter of Representation,” Mr.
Johnson’s language cannot be so construed.
No denial of the right of Congress to judge ol'
th§ eligibility of its members was entertained;
but utter exclusion was protested against as un
patriotic and unparliamentary. The President
admits the prerogative of Congress to decide
upon the merit of an admitted member ; he de
nies the prerogative of Congress to such pre
jndgment, as against .States, in the persons of
tlielv representatives. He claims that if the
South is to be condemned in its envoys, they
shall, at least, have the erimiuoi’s favor of a
hearing before conviction. Again, nothing can
he more anoma/oua tliun tbit biased ami vindic
tive legislation (hat conceived that pernicious
Bureau Bill, palpably designed to torment the
very section which had no voice in its passage
and depended upon the merest accident for its
overthrow.
An ad captandum assertion, as another point
of antagonism, is subtly conveyed in the accu
sation that the President has been recreant to
the policy of his predecessor and hence, to the
policy of the party which elected him.
The Emancipation Proclamation—the very
Talmud or Kdran of Radicalism—contains the
following language:
The Executive will, on the Ist day of January,
1863, by proclamation, designate the States and
parts of States, if any, in which the people
thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion
against the United States ; and the fact, that any
State, or the people thereof, shall on that day
be, in good faith, represented in the Congress
of the United States by members chosen there
to at elections wherein a majority of the quali
fied voters of such Slate shall have participated,
shall, in the absence of strong countervailing
testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that
such State and the people thereof are not then in
rebellion against the United States.
Never did words more plainly signify the
ruling passion of Mr. Lincoln’s administra
tion ; never did words more emphatically ex
press a wish, nay a longing- for Southern repre
sentation, when the specified conditions were
complied with. It must not escape the memory
that this proclamation had its being when pop
ular fury was nt its white, white hot heat, when
the Southern eagle went clanging over Chaucel
lorville and the heart of Stonewall beat no
more to the drum-tap or fired the quick, con
vulsive rally. Let it not be forgotten, likewise,
that when this right of representation was thus
proclaimed, the Test Oatii was already in ex
istence. To every requirement of this pledge
the South has yielded. The very men who affect
such reverence for Mr. Lincoln contravene his
most cherished policy. The very man who
cleaves to the letter of his policy is by these
pseudo-friends assailed. The missile hurled at
the President smites back, like a boomerang.
The curses they storm at heaven fall like javelins
upon their own head. Every evidence of fealty
demanded by Mr. Lincoln in a time of war ,
the Radicals distort and abuse in a season of
•profound peace.
So far as the pretext of the Test Oath is con
cerned, no better evidence is wanting than that
contained in the document tfom which we have
just quoted, demonstrating that Mr. Lincoln
vegaded it merely as an expedient upheaved by
the vicissitudes of strife, to be put away, like a
corpse, when the reign of peace prevailed.
One more exhibit of the animus of the Re
publican party, as represented by Mr. Sewakd,
and we close. Several European Powers, at
the time of the Polish insurrection, advised the
United Btatcs to intervene between the unhap
py Sarmatians and the cruel Czar. In answer
to these appeals, the Hon. Secretary forwarded
to Minister Datton an elaborate reply, from
which the following paragraph is an extract.—
Mr. Beward wrote :
Our policy of non-intervention, strait, abso
lute and peculiar as it may 6eem to other na
tions, has become a traditional one which could
not be abandoned without the most urgent oc
casion, amounting to a manifest necessity.—
Certainly it could not be wisely departed from
at this moment, when the existence of a local
although, as we trust, only a transient disiurb
ance, deprives the Government of the counsel
of a portion of the American people, to whom
so wide a departure from the settled policy of the
country must , in any case , be deeply interesting.
Comment upon such obvious language is su
perfluous. The right of representation bristles
in its leading thought.
By steadily opposing the policy with which
they inaugurated the war—the policy of Lin
coln and Johnson alike—the Radicals become
open to the conspicuous charge of seeking a
perpetuity of power at any sacrifice of princi
ple or Union. Finesse and a steady clutch
upon authority may temporarily quell the
truth; but defeat and disaster await them final
ly from the people at large—for whom and
for whom alone the Government was framed.
Major General Howard has issued a circular
letter to the assistant commissioners, giving
instructions for dealing with the question of
matrimony among the freed people. They are
to consult the State laws with regard to mar
riages and divorce of white persons, and embody
them for the benefit of the freedmen, as far as
can be done in a circular, and desiring them to
frame such a system of marriage rules as would
be approved by the State authorities, with the
formal approval of the Governor on the subject
appended.
A bill has been introduced into the Louisiana
House of Representatives granting to G. T.
Beauregard and any other persons the sole right
to excavate and keep free from obstructions the
mouths of the Mississippi river. A depth of
water of eighteen feet is to be constantly pre
served on the bar. Valuable franchises are
grouted to the corporation thus formed.
THE LEGISLATURE, 11
-By joint rcsolutiou adopted the General As
sembly of this State will adjourn ou the 13th
prox., Tuesday next, the enire session thus
being within a day or so of two months from
the date of re-asscinbliug on the 15th of Janua
ry last. Up to this date there have been passed
one hundred and thirty-six acta and thirty-one
resolutions adopted. Private legislation—that
curse of ouf modern law making, the detested
leges privatee of Romau polity—takes up, as
usual, mostol' the results of this weary session.
Any number of companies have been incor
porated, and the Code doctored to that extent
that the lawyers tell us they are almost utterly
at sea as to the actual law. The Negro Code,
we learn, will not, so far as signs now
show,, be enacted iu the form presented by
that learned and laborious Commission ap
pointed by resolution of Convention to prepare
a legal syllabus on that most delicate and im
portant subject. Gov. Brown’s idea that there
should /only be one short statute in this
regard, placing both white and black on an
equality as to legal rights before the courts
will, it seems, meet acceptance, modified so as
to admit the formation of county courts to meet
the ordinary litigation likely to arise out of the
freedman state. The Homestead Law still
hags fire, House and Senate being at a dead
lock iu the matter of concurrence as to the
form in which some such measure shall pass.
A Stay Law, as will be remembered, has passed
either house, enacting that debtors may be made
to pay one fourth of indebtedness in each
of the four coming years respectively, no con
tract made or liability created since June, 1865,
coming under this saving provision. * Vetoed
by His Excellency the Governor, as unconstitu
tional, this bill was nevertheless passed on the
7th, over the veto, in the House by 130 to i.
The Senates action has not ns yet reached us,
but that body will doubtless follow this refrac
tory suit. And, in thus touching on the topic
of veto and two thirds vote, it is a little remark
able that in the heart of Georgia the same
contest, on a minor scale, between the Execu
tive and Legislative powers should have broken
out as now rages rampant in the Federal Capi
tal. Tlie General Assembly passes a bill which
the Governor vetoes as radically illegal/ Up to
the charge comes the House with a vote seven
teen to one against the Executive, and the Sen
ate threatens not to be far behind—that same
Senate which in turn also threw the weight of
its two thirds and over on His Excellency’s
veto of the Homestead Bill. And so, on larg
er scale, the Federal Congress rushes through a
bill which the President constitutionally disap
approves, whereat House and Senate rave, cry
ad quern finem ? and essay to beat up a two
thirds that shall render their side victorious in
the great cause now pending of the Legislative
us. the Executive.
But enough of this. The thing grows serious,
and it is even a relief, though somewhat a grim
one, to read that there is—in Milledgeville—“ a
qreat deal of business still in an unfinished state."
How the public printers will rejoice, how the
public money will fly, how the lawyers will des
perately battle with misconceived, ill-begotten,
and wholly contradictory and nntimeous legis
lation, and how, ah! how will the people find
themselves deeper than ever in
bog of laws conflicting and jurisdictions at
sword’s point, wherefrom they fondly, all too
fondly, dreamed this Legislature was to deliver
them. Soon as it adjourns we will essay to give
some analysis of its enactments, though, look
ing now at the huge roll made eycn by the cap*
tions of acts and resolutions that have been
painfully ground out, it is almost enough to
fright our journalistic soul. However, justice
shall be done. Our lawgivers have had surely
enough of the honey of laudation, and where
they seem to have gone astray after strange
gods, as we fear some of them have very la
mentably done, it is titling they should be
brought kindly but firmly to the rule.
' MR. HILL’S REPLICATION.
Hon. .Joshua llili, haw published a letter in
reply “ To the Sixty-Nine Special Legislative
Friends of lion. A. IT. Stephens ,” which we first,
sec in the columns of our city cotemporary, the
Chronicle $ Sentinel, of yesterday, the Otli. At
the close of this letter, which oeetipiew in that
journal within a fraction of three columns and
a half, Mr. Him. adds a postscript to the effect
that those papers which have published the let
ter of Mr. Stephens’ friends would "do an act
of justice and of politeness also" by publishing
his replication. Desirous at all times to be at
once upright in its dealings and courteous, this,
paper, which published in full the letter re
ferred to by Mr. 11., would take pleasure in ac
ceding entirely to this request, did either space
admit or the comity of the cnee require. But
in this letter of Mr. Hill’s so many points arc
touched on, and touched on at such length, that
we feel reluctantly constrained to republish only
sueh portions ns have reference to the declara
tory manifesto of Mr. Stephens’ Sixty-Nine
Special Legislative Friends. In so doing, too,
it will be perceived that we give this replication
a much larger portion of our burdened space
than was oeeupied by the paper calling it forth,
and, lost, even now, we should be deemed in
equitable, will proceed further to state our rea
sons for condensation, before touching upon
the matter of the letter itself. As we conceive
it, the ease stands thus. During this present,
session it became the part of the General As
sembly of this State to elect two Senators,
who, on the theory that this State is now in
the Federal Union, were to represent Geor
gia in the Senate of the United States.—
Priov to this election Mr. Hill addressed the
Legislature, taking, so far as we apprehend their
tenor, the text of his remarks to be his pecu
liar suitability for one of the Senatorial posi
tions to he filled. In the course or his re
marks the speaker alluded to one of the after
ward successful candidates as not, in ail proba
bility, wholly inactive in efforts to procure sueh
election, and it was specially this portion
of his address that called forth a published
statement from sixty-nine gentlemen of the
Legislature, denying that this then suceess
ful candidate had, prior to this election, taken
such steps as those ascribed to him. In addi
tion, too, this statement took oecosion to em
body some reply to that other portion of Mr.
Hill’s address, wherein he had spoken of
his suitability on the ground of consistent
“Union” sentiments. The whole statement,
however, was moderately brief and, save the
few reflections accompanying the reminder that
Mr. H. had been a candidate for Gubernatorial
honors, at a time when, to have enjoyed them
would have necessitated the taking of an oath
to support the Constitution of the Confederate
States of America, was confined to an exposi
tion of Mr. Stephens’ ujite-cleetion quiescence.
With this statement of the ease, a statement we
think exact, and have at least striven to make
so, we come to consider the position in which
Mr. Hill appears before ns. The points on
which he had been met, and as to which, if feel
ing aggrieved by sueh contraversion, he was
to make reply were plainly three—first, as to
Mr. Stephens’ efforts to be elected ; secondly, as
as to the consistency of his (Mr. Il.’s) Unionism ;
andthirdly, as to the willingness to take the Con
federate oath of allegiance, by candidacy at a
time when candidacy seemed an implied wil
lingness to take it in event of s access. So far,
then, as a perusal of this quite lengthy reply
has enabled us to judge, we have republished
those portions thereof that seemed relevant to
the points at issue.
Had the question been of a nature to partake
of a very general political Interest we would,
though at the cost of inconvenience and per
haps delay, have surrendered enough of our
sorely pressed columns to accommodate the
whole of this replication, but, looking, at it as
we do, perceive in it only a communication
upon a semi-personal matter pending between
a distinguished citizen of this State and divers
members of the General Assembly.
It is not for an instant contended by us but
that this citizen had a perfect right to enlighten
his fellow citizens as to his record or present
sentiments, or to use any other, and legitimate,
method of ensuring his election to a position
deemed by him desirable. Nor, on the other
hand, do we fancy that any one will contend
but that such citizens, under the Constitution
and laws of the Federal Government and their
own State respectively, had a most undoubted
right to refuse to elevate such citizen to such
position and to confer in his stead their suf
frages on another more pleasing in their sight.
With this admission on the one hand and tak
ing most immovably this position on the other,
we cannot perceive anything in this matter but
a controversy between an unsuccessful candi
didate and those who refused to render him
triumphant with their votes. By the Federal
Constitution this State is entitled to have two
Senators in Congress and, by the same instru
ment, these Senators are elective by the vote of
the State’s General Assembly. That we are
wickedly debarred from one right is no reason
that we should weakly surrender the other and,
without pretending to decide how the Legisla
ture of Georgia should have voted, we do most
undoubtedly maintain, as a cardinal principle
of tree government, that they had a right to vote
for such persons, qualified under the Constitu
tion of the United States and Laws made in
pursuance of the same, as they, in their own
good pleasure, saw fit. That they did not see
fit to vote for Mr. Hill Is that gentleman’s
misfortune, ag it seems also to have been his
disappointment, but that fact militates not
against them either as reasonable men or law
abiding citizens. With this we leave this Repli
cation desiring only further to touch on two
points, not the least touching in what is ou the
whole far from being an ineloquent epistle.
Where Mr. Hill speaks of the losses entailed on
him by the late civil war he is not alone in those
emotions of sorrow that overwhelm him in their
recollection. Others too, have been wrung by
the bereavements of battle and, to one who will
not permit himself the proud consolation them
selves experience, do not hesitate to extend the
sympathy of a common sorrow. Where, too,
Mr. Hill speaks of those who, liking him per
sonally. yet deemed his political loves too great
for wisdom, he is eminently happy in liis allu
sion to many who, mindful of his urbanity and
intelligence, regret that his too exclusive de
votion to the past should put him at the er»cl
disadvantage of a present popular estrangement.
If his implied position be correct that the Geor
gia Legislature is a secessionist assemblage, he is
too “loyal” a man j o represent so “traitorous”
a body, and if they be in good faith henceforth
“Union men" he should not quarrel with them
as to a mere.ma.tter of choice.
HON. JAMES "JOHNSON.
The New York Times states that this gentle
man, in a late conversation with the President,
declared matters in this State in a most unsatis
factory condition, advocated the continuance of
the Freedmen’s Bureau as an absolute necessi
ty, and advised the immediate reinforcement of
the garrisons. Some of our State exchanges,
though in no wise over favorably inclined to
the late Provisional Governor, discredit these
statements and, for ourselves, we would be
loath to believe them on even much better au
thority than that of some Washington scribbler.
So far, indeed, from advising reinforcements,
the letter published in our issue of yesterday,
from Mr. James Johnson to Mayor Wilkins,
of Columbus, shows he has used his influence
to procure the removal of those black despera
does who, in garrisoning that city, were the
constant source of brawling, outrage and dis
order. As to the continuance of the Bureau,
the Executive declaration that that organization
is to be of force for a year longer would have
rendered unnecessary any recommendation as
to its continuance, even had Mr. Johnson,
which wc do not believe, made such sugges
tion. And, lastly, as to in this State
being in a very unsatisfactory condition, that
statement might very well have been made
without its being any derogation from the
truth. Things are in a very unsatisfactory con
dition here, 60 unsatisfactory that no man could
do us a better service than to lay them exactly
befoye the Northern people, that they may de
termine whether a return to Constitutional rule
shall make us prosperous, peaceful, and amica
bly disposed, or a further Radical rule keep us
oppressed, robbed, and insulted, with sore
hearts and plundered properties.
State Items.
A Gold Mine. —The Macon Telegraph tells
of the finding of a gold mine, lately discovered
in the Floyd House in that city. It seems that
on making some repairs in that building a por
tion of the cornice was removed, whereupon a
small shower of gold pieces came tumbling out.
Sixty dollars in all was the yield of this placn-,
the precious deposit falling into the hands of
an old indy, Mrs. Friend, who occupied that
portion of the Floyd. Quite an excitement
was caused by the discovery, and it is thought
some wounded Confederate, at the time the
building was used as a hospital, placed the
money there for safe keeping, and leaving his
little hoard unrevealed, was carried off, poor
fellow, to his long home.
The stockholders of the Coosa River Steam
boat Company elected, on the sth inst., the fol
lowing officers: Samuel Noble, President; N.
J. Bayard, Treasurer, and H. M y Anderson,
Secretary, and those gentlemen, together with
James Noble, Sr., and Jno. W. Noble, were
elected Directors, to serve till next annual
meeting.
The ladies of the Baptist church in Griffin
were to give a supper last night for the purpose
of raising funds to buy a hell for their house of
worship, that article, with its fellows of the
other churches, having been sent, to Gen. Beau
regard during the war to melt into cannon.
Professor (?) Searl is now on the rampage
through Georgia, lately appearing at Macon and
soon to perform in Milledgeville, on which oc
casion we see it stated, with heartfelt sorrow,
that no colored persons are to have admission.
The Rome Courier says that the hog cholera
is making sad havoc among the hogs in the vi
cinity of that place, and suggests a very simple
remedy. It is to remove a certain black sub
stance that may be found in the mouth and jaw
bone.
The Georgia. Baptist convention, for 1866,
will meet at Macon, on Friday before the fourth
Sunday in April next, P. 11. Mell, Moderator.
There is considerable complaint in Macon
over the delay in the receipt of goods from the
North, the detention being in some cases of
from twenty-five to thirty days.
The contractor for the building of the bridges
over the Etowah and Qostanaula rivers, at this
place, is now at work on the one over the Oos
tanaula, and will have it finished, good weather
favoring, in six weeks.—Howie Courier, Bth.
The Rock Island Paper Mill Company, near
Colnmbus, (la., announces their purpose of re
building their paper works.
[From the Philadelphia Age.
The Higher Law,
A great many honest, persons, trained from
youth up to reverence the Constitution as the
supreme law of the land, have been puzzled in
past years to know what the Abolitionists
meant by the “ higher law ” which they invoked
people to obey, to the disregard of all their civil
obligations.. There was something rather start
ling to plain people in a system of jurispru
dence which, while it took precedence of any
other, could be framed and interpreted to suit
the convenience of each philosopher who be
took himself to its study, and cast aside the irk
some and vulger restraints of the “lower law.”
It afforded a sublime plea for rogues of every
description who were delighted to be put in
possession of a code so flexible and so potent
to override the provisions of the common sta
tute book. Instead of being “moved and se
duced by the instigation of'the devil,” as the
impolite phrase of the indictment would have
it, the gentleman of light fingers or bloody
ones—a Beast Butler or a John Brown, as the
case might be—was enabled, if caught, to as
sume the face of a martyr suffering for love ot
law, instead of that of a culprit brought to jus
tice for violating it. So far, indeed, was this
most convenient system of personal and pri
vate legislation carried, that the Abolitionists of
Boston made a hero of a preacher of their faith
who was held to answer for the very practical
and material offense of carrying off his neigh
bor’s wife. Although it was quite impossible
to associate Brother Kalloch’s crime in any way
with the cause of emancipation—the lady in
question being white, straight-haired and
free-born—yet bis devoted admirers, after a
careful reference to the “higher law,” discover
ed that this fancy for females wearing other
rings was merely an excessive
development of humane sympathies—one of
the little eccentricities of philanthropy the
overflowing of a heart whose, gushing affections
even millions of enthralled blacks were incapa
ble to entirely absorb. Consequently Brother
Kalloeh’s days in jail—the minions of the “low
er law” brutally carried him there—were so
laced by the visits of the sympathetic committees
—the pinchbeck spectacles of admiring maid
ens .glittered through the grating of his cell—
codfish balls of rare flavor, compounded by fair
hands, and pumpkin pies of dainty golden hue,
appeased tlie appetite of the holy man—and,
when his prison doors are last swung open a
delighted multitude bore him to the sanctuary,'
where (if he is not again in limbo) we presume
he is still expounding the “higher law.” We
contracted, somehow, a bitter prejudice against
the celestial and intangible code of the Aboli
tionists at the time of Brother Kalloeli’s mar
tyrdom, which we have never been able to shake
off.
But although our contempt for the “ higher
law ” has not materially increased since that
shameful case filled the newspapers, we have
seen, since the Abolitionists became masters of
the Government, outrages perpetrated under its
pretended sanction which are a shame to any
people, and for which onr children’s children
will despise the memory of their fathers. We
have seen every refinement of cruelty, every ap
pliance of despotism, engrafted upon institu
tions which were meant to secure above all
things the liberty of the people. We have seen
the press silenced and its conductors bound and
imprisoned. We have seen public, speakers kid
napped and dragged away to jail for telling the
tryth to meetings ot free bora citizens. We have
seen the Legislature of a sovereign State trans
formed by the magic of the bayonet into a chain
gang of starved and wretched prisoners, poor in
everything but spirit, stripped of everything
but the austere manhood which leads pilgrim ,
feet to the prison-house of the patriot, and
makes it a more glorious dwelling than the pal
aces of kings. We have seen every right which 1
the Constitution was made to protect violated ]
shamelessly, repeatedly, and with taunting defi- ,
ance of the remonstrances of the Wronged. We
see to-day the spectacle of a lawless and ruth- '
less band of demagogues, sitting in the seats of 1
power, pulling to pieces and patching with the
rotten rags of 6clfish suggestion the great char- (
ter of our liberties, dedicating their energies not
to the restoration of this Union, but to the over- j
throw and degradation of the sovereign States
which built up its glory. These are some of the ,
results of repudiating the written bond which .
united us, the common statute book which de
fined what we owe to the law, and what the law 1
owes to us, and substituting in their stead the
“ higher law,” whose provisions are as capri- .
cious and shifting as |the mad, wild will of the *
fanatic and demagogue. 0
■ t
The Freedmen’s Bureau in Marshall county, 1
Tenn., has made itself obnoxious to the inhabit- t
ants. • c
OUB PABIS OOBBESPONDENOE.
Gaiety of tfe Capital—The Carnival —Political
Affairs — The Emperor's Address—Discussion
on Mexican Affairs—The Elections —The Ro
man Question — Danubian Principalities —
Meeting of Sovereigns—Spanish Affairs. —
Marshal O'Donnell—Paris Gossip—The Mu
sical World —The Cholera, Etc., Etc.
Paris, February 14,1866.
To the Editor of the Constitutionalist:
Sir : All Paris is dancing, and spending its
time in the follies of carnival, which is now on
its legs, as in a few days we shall have to put
on sack cloth and ashes and repent. The peo
ple of Paris avail themselves of the few days of
liberty allowed them to have their 'ding, to
make use of a not very distinguished but ex
pressive saying. The members of the upper
classes are no less joyous at present, for we
have balls at the Admiralty, balls at the Home
Office; and all the Paris press, for want of mat
ter, tire its readers with most minute descrip
tions of the costumes worn at the different
masked entertainments.
DISCUSSION OF THE ADDRESS BY THE SENATE
now occupies the attention of politicians. Up
to the present time we have had but two
speeches worthy of attention— those of the Mar
quis de Boisy and of Marshal Forey. The witty
and original Marshal said many foolish thing#,
and some wise ones. His opinion is that the
Emperor must fall if liberty is not granted to
the people. The Marquis, afterwards, said that
he detested the English, and that he was delight
ed at the Fenian movement; that the Turcos
were only brought over from Africa to crush
the people in case of revolution, etc., etc. —
Prince Napoleon, he said, was a seditious per
son, and should be narrowly watched. I will
spare you the rest of his speech, which caused
great hilarity among the members of the Senate.
Mods. Rouber protested, in the name of the
Government, against this insinuation of the
noble Marquis, specially as regards the latter
part of his speech. You must not conclude
from this that the Imperial cousins hare made
up their last brouille, but that Mr. Rouber had a
duty to perform, as Prince Napoleon, a few
days before his departure for Italy, had infiorm
ed the Minister that if he did not promise to
take his defense, if attacked, he would postpone
his journey, in order to do so in person. The
Emperor, fearing a second edition of his
cousin’s speech in Ajaccio, the Minister was or
dered to do as the Prince desired.
MARSHAL FORET
spoke at length on the Mexican question. The
former leader of the expedition opposed the re
turn of the French troops; on the contrary, rein
forcements and mcmey should be sent out to
complete the work begun. The proposition
was received with of dissent. The
Minister Rouber wished to inform the deputies
that the Marshal’s opinions were personal—it is
believed that Forey had been commissioned to
feel the ground, and Mons. Rouber was to blame
ortoapprove,asthecasemightbe. The Emperor
still clings to his favorite idea of protecting the
Latin races against the Anglo-Saxon on the
American continent, an* it is much against his
will that he is induced to give up the Mexican
question. Monsieur Rouber declared that the
French troops will soon he recalled. The only re
maining question to be settled is the Roman,
and that of increased liberty to the people. The
French press has for the last month been the
object of renewed attacks from the agents of the
Government; alarmed by the menaces of the
Moniteur, it Is afraid to make any comment of the
debates of the corps legislatif and the Senate.
THE CORPS LEGISLATIF
is muofi more stirring than the Senate ; the
greater part of the deputies are alive to the ne
cessity of giving satisfaction to public opinion.
It is evident that the greater part o( (heir eon
stitutents wish for liberal measures; they threat
en not to re-elect theth in 1869, if then neglect
to urge the Government to act wist less se
verity towards the French. Monsieur Emile Oli
vier, who is at the head of tie nttv mixed
liberal party, will, it is thought, give the Govern
ment gome trouble.
. the 94th of febrtjart.
An election will take place in the Jlt is
well known that tlic tilth of Febru ry is the
anniversary of the revolution of 1848, i hieh gave
the people universal rrHfhq>e. The* are four
candidates, but thdvhoifrcfl are de idedly iu
j favor of the opposition man, who, ts elected,
will assuredly be found in the ranks of those
who impdtegsly demand an extehsio i of liber
ty. In the meantime, the French Government
is taking every means of strengthening the
Pope’s power, Ks a great many French officers
and soldiers will be allowed to take service in
the Pontificial army. I must not o<iit to in
form you of
A PIOUB STRATAGEM. f
A papal recruiting office has been fpenccl at
Arian (Savoy.) Several who have cnlsted un
fortunately turn out to be heretics. That was
to be done ? The Roman Cardinals Mould not
like to be defended by any others thaijorthodox
muskets. We hear the baptismal raster lias
been extracted from the vestry roqn of the
Protestant parish church of St. Qjrmaiii, of
Geneva, and false acts substituted, stowing that
the enlisted Protestants were never frotestants
at all, but born in tfae holy Roman Catholic
Church. The act is certified by Henry,
the rector of the parish of St. Germaii, who, in
a letter, published in the papers, conplains of
the thefts from his registry, as much # the Pope
would if the keys of St. Peter were tften from
him.
THE ROMAN QUESTION
is getting a troublesome one, always on the
tapis, and more involved.'Onc would fancy that
the nations of Europe had an interest in not
settling it. You know that the new kingdom of
Italy has been recognized by Isabella. However,
in the red back (diplomatic documents) dis
tributed to the Cortes, the Ambassador of Spain
in Paris writes to his Government of the step
he has taken to obtain a promise from M.
Drouyn de L’Huys never to quit Rome, and of
his efforts to place the sovereign Pontiff un
der the protection of the R. C. powers. More
over, the Senor de Casto maintained in the
Spanish Chamber that the temporal power of
the Pope was necessary for the free exercise of
the spiritual authority of the papacy.
The question is the following: What will be
done in case the Roman people should rise
against the authority of the Pope, when the
French troops have left the Eternal City.—
Mous. Drouyn de L’Huys has often said that the
French Government would protect the Italy
See, but it could never prevent its committing
suicide. We must conclude from this that the
temporal power of the Pope is condemned, but
that everything will be done bur the Catholie
States of Europe to retard its fall.; The Roman
Government feels this, and is Os course very
airy to Victor Emanuel. Pio Nono has just
written a letter of condolence totheKingof
Italy on the loss of his son, Prince Odone.—
The Roman question is being now debated in
the French Senate ; several Cardinals and Sena
tors are opposed to the withdrawal of the
troops from Rome, and demand a restitution of
the provinces taken from the Pope by Pied
mont in 1860. Mons. Bonjean replied that Ro
man Catholicism, by its excesses of late years,
had been the cause of the re-action against its
encroachments, and that the Roman people had
a right to keep or reject the Pope as a tempo
ral sovereign. Mr. Rauber, in the name of the
French Government, stated that the Papal tem
poral power was guaranteed by the convention
of the 15th September, but it would not take
any engagement after the withdrawal of the
troops.
THE DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES.
A new ministry has just been named at Buch
arest—the twenty-seventh since the reign of
Prince Couza. The late minister Cell for having
granted several monopolies, contrary to the
law. Thus, you see despotism is not an easy
matter in some countries. In Prussia it is quite
another thing. Herr Von Bismark, being
being backed by a large and powerful army, can
do as he likes. A slight agitation took place a
few days ago jn the streets of Berlin, during
the protestation of the deputies against the de
cree of the ministry, rendering the members of
Parliament responsible for their speeches. The
relations between Austria and Prussia are no
louger so friendly as they were. The former
country is trying to regaiu’its former position
of a liberal power in Germany, whilst Prussia
is governing the population of Schleswig-Hol
stein with an iron hand. Austria is allowing
them to have it all their own way. It is re
ported that Herr Von Bismark declares it im
possible for things to go on in the Duohies in
this way any longer, and he proposes the re
establishment of a government common to the
two Duchies, which Herr Von Mcnsdorff, the
Austrian Minister, has refused- There is much,
talk of
A MEETING BETWEEN FRANZ JOSEPH AND NA
POLEON 111.,
which will be brought about by the interven
tion of Prince Metternich, which may have un
pleasant consequences “for Prussia.
It is certain that the Prussian Minister has
proposed to the King so abandon the idea of
annexing the Duchies to Prussia, but to attach
them to the Prussian Crown a» is the Duchy of
Hanenbvrg, leaving them in possession of all
their ancient privileges. It is for the execution
of this plan that Herr Von BLunark is in want
of Austria, as the latter must renounce the con
vention of Gattein and lehvfe the exterior gov
ernment of Holstein to Prussia. As Franz Jo
seph will not agree tp this, it is affirmed that
Herr Von Bismark will carry out his plans,
should a rupture between Austria and Prussia
he the consequence.
1 MARSHAL O’DONNEL
is playing at Von Bismark in Spain. The press
is now being hunted down. An editor of one
of the first papers was last week condemned to
6even years imprisonment. Order has been re
established, but the shooting of those led away
by Prim still continues. The Chilian question
is now the order of the day. The Government
refuses to give letters of marque until it is offi
cially proved that the Chilians have taken a
similar step. The Minister of Finance assures
us that the financial state of the country is bet
ter than was expected. Private correspondence,
however, informs ns that such is not the case
that there is not a maravadie in the State coffers,
and that the country is on the eve of bankruptcy,
etc. To all these evils we must add the cam
paign against Chili.
PARIS CHIT CHAT.
I told you at the beginning of my letter that
all Paris has been dancing for the last month.
There have been a great many balls in the
monde officiel, and more especially mashed balls.
The votaries of fashion have been racking their
brains to invent original costumes, as those wo
have had hitherto have become stale, flat and
unprofitable. Mad. , the wife of one of the
members of the Diplomatic Corps, appeared at
the admiralty ball as the arch-angel Michael,
which caused much slander and indignation.—
There is now a great tendency amongst the
ladies to return to the costume of the time of
our common mother, Eve, as the dresses are
becoming every day more and more decolletic.
If things go on infhis way we shall be able to
say, “Ladies, if your heads were cut off, 1
should know you, nevertheless /” But you know
we have full liberty to do everything we like in
France, save talking politics.
Those who turn np their noses at the frivo
lous pleasures of the day, and spend their time
in perusing the newest literary works of the
day, as they appear, will read Mons. Taine’s
last work,
TRAVELS IN ITALY,
with unbounded pleasure. Mons. Taine is well
known for his celebrated work on the history
of English literature. The mania for writing is
nowin all classes of society, and weare shortly to
have the Memories of Pcuoet, who was executed
at Versailles the other day. They were written by
himself after his condemnation.
The masked balls have been very prejudial to
the theatres of Paris during carnival time.—
However, I can mention two novelties —one at
the Opera Comique, and another at the Varie
ties. The title of the opera is Fior d'Aliza, a
subject well known to those familiar with the
wprks of Lamartine. The extravaganza at the
Varieties is called La Carbe Bleue , and causes
roars of laughter from beginning to end, to
crowded audiences. This piece will, no doubt,
have as great a run as the same author’s play,
Orphie aux Eufers, so successful in London a
year or two ago. Thoughtless Paris is, there
fore, amusing itself as best it can, en attendant ,
the terrible epidemic
which it is said is to visit us in the coming spring.
The weather has been so mild this winter that
the flowers in the gardens of Paris arc beginning
to bloom, and the trees are throwing out their
leaves. The cholera is still at Brest, and iu
Spain, and it is generally feared that it will re
turn to the capital if energetic measures be not
resorted to to keep it from our doors. We
have not entered into Lent, and as the amuse
ments of Paris will be reduced to concerts and
theatres, we shall have ampletimeto lay in sack
cloth and attend to more serioutf matters. The
project of ranking a bridge of boats between
Calais and Dover meets with much approbation
on this side of the Channel, and Lord Malmes
bury, who takes great interest iu it, has al
ready had an audience of (lie Emperor on the
subject.
We have not yet got rid of the London pick
pockets, who are reaping a rich harvest in the
French capital. We must soon do as ou
neighbors, and write up everywhere, “take
care of your pockets.
From Cordova.
We had the pleasure of a call yesterday from
a friend who 101 l Mexico on the lid ult., coming
byway of New Orleans. Os the future pros
pects of that country, and of the condition of
the emigrants from the Southern States who
have gone there, he gave a most flattering re
port- He regards the Empire of Maximilian as
established beyond question,- unless defeated by
unfriendly interference on the part of this
country. He represents the more substantial
class of Mexicans favorably disposed towards
his government—the opposition under Juarez
as insignificant and daily weakening—and that
even aJorge portion of the Liberal forces would
prefer the rule of Maximilian to intervention on
the part of the United States, believing that
such intervention would only result in subject
ing their territory to further absorption on our
part, and the establishment of our, not their,
sway over it. He reports the financial condi
tion of the Empire very diflerently from that
reported by the correspondents of the New
York press, and that the military force, instead
of diminishing by the withdrawal of French
troops is daily increasing. That army in fu
ture is to be a Mexican, instead of a French ar
my, a part of the new Empire, composed prin
cipally of recruits |from the present French ar
my and others brought to him from Austria ;
that this army is a finely disciplined and an ef
fective body of men, while the guerrilla bands
under Juarez are mere marauders, disorganized
and inefficient. *
The emigrants from the Southern States who
have sought homes in Mexico—the number of
which is reported as daily increasing—though
principally at Cordova, arc distributed in vari
ous others towns and sections of the country.
They have enjoyed excellent health and are
generally industrious and hopeful. Whilst the
majority arc turning their attention to the agri
cultural pursuits, some have scoured contracts
in constructing railroads and telegraphs, others
are engaged in trade and in clerking. Our in
formant thinks there is no difficulty in finding
employment, and represents the country as
inviting to all who are willing to work, but not
to idlers.
We are further informed that in becoming a
. citizen allegiance is pledged to the Mexican
Government, and only to Maximilian by impli
cation ; and it is nnderstood and recognized
that, in the event of his failure to make good
his claims to the Empire, they are the rightful
, subjects of whatever Government prevails, and
the grants now being made to emigrants are
recognized as valid by both the Juarez and
Maximiliau parties ; and for this reason, in
part, payment for lands are deferred for the pe
riod of five years. It is expressly provided
furthermore that emigrants from this country
are not to be received into the army, and, as a
consequence, they are not interferred with by
the opposing factions.
Our informant has purchased him a farm and
planted a crop, commencing on a small scale,
within twenty miles of Jalapa. He has had no
difficulty in getting laborers at $8 a month, but
they are of a very indifferent character. Out of
seven days these Mexican hirelings will perform
about three days good work. He has planted
some sugar cane, but expects to give bis atten
tion principally to the raising of stock. The
country around Cordova is better adapted to
coffee, but labor is higher. Gov. Harris is pay
ing sls per month.
Living in Mexico is very cheap. A few arti
cles, however, commanded a high price. Flour,
for instance, is worth $45 per barrel, meal only
19c. per bushel. Beef is cheap, except in the
City of Mexico, where it sells as high as 10c.
Chocolate is considered the most profitable
crop. Next to that, coffee.
Our friend called on Genera] Canby ns he
came through New Orleans, and learned his
disposition as to parties wishing to sail from
that port for Mexico. Genera] C. has no in
structions to interfere with immigrants going
to that country in good faith. His recent inter
ference was prompted by the improper conduct,
of imprudent parties representing themselves
hostile to the Government, and seeking to join
the army of Maximilian. Parlies going to Mex
ico to settle should get a certificate of the
amount paid out as passage money, iu order
that it may be refunded by the colonization
agent on their arrival there. The foregoing is
a brief synopsis of the information given us by
our friend. We publish it for the benefit of
those wiy> feel an interest in the subject.
The gentleman alluded to returned to the
United States for the families of himself and
friend. He expects to pass through this city in
ten or twelve days, on his return, and wiil take
charge of any letters that persons may wish to j
send by him. They should be directed to the
care of this office.— Nash ville Union.
Trial of Major Gee.—The trial of Major
Gee, who was in charge of the military prison
at Salisbury, North Carolina, during Confede
rate times, is stiil going on at Raleigh. The
charge against him is the same old hue and cry
—“inhuman treatment of prisoners." fio far ns
we have been able to read the evidence, as pub
lished in the Raleigh papers, nothing lias yet
been elicited to sustain the charge.
It will be recollected that before Stoneman’s
forces entered Salisbury, Major Gee escaped
with the prisoners left, and went to Georgia,
and gave himself up of Augusta, Georgia, sub
sequent to General Johnson’s surrender to Gen
eral Sherman. Major Gee then proceeded to
Florida, and was there arrested in November
last, on a charge of treating prisoners under
him “with inhumanity and barbarity, and being
guilty of conduct not in accordance with the
rules of war.” Since then he has been in close
custody. The Northern correspondents, who
are writing a good deal about this trial, say
there is a great interest felt in the trial there by
“the secesh of Raleigh, particularly the female
part,” who sympathize deeply with Gee. His
friends claim that he is not responsible for this
treatment. Gee pleads that by the terms of ca
pitulation agreeed upon by Sherman and John
ston, and the parole granted to the officers and
soldiers wlm> surrendered under General John
ston, that the United States, by its accredited
agents, pledged its faith that these officers and
soldiers shall not be molested so long as they
comply with the terms of their parole.
f Richmond Examiner.
New mines of great richness have been dis
covered at Montana. A gentleman recently
realized SSOO of the precious metal from eight
wagon loads of dirt, taken from the Eureka
lists.
Beply of Hon. Joshua Hill.
Subjoined we publish certain portions of Mr.
Hill’s reply to the late circular letter of Hon.
Alexander H. Stephens, a reply elsewhere edi
torially alluded to. This rejoinder begins: "To
the Sixty-nine Special Legislative Friends of
Hon. A. 11. Stephens," and after some general
remarks proceeds as follows:
I have never sought to depreciate the effort
of Mr. Stephens before the Legislature in 1860,
to prevent secession. It was meritorious. But
I did complain at the time, and have continued
to complain, that he did not refuser to sign the
Ordinance of Secession, then move to refer it
to the people, and upon the refusal of the ma
jority, to submit it to the popular vote, then
call upon the friends of the people to withdraw
with him from the Convention. Years ago I
expressed to Hon. B. H. Hill, my regrets that
he himself did not take that course.
It is not pleasant to advert to it, even at this
distance of but the truth of history de
mands it. What public man, of all Georgia,
besides myself, was publicly burned in effigy in
more places than one in his own State, soou af
ter the fatal act of secession was adopted ?
Think you it was because I favored disunion ?
Was that then regarded a crime V What seces
sionist was treated in like manner ? Was Mr.
Stephens the object of such contempt ? To
which of you am I under obligations for de
nouncing such unjustifiable and vindictive dis
plays of feeling toward me? I pray you make
me sensible of my indebtedness, that I may
thank you. Was it for inertness in the defense
of the Union, tbat I was thus contemned and
despised by infuriated mobs ? No; the friends
of true liberty and order are never demonstra
tive ; they are quiet and thoughtful.
# * * * #
Pardon me if I show some anxiety to refute
the prevailing idea of your letter, to-wit: that I,
at best, was a mere passive friend of the Union,
of doubtful character, while Mr. Stephens was
enthusiastic and devoted. I did not begin to
make Union speeches in 1860. I began five
years before that, in denunciation of that un
fortunate measure, jenown as the Kansas bill—
the greatest blunder, except, perhaps, the de
feat of the Clayton Compromise, ever made in
American politics. I made no other but Union
speeches from that time to this day.
I made many very thorough Union speeches
in 1859 and 1860; several in the autumn of
1859, in Georgia, all of which appealed to the
people to submit quietly and peaceably, as
good citizens, to the probable election of Mr.
Lincoln. I answered Mr. Wm. L. Yancey, who
was regarded pretty generally as a respectable
advocate of disunion. We both spoke in the
State House of Maryland about the last of Sep
tember, 1860. The next evening I spoke to
many thousand in Baltimore, irom the same
stand with Governor Swan, Senator Kennedy 1
and Representative Webster. The press said it ,
was a Union speech, and complimented it very i
highly. Two days afterwards I addressed a I
large meeting in Washington City, as many can
testify. But, of course, you never heard any
thing of all this, and refused to listen to any
thing I said. I received some substantial testi
monials of regard lrom a Boston gentleman,
for my reply to Mr. Yancey. You iaay not
know it, but I cau assure you that the great
orator of Alabama was quite as earnest in his
declamation as was Mj. Toombs, and altogether
as powerful. I never claimed any more credit
for “measuring arms with the great orator on
that occasion,” than I have for discussing with
Mr. Toombs or Mr. Stephens. I never heard
any one compliment Hon. B. 11. Hill on his ex
hibition of nerve for raising his voice in favor
of the then despised Union. I believe no one
was killed or hurt for doing it. On the contra
ry, I have heard that such was the courtesy of
the excited period that Mr. Toombs himself, at
the close of Mr. Stephens’ speech, called for
three cheers for the gifted orator, which were
freely given.
I wrote a letter in December, 1860, over my
own name, published in the Southern Recorder,
first urging the people to require pledges of
their d<:leg®es, in writing, before electing them,
to submit the action of thc convention to the
popular vote, in which I was sevcjc on seces
sion. But it escaped your attention—like all
my labors.
Somo of you are aware that I am a member
of the still existing late convention. I commit
ted a grave error in that body in consenting to
abandon my announced intention to insist on a
reconsideration of the vote adopting the ordi
-1 nance repealing the ordinance of secession, for
; the purpose of declaring said ordinance “abso
-1 lutely null and void.” I gave at the time, my
: reasons, abating nothing of my principles and
! opinions, but reluctantly yielding to the solici
tations offriends of the Union, and being anx
i ions to avoid discussion calculated to produce
1 discord and bitterness.
Had I reflected properly on the sustaining
I effect of the word “ repeal,” upon the doctrine
I of secession—the right of a State to secede
i from the Union—and as a consequence, the
! legality of all indebtedness incurred by sncli
1 State for the prosecution of a war in defense of
i the right of secession, I could not have been
; induced to forego my purpose. I could not
have obtained a majority for the support of my
views. It was manifest that a majority were
opposed io repudiation of the war debt, and
that it was only carried by some yielding to the
repuirements of the President, and a greater
number remaining silent.
■ \ It may interest some who will take the pains
■ j to read what I write, to learn a few political in-
F i eidents known to myself and others, which I
\ relate merely to increase the evidence of my
■ KooiJ standing as a Union man, with eminent
; ' Unionists, at, a time when there was some
merit in being a Union .man. True love of the
! Union is like genuine, heartfelt piety. It is
l uniform, forbearing; exhibiting itself
; in every act, and, without effort, convincing
: ; all men of its deep sincerity. And, wliat is
: more, it is independent of the frowns or blan
[ i dishments of men. Washington was its imper
i | sonation. How few were capable of appreem
; ting his gaml patriotism—his exalted love of
j country!
I first saw and heard read the celebrated Crlt
, 1 tenden Compromise resolutions in December,
j IS6O. I was invited to a room in Brown’s Ho
tel, Washington, and there met some half dozen
' i moderate, but prominent members of -the Re
publican party, I being the only Southern man
present. Our host, a distinguished statesman
and accomplished lawyer oi' Indiana, then in
i attendance on the Supreme Court, produced the
! famous “peace offering,” in t his own elegant
hand, and submitted it to the gentlemen present
for tlieir consideration and criticism. This no-
I ble man still lives, pledged never to accept po-
I litical office. Should this chance to meet his
J eye lie will not fail to recall the scene. I men
tion this to show the esteem in which I was
held by these national men, and the interest I
' felt for the preservation of the Union.
I recall, with melancholy interest, my last in
terview with my Indiana friend.' It was by his
own fireside iu Washington. Georgia had se
ceded, and I, against the advice of true and
, sagacious friends, was preparing to return to
my home. Both of us were mourning the folly
and madness that menaced the peace of the
country. lie drew a vivid picture of the inevi
table conflict he saw approaching, and feelingly
suggested that his sou and mine might meet in
i deadly strife, strangers to each other, and one
of them might fall by the other’s hand. It may
have been prophetic. Few can ever know what
I have lost, and fewer still will care. Many
think I was but too fortunate in preserving my
own far spent life. I appeal not to man for
sympathy, and yet 1 have met it, when it fell
upon ray crushed heart as the gentle dew on
withering flowers. It came not from the hearts
of unfeeling politicians. Oh, secession; seces
i siou ! “Thy bruise is incurable, and thy wound
i is grievous,” and yet thou livest unrebuked in
i Georgia.
• • * • # # *
You charge that I became a candidate for
Governor, and “ tried to get an office, the ob
taining of which must have made it impossible
for him (me) to take the oath,” &e. I was no
more a candidate for Governor than was Mr.
Stephens a candidate for Senator. I deny try
j ing to be elected. I refused to review the ad
ministration of Governor Brown, and condemn
it, when assured that by doing so I could con
centrate upon myself the opposition to him
and thereby keep down a third candidate. “ Soli
tary and alone,” on the floor of Congress, I
had censured his unlawful seizure of the United
States Arsenal at Augusta, and Fort Pulaski,
near Savannah. The secession convention af
teward approved his action, and thereby re
buked me. With which of us did you sympa
thize?
In permitting my name to be voted for, I
only hoped to form the nucleus of a Southern
conservative party, opposed to secession and
war, and favoring peace. I called four or five
of my most trusted friends living in this town
and vicinity, all of whom yet live, to bear me
witness that, under no possible! circumstances,
would I ever yet take an oath to support the
Constitution of the Confederate States, or the
Government or laws thereof. We examined
the official oath of the Governor, and concluded
that, to him, as the civil and military head of
the State, the oath for civil officers only , did uot
apply. And if it had, and I could have been
elected, I would have spurned it. In doing so,
I should have made more character than I could
by filling the office. The gentlemen to whom I
refer are men of high character, and “have done
the State some service.” lam proud to claim
them :ts my friends, and they aie proud of my
principles and my course, which so few W'-'ll un
derstand.
The secession and war press denounced my
letter and its author. How many of you de
fended the letter, and vindicated me? The lov
ers of peace, and the honest haters of disunion
j voted for me, when not driven from the polls
i by secession bullies. Some of you are late iu
discovering my strong anti-reconstruction sen
timents. How many of you denounced me as
aUnionist-rceonstructiooist, and every tiling ob
jectionable, politically. Which of you made
speeches against, me? Did Union men com
plain of me ? No, they rejoiced at the oppor
tunity of voting for a man in whom they trust
ed. Your course lias made them only more
devoted to me. They constantly testify their
regard for me. They remember fondly that I
labored to prevent disunion, and that I never
“bowed the keu to baal.”
* # f ♦ * *
1 declined all invitations tq visit the armies,
or to speak at any point. I made no defense to
the assaults upon me, charging me with love of
the Union and opposition to the war. In my
letter, I declared the utter impossibility of re
storing the lost Union as it was. Ido not see
that it has been returned to us unchanged. It
possessed many features calculated to endear it
to the people everywhere, that have been sadly
altered by war. 1 rejoice tjiat it cannot be said
of me that I, in any manner, assisted iu pro
ducing these innovations. How many of you
admire my course in refusing to vote for any
officer of the Confederate Government ? Do
you not think that it would have been more
praiseworthy to have even sought place under
it ? How many, and whicli of you, made
speeches and arguments to soldiers to detec
them from voting for met
In a gallant regiment, to which some oi
you belonged, and of which six or seven com
panies went from my old Congressional Dis
trict—one of them from my own county, com
posed of the sons of my neighbors and friends,
and of my own son— l received one single vote.
That was an independent, high-souled private,
who dared to do what he conceived to be his
duty. Many of theso brave soldiers had been
accustomed to vote for me for Congress, even
against the advice of Mr. Stephens and Mr.
Toombs, but, on this trying occasion they could ;
not incur the odium. They liked me person*!- 1
ly, as I believe some of you do, but thought I
loved the Union “ not wisely, but too well ”
I lost the support of the only very influen
tial paper that advocated for a time my elec
tion, by promptly refusing, when required, to
say that I would not consent to live under the
same Government with the people of the free
States. The election went by, and though only
second in the race, as in the reeent one, I pre
served the respect of my friends and myself.
Success is not the trne test of merit.
“The rank is but the guinea’s stamp,
The man’s the gowd for a’ that.”
Lest the President should be imposed on,
some patriotic Georgian furnished him with a
copy of my letter. He understands it—he un
derstands us aJU He knows what suspended
loyalty means, and knows how to appreciate
new-born devotion to the Union.
# * * * #
You are all satisfied that I am powerless in
Georgia, but you are not so well assured that
your condemnation of me is destructive 6f my
influence at Washington. It becomes necessa
ry, now, to insure that. You may succeed in
convincing those who control the Government
that the organization of a stupendous rebellion
to overthrow the constitutional Government of
your country, the sacrifice of hundreds of thou
sands of valuable lives lost in trying to main
tain the supreme authority, together with, the
slaughtered thousands cruelly seduced or driven
to take arms as insurgents, is a light affair.
You may, by ingenious argumentation, prove
that the men most to be trusted by the Govern
ment arc not those most prominently and con
spicuously identified with the rebel Govern
ment ; the men whose names must live in his
tory, more on account of the high places they
occupied in the rebel Government than'for any
thing they ever did in the service of their law
ful Government. But when yon succeed, in all
this, then cover over with a thick veil the
niches in your capitol that may contain the
statues of Washington, Jackson, Webster and
Clay, and forbid your countrymen to look upon
them again. Then will the revolution prove a
triumph, and the Union become a phantom.
Respectfully,
Joshua Hill.
Madison, Ga., February 10th, 1806.
LATEST NEWS.
New .York, March 7.— The Times’ Washing
ton special says: There has recently been a con
vention of internal revenue officers of the
Southern States at Atlanta, Georgia, which ap
pointed a committee, consisting of Assessor
Bowles, of Augusta, Georgia, and Collector
Moses, of Sumter, South Carolina, to proceed
to Washington, for the purpose of urging upon
Congress the modification of the test oath, so
far as it affects assistant assessors and depu
ty collectors, under the advice of the Secretary
of the Treasury, and in consequence of the im
possibility for obtaining men who could take
the test oath. Assistants have been appointed
in many cases who could only partially qualify.
To urge Congress to do this is the first object
of the committee, failing in which they will
urge that the salaries of these sasistnnts be
made large enough to induce Northern men to
go and accept the offices.
Tite Tribune's Washington special says: The
district attorney for this District has been or
dered l>y the Treasury Department to commence
an action against Brig. Gen. R. D. Mussey, late
Private Secretary to President Johnson, to re
cover the sum of $28,000, which is alleged was
abstracted from the sum advanced him for re
cruiting, and for which it is claimed he has fail
ed to account.
lu pursuance of the report 4f the commis
sioners and chief engineer of the Central
Pacific railroad of California, the Solicitor of
the Treasury has submitted an opinion that the
company is entitled to bonds to the amount of
$040,000, the sum allowed per mile being
$32,000.
The Second Comptroller of the Treasury has
instructed the Second Auditor to require of all
claimants for arrears of pay or bounty for de
ceased soldiers of foreign birth, and who rep
resent themselves only as brothers, sisters or
widows of the deceased, to furnish duly authen
ticated evidence from the genealogical tables
of their native place before their claims he al
lowed.
Secretary McCulloch was assured yesterday
by several members of the Ways aiid Means
j Committee that as soon as the reciprocity mat-
I ter was disposed of, the loan bill would be call
ed up and finally disposed of. They also noti
j tied him that Mr. Stevens’ substitute would not
i prevail.
The Tribune's Washington special says:
I Another contribution from the Birmingham,
; England, Association, was yesterday received
| by Gen. Howard. The invoice consisted oi
j clothing, and amounted in value to over SI,OOO.
The money value of the articles heretofore con
} tributed by the same association is over $10,001),
j all of which was donated before the termina
! tion of the war.
Well authenticated reports have recently
reached (leu. C. Howard, Assistant, Commis
sioner of the Freedman’s Bureau for the Dis
trict of Columbia, Maryland, and several of the
eastern counties of Virginia, to the effect that
certain unprincipled and unauthorized persons
are engaged hi transferring freedmeu from lhd
] timore to Annapolis, where they are, by some
, process unknown, disposed of to their employ
ers at $lO per head. Stringent efforts are being
I made by the Bureau to ferret out and bring
| tlrem to justice.
The World's Washington special says: The
j House Committee on Military Affairs have com
pleted the bill for the increase of the regular
! army. It differs very materially from the Sen
| ate bill, and ignores the recommendations of
I Generals Sherman, Thomas and Meade. Itpro
-1 vides that the army shall be made up largely of
1 volunteers. The Vetran Reserve Corps is fully
provided for as an organization. It also pro-
I vides for the retention of several negro regi
-1 ments, to be officered by white men. Boards
! for the examination of officers are to consist of
| a majority of volunteer officers. The proposi
i lion to revive the grade of general will not be
: included. The probabilities are that the jeom-
I mittee will decline for the present to take any
action on the matter.
Washington, March 7.—The bill to amend
| an act to prevent the spread of foreign diseases
j among the cattle of the United States, approved
■ in December last, as it passed both houses, hav
ing been signed by the President, is made a law.
1 It provides that the importation of neat cattle
and hides of neat cattle from any foreign coun
try into the United States, is hereby prohibited,
provided, that the provisions of this act shall he
suspended as to any foreign country or conn
tries, or any ports of such country or countries
wherever the Secretary of the Treasury shall
j officially determine and give public notiee'there
| of, that such importation will not tend to the
, introduction or spread of contageous or infcc
| tious diseases among cattle of the' United States;
and the Secretary of the Navy is hereby author
ized and empowered to, and it shall be his duty,
j to make all necessary orders and regulations to
| carry this law into effect or to suspend it as
j therein provided, and to send copies thereof to
the proper officers in the United States, and to
such officers or agents of the United States in
foreign countries as he shall judge necessary.
The 2d section provides that the President of
! the United States whenever, in his judgment,
the importation of neat cattle, or hides of cat
tie, maybe made without danger of introduc
tion or spread of contagious or infectious dis
eases among cattle of the United States, may,
by proclamation, declare the provisions of this
act to be inoperative, and the same shall be af
terwads inoperative, and of no effect, from and
after 30 days from the day of said proclamation.
Section 3d provides that any person convict
ed of a wilful violation of any of the provisions
of this act shall be punished‘by a flue not ex
ceeding SSOO or imprisonment not exceeding
* one year, or by both, such fine and imprison
>r ment being in the discretion of the court.
b- New York, March 7.—A Washington special
le states that General Grant, and five members of
o his staff, left Washington this morning to at
r. tend the funeral of Col. Bowers, at West'
y- Point. Mr. Washburne and other members of
1- Congress from Illinois leave the city to-night to
n take part in the ceremonies,
i- A gentleman on board the train of the Hud
n son River railroad at the time of the accident
i- to Col. Bowers, gives the particulars of his
I death. The Colonel had left the car to obtain
d his satchel, and when he returned the train was
i, moving. He grasped the railing of the last car,
f- but holding the satchel in one hand, he lost his
s- foothold and fell between the cars and w r as
i- killed instantly. His clothing was torn off and
his head nearly severed from his body. He was
1 heard to exclaim as he fell, but it was impossi
n ble to stop the train. His remains were sent
d back to West Point in charge of an officer de
■c tailed by Gen. Grant.
n The General, who continued his journey to
e this city, was greatly affected by the melancholy
S event, declaring nothing had ever moved him
e so deeply. He spoke in the warmest terms of
e Colonel Bowers.
|j New York, March 7.—A bold robbery was
|f committed yestemoon, at the Broadway Bank,
corner of Park Place and Broadway. Mr. Jas.
Rowes went to the bank to deposit $3,737 23, in
two packages, and while counting the money,
j near the teller’s desk, he noticed a mau standing
j near by, and soon after felt au arm under his
* own, and at the same moment one of the pack-
L : age*, containing #2,283, was taken up. The
thief dodged into the hall, but was seized by
• Mr. Rowes, when he dropped the money and
started off again, but was subsequently arrested
by persons passing the bank door. The thief
’ turned out to be George Qardiner, alias Dutch
Henrich, who committed the celebrated gold
robbery at the Bank of Commerce, about a
1 year ago, and who was charged with a similar
4 robbery in Philadelphia, but who escaped pun
-1 iskment in both cases. He was committed for
" trial.
New York, March 7.—The Fenian excitc
-3 ment still continues. Public meetings were
- held last night in variqns parts of the city and
- at Brooklyn. Over one thousand dollars’ worth
-of bonds were subscribed for, and fifty muskets
• were presented by the friends of the cause. This
evening there is to be a grand maw meeting of
Fenians in Brooklyn, in front of the City Hall,
for which unusual preparations are being made.
A report alloat here to-day that the steamer
City of London, which sailed from here last
Saturday, has been captured by a Fenian priva-
undoubtly a canard.
New York, March 7.—Another financial son- <
sation case leaked out yesterday, involving a
serious charge against one Lewis Colin, for
merly the foreign clerk of Duncan, Sherman & (
Co., who is accused of abstracting $40,000 worth ,
of United States bonds and railroad securities '
deposited with the firm by parties traveling
abroad, who desired to obtain letters of credit.
It Is charged that Colin carried on ruinous
stock speculations, and finally confessed his
offense to his employers. The case was argued
before Judge Cardaso yesterday, on a motion
to discharge the prisoner from the county jail
under the Insolvent act. *
New York, March 7.—A Johnson meeting 1
was held last evening at Hudson City. Rests
lutions pledging the meeting to support the
President in liis veto and reconstruction policy
were unanimouslay adopted, the same being
ordered to be engrossed and forwarded to the
Representative of the District in Congress for
presentation to the President.
New York, March 7.— The Post says thaf in- 1
telligence has been received by one of the New
Orleams steamship companies in this city, that 1
a military order has been issued, ordering all
vessels arriving from the West Indies to be sub
ject to twenty-five days’ quarantine, as a pre*
caution against the introduction Os cholera,
BY TELEGRAPH.
* ASSOCIATED PRESS DISPATCHES.^
CONGRESSIONAL
Washington, March 9.
The House bill securing civil rights to all
persons, without regard to color, in the States,
was referred to the Jndiciary Committee.—
Many Republicans disagreed as to the consti
tutional power of Congress to pass it in its f
present shape, believing it invading to too
great an extent the rights of the States.
The Senate discussed the constitutional
amendment apportioning representation among
the States.
Henderson, of Missouri, offered a substitute
that no State in prescribing qualifications for
voting shall discriminate on account of color
or race. He said Ids own State (Missouri) will
give negro suffrage, and the whole South will he
compelled, within five years, to do likewise.—
The substitute was disagreed to, and the origi
nal resolution rejected. Sumner and other
Radicals voted against it.
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
Millkdgeville, March 9.
Tlie House defeated the Senate bill to adjust
equities between bill holders and stockholders
of insolvent banks by 19 majority.
The bill tt> allow aliens to own and dispose of
real estate was passed.
FROM WASHINGTON.
Washington, March 9.
A committee from the Maryland Legislature
on ; yesterday presented to the President reso
lutions which were adopted by that body ap
proving his policy.
The Kentucky delegatiou also presented the
proceedings of a meeting held at Frankfort,
Ky., endorsing the veto message.
The President, in response to both delega
tions, reiterated his determination to defend the
Constitution against all attacks, troin whatever
source they may emanate.
NEW YORK COTTON AND GOLD MARKET.
New Yoke, Mar eh 9.
Cotton dull with a decline of from one to two
cents. Sale.:’. 1.000 bales at 41a42e.
Gold 33 1-4.
Augusta Mark'.t.
Friday Evening, March 8.
COTTON.—The market continues quiet.
There was, however, some little inquiry, but
very little offering. A few sales were made
during the day, the market closing at yester
days quotations. Middlings to Striet Middlings
34a35, and good Middlings 30.
GOLD.—Market dull, at yesterdays prices.
General Intelligence.
The colored troops at City Point have been
paid off and mustered out of service.
The steamer Laura was sold at auction, in
Savannah, on Wednesday, and was purchased
by Captain Richard Johnson, for $6,000.
Magnetic iron ore has been discovered in
Hampshire county, Va. The ore yields 72 per
cent of pure metal.
General Joseph E. Johnston is in Washing
ton, testifying before the Reconstruction Com
mittee.
General Meade lias refused to accept the nom
ination oftbe Democratic convention, ns a can
didate for Governor of Pennsylvania.
Efforts are being made to re-establish the
Government gun shops and arsenal at Jlarper’s
Ferry.
No change is likely to be made in the Gov
ernment tux ou whiskey.
The total amount of national bank currency *
issued up to the Ist instant is $258,432, 790.
Samuel Nicholson, the alleged inventor of the
Nicholson pavement, lias sued the. city of Chi
cago on a charge of Infringing his patent. The
defense sets up tlie pavement in question was
patented and used in England many years pre
vious to the date of Nicholson’s patent in this
country, and also that it uvaa used in some of the
streets of Boston, with Nicholson's permission,
before he obtained a patent.
Three young ladies were frozen to death in
Morton county Minnesota, a few days ago.—
They were returning from singing school. —
Three young men attending them were so bad
ly frozen that they will lose some of their
limbs.
W. J. Coggeshall, of Ohio, has been appoint
ed Minister to Equador.
Two thousand bales of cotton .were destroyed
by fire in New York on the sth. Loss §500,000.
Twenty-seven thousand segars were seized in
a house at Louisville, Ky., on account of the
boxes being stamped with counterfeit revenue
stamps.
A young man named Hcnay Base, was mur
dered last Saturday night while attempting to
prevent a robbery on the estate of the late Mr.
Joseph Gales, near Washington, D. C.
The trial of Major Gee is now in progress at
Raleigh. It will be a month before it is con
cluded.
The hardware trade of New York is very ac
tive.
Bishop Alexander Campbell, founder of the
Disciples denomination of Christians, died at
Wheeling, Va., on the 4th inst.
The Fenians arc holding meetings all over
the North and West, contributing money and
arms, preparatory to lhe invasion of Canada.
It is now believed that the CPMahony and
Roberts factions of the Fenians are and have
been acting in concert.
The University of Michigan is said to be the
largest in the United States. It contains one
thousand and fifty students ill the different de
partments.
The last rumor with regard to changes in the
Cabinet, is that Secretary Wells is to have a for
eign mission. Mr. Dixon will his place.—
Mr. Doolittle is to take Secretary Harlan’s.—
Hcrsehel V. Johnson, of Georgia, just pardon
ed, is likely to be called in; as also A. O. P.
Nicholson, of Tennessee, formerly a Senator
with Johnson. Frrnk P. Blair, of Missouri, is
reported as Secretary Ssanton’s successor.^
The Warhington specials say the report of
the Internal Revenue Commissione rs on distill
ed spirits is now ready. They recommend a
decrease of the tax from $2 to §1 per gallon.—
They advert at length to the frauds committed
on the revenue by small manufacturers, and re
port they will be diminished by a reduction of
duty to §l. They expect a revenue of $40,000,-
000 from this source.
The Nashville Press and Times is one of the
vilest Radical papers in the country.
General Hood was cordially received at the
Louisville Board of Trade Rooms last Monday,
during ins visit to the city.
The steamer Diamond, with 820 bales of cot
ton, were destroyed by Are ou the Tombigbes
river last week.
The extensive carpenter shop and planing
mill of Charles R oh, Nashville, was burned on
the sth.
The Democrats and Radicals had a big row
in the First Presbyterian Church, of Cincinnati,
on the 4th, or* the occasion of an election for
Elders.
Steak Dishes, Chafing- Dishes,
Soup Tureens, Tea Urns, Coffee
Pots, Tea Pots and other Planished
or Block Tin Goods, for sale at re
duced rates, by
Wm. SHEPHERD & <30.,
255 Broad st.
Auguata, Ga., March, 1*66. mhS— Tiro
Cooking Stoves, of the most
approved kinds, varying in price
from twenty to one hundred dol
Jars, sold under guarantees to
oiterate perfectly, by
Wm. SHEPHERD & 00.
255 Broad st.
Augusta, Ua., March, 1860. mli2 -tlm
Cedar Buckets, Wash Tubs, Keel
ers, Measures, Wash Boards, Clothes
Baskets, Plough Lines, Trays, and
other Wooden Wares, for sale at re
duced rates, by
Wm. SHEPHERD & CO.
255 Broad st.
Augusta, Ga., March, 18<W. mli2—tlm
House Furnishing Goods, of
every description, at rates much
reduced, for sale by
Wm. SHEPHERD & CO.,
255 Broad st.
Augusta, Oft., March) 1860. nob2—tlm
Tin Ware, of all kinds, at
Wholesale and Retail, for. sale
* >y Wm. SHEPHERD & CO.,
• 205 Broad st.
▲vpurte, ft*, ft** MM. mha-tna