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CONSTITUTIONALIST.
AUGUSTA, GA.
FRIDAY MORNING, JAN. 10,1868.
A.N ADDRESS
TO TIIE
People of Georgia and the United
States*
Fellow-Citizens of Georgia and the United
Stales :
Bv a Convention held at Macon on the sth
and' oth of December, 1807, representing the
Conservative people of Georgia, the under
signed were appointed a committee to prepare
an Address to you, setting forth their senti
ments, their condition, their fearful apprehen
sion of future ruin, and the final overthrow of
Constitutional government. In discharging
this important duty, we bring to the task an
earnest and patriotic desire, not only to pro
mote the welfare of our own State, but also that
of our whole country.
When the late unhappy war terminated and
the Confederate arms were surrendered, a sin
gle condition only was required, which was
that we should return to the pursuits of peace
aud obey the Constitution and laws of the Uni
ted States, under the pledge, by the victors,
that, so long as we continued to do so, we
should be protected in the unmolested enjoy
ment of the rights and privileges which that.
Constitution and those laws guarantee to each
State and to every citizen. We have kept our
promise in letter and spirit; and, from that
day to this, no resistance has been offered to
the Federal authorities. The laws of the Uni
ted States are quietly obeyed, without the ne
cessity of military power to enforce them.
Their Courts are open and their processes re
spected. Crime can be punished by the regu
lar and establiscd modes of Judicial procedure.
With magnanimity and hopefulness, our peo
ple united in an honest effort to build up their
ruined fortunes and re-establish their lost pros
perity. The war left our homes saddened with
bereavement, and, in thousands of instances, in
ashes. It brought universal sorrow and pov
erty. Our fields were desolated, our labor dis
organized, our industry paralyzed, all our en
terprises destroyed or crippled, and our capi
tal sunk. Towns and cities were plundered
and burned, and their inhabitants driven, in
destitution, from their homes. But these were
the fruits of war—not legitimate, to be sure
such, however, as usually attends its march of
lire; and, tlicrelorc, we submitted to them
with patience and fortitude, cheered by the
hope, that the quarrel and carnage having end
ed, the return of peace and prosperity would
begiD, and that, at least, political fraternity
would be restored. Under this inspiration we
endeavored to forget the bitterness which the
struggle had engendered, to cultivate a spirit
of conciliation and harmony, and to evince,
in every possible way, our desire to have Geor
gia restored to her constitutional relation to
the Union. Terrible has been our disappoint
ment. Having been baffled in the attempt at
secession, upon the idea that such attempt was
rebellion, we supposed that its suppression left
Georgia a State in the Union, still possessing
the inherent right of self-government and the
constitutional right of representation in Con
gress. Instead of this, however, the President,
of the United Stales required that wc should
organize anew State government, ratify the
Constitutional Amendment abolishing slavery
and incorporating the same provision into our
fundamental law; that we should repudiate
our State war debt and abrogate the Ordieancc
of Secession and all the laws in furtherance of
the Confederate cause. Animated by a deter
mination to make any sacrifice but that of hon
or, suppressing even the spirit of complaint,
for the sake of peace, wc did all that he re
quired—even surrendering our most valuable
property, that of our slaves—and consented to
become almost paupers. Supposing that such
deportment might challenge the magnanimity
of the victors towards a fallen foe, wc then
thought surely the dawn of peace was in siglil,
and that our right to the protection and bene
fits of a common Constitution would be re
cognized. Wo elected our Senators and Repre
sentatives, thus demonstrating, not only our
expectation, but also our earnest desire, again
to participate in the councils aud promised
blessings of the Union restored. But, as bc
lorc, disappointment was our fate. Our mem
bers were spurned from the Halls of Congress
and our people denounced as traitors and
rebels. We have been persistently charged
with hostility to the Constitution and Union,
and treated as outlaws from both. Whilst we
do not. thus allude to the deportment and tem
per of our people in a spirit of boasting, yet
we challenge contradiction of our statements,
aud fearlessly array them before a candid
world, as evidence ol the Injustice, unkindness
and falsehood of the charges against us, urged
as a pretext for our oppression.
Proscription from the Union, we could en
dure ; the charge of hostility to it were tol
erable; from our prostration we might rise;
our poverty we might surmount if we could be
left undisturbed and permitted to enjoy onr in
herent right of self-government. Our noble
Btnte abounds with the elements and resources
of material wealth ; her people are enterprising
and full of the consciousness of unsullied honor
and unsubdued manhood. Give play to their
capacities, unfetter their elastic energies, re
move unnecessary and unjust burdens from
their labor, aud they will achieve prosperity
lor themselves and the blessings of exalted
civilization lor their posterity. But our op
pressors are not willing to do this. They claim
to make us the victims of their political policy
—worse than that—they require us to be in
strumental in executing that policy, upon the
peril of their vengeance ; that a proud and gal
lant people, upon whose honor none but the
tongue of slander ever breathed aught of shame
—their own brethren by race, by ancestry and
by political ties—shall vote for their own degra
tio.i or forfeit the rights of free American citi
zens. Demand after demand having been made
and submitted to, with as much complacency
as a generous people could bring to the per
formance of humiliating duty, the scheme pro
posed by tiie military Acts for Reconstruction
is the bitter chalice offered to our lips, as the
maximum of the victor’s magnanimity, which
wc are to drink to the dregs, on pain of politi
cal death for refusal. But, in our anxiety for
friendship and good government, we did not
dash it hastily from us. On its face it professed
to respect our wishes; it proposed that we
should vote freely, for or against it—accept
or reject it—and thus, by implication at least,
invited us to examine and consider it. We did
so, in the light of the Constitution, and we
found not one word in that instrument to war
rant the passage of the Reconstruction Acts.
They rest upon the assumption that Congress
lias the power to construct governments for
the States. They abrogate the Government of
Georgia, which the people organized in defer
ence to the President’s wishes, and, in its stead,
place us under a Military Governor clothed
with the power of despotism, under which the
sovereignty of the people is ignored and the
principles of Magna Charta , incorporated into
the Constitution for the security of property,
life and liberty, are trodden under foot. They
disfranchise a large portion of the most intelli
gent aud virtuous citizens, as a punishment for
alleged crime of which they have not been le
gally convicted, and confer universal suffrage
upon tiie emancipated negroes. Hence, the
Congressional scheme is not only violative of
the Constitution, but grossly cruel aud unjust,
and devoid of that far-seeing and comprehen
sive statesmanship which seeks good govern
ment, in contradistinction to partisan ascend
ancy. For who can fail to see that those Acts
must lead, and were intended to lead to negro
supremacy ? Else why such disfranchisement
of the white as to throw the. power of the bal
lot-box into the control of the enfranchised
black race ?
Such is obviously their design, deducted
from their letter and spirit, not denied by their
authors and fully illustrated by tiie manner of
their enforcement. Having placed us under
military law, and tolerating our organized gov
ernment as merely provisional, its civil officers
were compelled to support them, on pain of
dismissal. Judges and other officers were de
posed for refusing to violate the Constitution
and laws which they had swo-n to obey and
exeente; all civil and military officers were or
dered to publish their legal advertisements in
such papers only as sustained the Congressional
scheme. Thus the purity and independence of
onr judiciary have been polluted and stricken
down and tiie sanctity of the jury box desecrat
ed by compelling jury lists to be made tip of
whites and blacks indiscriminately ; and thus
the liberty of the press is fettered and tolerated
at the will of the District Commander and
Military Governor of the Stae. To these we
might, add numerous instances of (lie violation
of persona! liberty, by arrests without legal
accusation or warrant, and imprisonment
without an impartial ami public trjal by jury.
In consideration, therefore, that -the establish
ment of negro supremacy was their intention,
and that, from the mode of their enforcement,
it would inuvitably Oe consummated, we firmly
and deliberately opposed the Reconstruction
Acts, as most compatible with our self-respect
and our duty to tbe dead and the living—to the
present and future generations.
But power has, thus far, triumphed over
reason, justice and right; and the Convention
provided for, representing negroes only, with
the exception of a few thousand whites, now
sits, to crystalizo into constitutional forms the
policy of bringing the State of Georgia under
the dominion of negro supremacy. If is with
out parallel in the annals.pt the world. For
although history furnishes instances of aboli
tion, yet if affords no example of an attempt
by military force to elevate the emancipated
slave above bis recent master, to subordinate
the superior to the inferior race, aud clothe the
Jatter with the political power of the State. It
is the most outrageous policy ever advocated
by n Christian people. It should arrest the
aiarnied attention ot every .friend of constitu
tional government throughout the Union, as it
must awaken the astonishment of the civilized
world. The perpetration of such monstrous
wrong has been reserved for the dominant
power now controlling the destiny of this
country —for men, sworn to support and obey
the Constitution of a government professedly
deriving, as a fundamental principle, “ its just
powers from the consent ot the governed.”
Fellow-Citizens: Shall negro supremacy be
permanently enthroned in the State of Geor
gia ? Shall ten States of this Union be surren
dered, at the point of the bayonet, to the do
minion ot the African race? Shall eight mil
lions of whites be subjected to the rule of four
millions of blacks ? Shall they become our
Magistrates, our Legislators, our Judges, our
Governors, and Representatives in Congress ?
Shall seven hundred thousand ignorant negroes,
who can neither read nor write, who know
nothing of the principles of the Constitution
or of legislation, agrarians by instinct, and
taught by political drill-masters that they have
injuries to avenge against the white race, be
ad raitted to the ballot box ? These are the mo
mentous questions which demand solution and
disturb the peace ami harmony of our country.
If they are to be decided affirmatively, whai
pen or tongue can portray the direful calami
i ics which we 6hall reap at no distant day l
The present derangement of Government will
continue to grow worse, our material prosperi
ty, already arrested, will be destroyed forever;
society, already shocked by sudden and forced
changes, will be thrown into the most deplora
ble condition of insecurity, and property, life
and liberty will be exposed to irremediable
peril.
If our silence, in the past, has been construed
into apathy and indifference, then we have
been greatly misapprehended. We have sub
mitted, almost without complaint, because
every whisper of protest has been construed
into disloyalty by our oppressors.
We have offered the icebie opposition of
scarcely uttered remonstrance, only because
outnumbered at the ballot box, and therefore
impotent for successful resistance. Tbe Con
servative people of Georgia feel that tame sub
mission has ceased to lie a virtue, and lias be
come a crime against llieir country, and their
race and future generations. The ruthless arm
of unhallowed power may enslave and degrade
them, but they will never, by word or deed, ac
tive or passive, consent to tbe offij-ago offered
to their manhood, but they wnl struggle
against it by every legitimate means which
they can command. "They appeal to the friends
of Constitutional government throughout tbe
land to rally to its rescue from tbe grasp ol re
lentless‘centralism.
It is tbe province of enlightened statesman
ship to search for tbe causes of political mala
dies, with a view to their removal. It is easy
for any candid observer to detect the origin of
those existing evils which threaten such calami
ty to our country. We have previously re
marked that the Reconstruction Acts assume
that Congress has the power to construct gov
ernments for the proscribed States. This as
sumption is the fruitful parent of all political
troubles. It is not pretended that the authori
ty is to lie found in the Constitution ; on the
contrary, it Is asserted be outside ol the Con
stitution. Ttis is an admission of the nullity
of tbe whole scheme.
How can Congress act, outside of the Con
stitution? Outside of the Constitution there is
no Executive, no Judiciary, no Congress—no
Government of the United States. Outside of
(lie Constitution, Congress—or rather the’men
wiio compose it—have no more authority than
any oilier body of individuals voluntarily as
sail bled. Outside of tbe Constitution, they
have no commission to legislate upon any sub
ject, (or any purpose or in any manner what
soever. Every act, outside of tbe Constitution
is usurpation and utterly void. What vitality,
then, can there be in a State government, con
structed in pursuance ot laws passed by
authority, claimed to be outside of the Consti
tution?' llow long can it stand, after tiie
bayonets that prop it up shall have been re
moved ? It is a fabric without foundation and
must fall. These are all self-evident proposi
tions, too axiomatic to admit of argument; and
they necessarily present, for the consideration
of the people of the United States—especially
Ihe people of those States designated, in the
parlance of the day, as loyal—this grave and
momentous question. If the State govern
ments, now being constructed by Congress, arc
t lms invalid and can lie maintained only by
force, are they prepared to incur the ex
pense and hazard to liberty of a standing
army, for such purpose ? Are they pre
pared for a military despotism over ten great
States ot this Union, for the mere purpose ot
oppressing the white race and sustaining negro
supremacy? Will it be seriously maintained
that the government can retain its federal char
acter and yet sustain such a policy ? Will any
candid man assert that it is consistent with the
confessedly reserved rights of the States ? Who
does not perceive that it will be their entire
absorption and the conversion of our constitu
tional Republic into an elective oligarchy,
whose will, instead ot the Constitution, will be
the “ supreme law of the land ?” And all this
for what? For the sake of negro supremacy
over me oomnern suites ; tor me sane oo
gradmg eight millions of white people, that
four millions of negroes may be forced into a
status for which they arc utterly unfitted. We
appeal to the people ol the North, who have
the power, to preserve the Constitution. Arc
you prepared to put in jeopardy our wise fabric
of government and Hie liberty of more than
thirty millions of your own race, for the sake
of enfranchising four millions of illiterate and
semi civilized Africans ? “We speak as unto
wise men, judge ye what we say.”
We beg to offer another view for the calm
consideration of the Northern people. They
almost universally contend that secession was
anuliity. The war having so decided it as a
question of practice, it is not necessary now to
contest it as a question of right. Then let the
assumption be granted. It follows, then, that
not only tiie Ordinance of Secession was void,
but that all the subsequent proceedings—lbc
entire fabric erected upon it—were also void.
This fabric was the State governments whic-h
were iti existence and in operation when the
Confederate arms were surrendered and the
war was terminated. These State governments
were illegal because they were built on a breach
of tiie true constitutional relation between the
States and the Federal Government. These
propositions are true, upon the assumption
that secession was a nullity, as insisted upon
by the Northern people. It follows from them
that the States were never out of the Union,
aud Hint they retained their right to continue
as such, however their visible organization and
constitutional relations may have been dis
turbed by secession. So far, all is plain and
easy. The next step is the beginning of the
difficulty. If these State governments were
void, and therefore fell with the Confeder
ate cause, how can their places be consli
tionally supplied ? Can it he done by re
construction? By new State governments con
structed by t.lic President, Congress or any
otherpporerw r er ? Surely not. No department
of the Government of tbe United States,
nor ail of them combined, is invested with
power to construct governments for the States.
Instead of being conferred by the Constitution,
it is palpably inconsistent with it. The duty,
and the whole duty of tiie United States with
respect to tiie State Governments, is clearly de
fined in the Constitution. That duty is to
guarantee to every State a Republican form of
government; to guarantee it, not to create it—
to preserve, not destroy and then reconstruct
it. Can yon guarantee what docs not exist ?
The very idea of guaranteeing a government
implies, necessarily, the pre-existence of the
government. And this is precisely the duty
which the United States owe to each State—to
support and uphold the government with
which each State started in the Union, whether
that start was made at the beginning or at a
later period of our history. ' Whenever the
start was made, each State staffed iu the Union
with a Republican form of government. This
is certainly true of Georgia and all the original
thirteen ; and the admission of other States, at
subsequent periods, was a confession by the
government, which it is estopped from deny
ing, that they, too, were Republican. The
government., therefore, with which a State
started in the Union is the government which
the United States is obliged to uphold. It
may be modified in tbe legitimate way—that is,
by the people of the State, but always under
the limitation that it must remain Republican,
in form. Ami since the failure ot secession
and the decision by the sword, that secession
was a nullity, as a question of practice, it
would seem that each State is bound to pre
serve its original relation to the Union, as well
as to ha/e a Republican form of government
When there, is a breach of either of these limita
tions,tiie thread of legality or constitutionality is
dropped. All that may come afterwards is on an
illegal basis and void. Such is tbe inevitable
conclusion, viewing the subject from the
Northern standpoint. Wlmt, then, is the
remedy ? Is it for Congress to step in and
construct anew government? Wc have already
shown that they have no such power. But the
remedy is to go luck and pick up the thread of
legality right where it was dropped; or, in
other words, restore tbe government which
was wrongfully displaced. It was not destroyed
by seeessioh, assuming seeession to be void ;
its functions were suspended only ; its officers
were vacated, but not extinguished. Hence, it
follows, that as soon as the disturbing cause
(which was secession and its results) was re
moved, tbe legitimate Constitutions of the
States, which were in force at the time of seces
sion, stood in their original vigor, and the
offices of their governments should have been
immediately filled by the proper constituency.
This doctrine of maintaining the succession of
legality in the State governments is precisely
what was decided by the Supreme Court of the
United States, in the case of Dorr’s rebellion,
in Rhode Island. The duty belongs not to
Congress alone, nor to the President alone, nor
to the Federal Judiciary alone, but to all ot
them, cacli acting in its appropriate sphere—if
belongs to the United States. All of tfie powers
of the United States stand pledged to its per
formance—the duty of raaiu taming the State
Government with which each State entered the
Union, with such modifications as it may have •
achieved by the free and voluntary action of its
people, consistently with the Constitution of the
United States. Whenever there is a branch of the
limitation imposed by the Constitution of the
United States, everything thereafter too be
comes illegal and void. The remedy, therefore,
is a remission back to the interrupted legal
status. Now the late war has decided, as a
question of fact, that secession broke the
thread of constitutional relation between the
seceding States and the United States, and that
the State governments founded on secession
were illegal and void, and fell with the Confed
erate cause. These fabrics having thus fallen,
the people of the States, as a logical necessity,
are remitted back to their Constitutions and
Governments which existed at the time of se
cession. All that was necessary—all that the
United States, under the Federal Constitution
had the right to do—(and that they were bound
to do)—was to restore those governments and
constitutions back to the people. _ This was
their solemn constitutional obligation. It it
had been prdmptly recognized and performed,
the Union would have been immediately har
monized and all political disturbance settled.
The remedy, therefore, for present ills aud the
only preventive of utter future ruin is, for each
department, in its appropriate sphere, and all
the departments combined —constituting the
Government of the United States to return,
iu good faith, to the Constitution. That instru
ment guarantees the equality of the States in
rights and dignity, and recognizes the tunda
mental principle that each, lor itself, shall con
ier and define State citizenship, and prescribe
the qualification for exercising the elective
franchise and holding office.
In making this earnest protest against being
placed, by force, under negro dominion, we dis
avow all feeling of resentment towards that
unfortunate race. As we arc destined to live
together, we desire harmony and friendship be
tween them and ourselves ; as they are made
the dupes of unscrupulous partisans and de
signing adventurers, we pity them; as they are
ignorant, dependant and helpless, it is our pur
pose to protect them iu the enjoyment ot all
the rights of person and property to which
tneir freedom entitles them.
Conservative Men of Georgia'. Awaken to a
proper sense of your danger! Organize for
self-protection and ceaseless opposition to the
direful rule of negro supremacy, which is sought
to be enforced upon us and our children, in de
fiance of the Constitution, aud iu contempt of
the civilization of the age aud the opinions of
mankind.
Fellow citizens of the North : Within the last
few months, the question of negro suffrage has
been before yon at tbe ballot-box. In a voice
not to be misunderstood yon have decided
against it. You decided voluntarily. It lias
been decided for us, against our will and against
our convictions of what is compatible with good
government and the Constitution of the United
States : and decided by those who do not expect
to live under the State governments they propose
to establish by force. You decided against it,
atthough the number of negroes among you
was too small to constitute a considerable,
much less a controling element in polities. It
is ordained by our oppressors that we shall
have it, notwithstanding that it will lead to
negio supremacy over us. We are powerless;
you are potent to forbid the outrage. Will you
stand aloof and calmly see us subjected to this
damning wrong; and that, too, when it will
imperil the Republic aud spread baleful disaster
over every interest.
Renewing our pledge of unsullied honor and
our tender of frank and manly obedience to
the Constitution, we appeal to you, in the
name of the Conservative people of our State,
to unite together in the patriotic effort to re
store and perpetuate constitutional govern
ment. Your recent elections encourage our
hopes and challenge our gratitude. May truth,
justice and right, “terrible as an army with
banners,” gathering strength iu every conflict,
march on “conquering and to conquer,” until
its friends, rescuing it from the grasp of cen
tralism. shall restore, to its appropriate su
premacy, the Constitution op the United
States, so that Georgia, together with her sis
ters in oppression, shall enjoy the same pro
tection which its honest enforcement would
give to every State in the Union.
Hersciiel V. Johnson,
Absalom H. Chappell,
Benj. n. Hill,
Warren Akin, ~~
T. L. Guprky.
January 3,1808.
Petition for tiie Pardon of John C.
Breckinridge—Great Influences are
Brought in His Favor. — Washington, Jan.
4, 1808.—A petition is on file among the
Executive documents asking the President
to pardon John C. Breckinridge, of Ken
tucky. The petition sets forth that the war
is over, rebellion is crushed, the Union per
petuated, and the authority of the General
Government is supreme in the country, and
that in the hour of triumph, wisdom and
magnanimity require us to be merciful to a
conquered foe. It urges the pardon of Mr.
Breckinridge that he may be restored to the
State where he can lie so useful in restoring
harmony and peace. This clemency is not
bocauso *l»o paiiiimiDra lialiDVP. Ml*.
Breckinridge was right in resisting the au
thority of the Government and aiding to
break up the Union of our fathers, for
though many of the petitioners supported
Mr. Breckinridge for the Presidency, they
sternly opposed his attempt to take Ken
tucky out of the Union. They regarded
that attempt as not only an error, hut a
grave offense. It is not from sympathy
with the late rebellion that they sought the
pardon of Mr. Breckinridge, but because
they believed it eminently wise, conciliato
ry, magnanimous, and calculated to soothe
the discordant elements and restore peace
to our troubled country.
This petition is signed by the Lieutenant
Governor of the State and most of the Sen
ators and Representatives of the Legisla
ture of 1860, and is urged by letters from J.
W. Powell and J. Mallory, of Kentucky
No action was taken on the petition, be
cause no personal application for pardon
from John C. Breckinridge accompanied
the document.
A letter is also said to have been address
ed to the President by Rev. R. J. Breckin
ridge, asking for his nephew’s pardon, on
tiie ground that the latter was mistaken iu
his political views, hut that his high char
acter as a man entitles him to Executive
clemency.— N. Y. Evening Telegram.
The Bankrupt Law—A Mooted Qustion.
—There is said to bo diversity of opinion
among lawyers aud commissioners iu bank
ruptcy as to when the fifty per cent, clause of
the bankrupt law went or will go into effect,
aud adds that the question will probably be
submitted to Chief Justice Chase for decision.
A glance at the law itself will show that there
is no ground upon which to base such a doubt.
In section 33 it is provided :
“And in all proceedings in bankruptcy com
menced oue year from the time this a ;t shall
go into operation, no discharge shall be. grant
ed to a debtor whose assets do not pay fifty
per centum of the claims against his estate,
unless the assent, in writing, of a majority in
number and value of his creditors who have
proved their claims is filed in the case at or be
fore the time of application for discharge.”
The act went into operation June 1, 1807.
I’untsiiment of Negro Rioters. —ln the
Mayor’s Court yesterday morning, live negroes
were brought up, charged with disorderly con
duct, inciliug riot, and attempting to rescue
Bradley from the officers while on their way to
the jail.
James Brown was sentenced to ninety days,
John Marshall, Lewis Washington and W. J.
Porting, 30 days each at the barracks, and Jas.
Wallace, the well known old blind man, 30
days in jail. Brown was the most violent of
the party, resisting and striking the officers re
peatedly.
Wallace, though blind, has for some time
past been a very active friend of Bradley, being
present atari the meetings and wherever else a
crowd was gathered. On this occasion lie was
particularly excited, calling the crowd a set of
cowards to allow the policemen to take Bradley
to jail, and urging them to go iu and rescue
him.— Savannah Advertiser, Bth.
Attempted Suicide.— On Thursday evening
last Dr. Lodge, in charge of the Freedrneu’s
Bureau hospital iu this city, swallowed a solu
tion of twenty grains of corosive sublimate—
remarking to his wife and children before doing
so, “I’ll take this and put an end to myself.”
Drs. Davis, Love and were immediately
called in, and by the aid of antidotes prevented
the success of the experiment.
We learn that Dr. Lodge is an Englishman,
and physician of considerable skill and expe
rience. It is supposed that financial embarrass
ment, whisky and domestic troubles drove him
to the desperate attempt to destroy himself.
\ Albany ( Ga.) News, 7th inst.
Election. —The following is the list of
officers elected yesterday, at the meeting of the
M. & W. R. R. Cos. lor the current year: A. J.
White, President; Directors, Charles Moran,
Adam Norric, W. D. Thompson, Andrew Low,
Ed. Padelford, J. C. Levy, L. D. Mowry, U. C.
Munroe, Hendley Varner, T. G. Holt, W. C.
Redding, J. B. Ross; Superintendent, E. B.
Walker; Secretary and Treasurer, Milo 8.
Freeman. —Macon Telegraph, Bth.
Pot vs. Kettle.— Scruggs, of the Atlanta
Opinion, has made a violent editorial assault
upon his brother Bradley, who is three hun
dred miles away, and under arrest for attempt
ing to assault a white man. We do not think
that the belligerent Bradley will tamely submit
to such treachery and ingratitude, and shall
expect a fight or a foot race about the time that
Parrott calls his mulattoes together.
[Columbus Hun.
Falling Leaves.
They are foiling, slowly failing, ;> jB '
Thick upon the forest side, '
Severed from the noble branches, » V
Where they waved in beauteous
They are falling in the valleys, .fjßk
Where the early violets spring,
And the birds in sunny
First their dulcet music sing.
They are falling, sadly falling,
Close beside our cottage door;
Pale and faded, like the loved
They have gone forever more.
They are falling, and the sunlieaa^
Shine in beauty soft around;
Yet the faded leaves are falling, ~
. Falling on the mossy ground. I
They are filling on the streamlet,
Where the silvery waters flow, .
And upon the placid bosom,
Onward with blue waters go.
They are failing in the churchyard,
Where our kindred sweetly sleip,
Where the idle winds of summer 7
Softly o’er the loved ones sweej.
They are falling, ever falling,
When the winter breezes »i«h,
When the stars in beauty glisten
Bright upon the midnight sky.
They arc falling when the tempteit
Moans like ocean’s hollow roar,
When the tuneless winds and billows
Sadly sigh for evermore.
They are falling, they are falling,
While oar saddened thoughts still c>o
To the sunny days of childhood, °
in the dreamy long ago.
And their faded hues remind us
Os the lilasti and hopes ami dream*, V
Faded, like the fall.ng leaflets, ’ '
Cast upon the icy streams.
[From the London Spectator, December 14.
A Formidable Indictment.
ENGLAND A NATION OF TIHEVES.
One of the ablest moralists we ever knew,
a man much sterner to himself than to the
world around him, used to say that of all
crimes theft was the one which showed the
basest heart. It was absolutely selfish, it
never excused itself by momeutajy passion,
audit required, nine times out of tcu, the
coolest calculation and foresight. There is
no provocation to forgery, as there may he
to murder; no sudden, overmastering tempt
ation to swindle, as there may be to many
other equally evil acts, if that is'tme, and
it is at all events only an exaggerated truth,
the state of England is a had one; for there
cannot he a doubt that the master vice of
the middle class, wc had almost written
their master passion, is thieving. We doubt
if a race ever existed among wlioipjpecuniurg
dishonesty was so general or so deeply affected
the structure of society. We consider our
selves a virtuous people, the salt of the
earth, and it is not too much to say that at
this moment the basis ot half our laws, the
cause of half or more than half our admin
istrative weakness, the root of three-fourths
of our commercial difficulties, is the well
founded belief that a middle class Englishman,
if he gels anything like a chance, will thieve,
will expend liis brain, his time, and his en
ergies in able efforts to steal money which
is not his. What is the dry rqt which is
destroying English administration, its di
rectness, its simplicity, and its force, but
the certainty of the nation that every offi
cial, if left to himself and uuwatched, "will
steal? Our departments are hampered and
shackled with checks till they can hardly
work, till individual power, and, therefore,
individual genius, are suppressed ; and the
object of all the checks is not to prevent in
efficiency—that in England is not a crime,
though elsewhere it is among the greatest—
or to obviate the chalice of oppression, hut
to prevent direct fraud, assaults of the vul
garest kind on the national till. We cannot
get; a navy, because it is understood that in
great establishments like dockyards every
body not specially selected for honesty will
thieve. Our army arrangements break
down incessantly, because contractors, sub-
contractors, and purveyors generally, are
supposed to be steeped to the lips in fraud.
There is not a contract given in a govern
ment office in which some one has not
secured a “ perquisite,” or an “ advantage,”
or a “ profit,” of which ho would not, for
the world, have his employersifijjmally con
scious ; which has not, in some
one usually a gentleman,
of thieving. Our whole sysletjlMfri provid
ing for State needs by “ open fender,” the
stupidest ot all conceivable systems—for its
theory is that Jones is Robinson’s equal as
a manufacturer, which Jones is not- —is
openlv based on the assumption, an assump
tion perfectly true that without open tender
the department will sell the contract, will,
in fact, steal a large sum ouL of the Na
tional Treasury. mwikmwm lUji’i'' iT/ is
jobbery, that is, theft, —tire -pwKticc every
municipality is certain unless! watched to
indulge in, of robbing, iAc citizens, to en
rich its own members or other favored in
dividuals. Even Parliament, even the
Cabinet, the llowcr, or supposed flower, of
Parliamentary life, is not beyond the same
suspicion. We dare not let the Chiefs of
Departments act for themselves in a most
important function, that the
great contracts, choosing,£|&pict, the
agents they think ablest, wc arc
certain that they will thieve, not indeed for
themselves, but for their party. They will
give Jones £1,000,000 to do what Robinson
would do for £750,000, because Jones votes
for them—that is, they will misappropriate
£250,000 of the money for which they are
trustees. Look at our railway system. It is
the greatest and most important business or
ganizations ever devised by a station, and it is
breaking doicn under habitual theft. Direc
tors, animated by the hope of “ high quota
tions for shares”—tliatis, of robbing buyers,
by selling plated goods for silver —are de
claring in all directions fictitious dividends;
shareholders, animated by the same thirst
for plunder, arc winking at directors’
acts ; contractors are sending in fictitious
tenders at absurd prices: lawyers selling
the companies, their own clients, to the
vermin who eat their capital up; traffic
managers making preferential, that is,
fraudulent, bargains for carriage; every
petty official taking bribes to grant privi
leges his employers have not sold. Look at
our commerce, shattered at this moment by
every variety of elaborate and carefully
devised plunder; by companies whose pros
pectuses are drawn up with the intention
of robbing the ignorant; by banks which
make over shareholders’ money to directors;
by manufacturers who will sell shoddy for
cloth; by tradesmen who cannot lie trusted
to avoid actual stealing of pennies from
women and children, actual theft ot cop
pers out of a blind man’s tray; by false
weights and measures. Is there a trade
left in which half the tradesmen do not live
by petty imposition, that is, theft, by sell
ing goods as bargains which are really
dear, by enormous adulterations —by, iu
fact, direct robberies of one kind or another?
Agriculture is the most honest; aud ask a
really God-fearing dealer of Mark lane what
he thinks of tiie morals of his trade,
whether he could remit his watchfulness
for an instant, a watchfulness directed
wholly against theft, without being ruined.
What is a Bear’s combination to unduly
depress the price of goods but an elaborate
theft? We cannot, in London, send goods to
auction without a certainty of robbery , and
weave bitter, all of us, against “knock
outs who whips the worst form of knock
outs, the circulation of rumors intended to
make worthless shares seer* valuable, so
that tlu ir holders may plunder the unwary?
When Bears run down shares there is in
deed an outcry, but when they run them
up, who cares for the plundered public?
The very dislike of theft, unless commit
ted by violence, seems to have died out of
the national mind. City editors denounce
search into robberies as a “ vindictive pro
ceeding,” and advise compromise as the
only mode by which anything can be saved.
Transactions which are thefts of the most
unblushing kiud bring to their perpetrators
no rebuke, to the sufferers no sympathy.—
If a man stands on London Bridge selling
brass rings for gold, the police ultimately,
and as an extreme measure, make him walk
on; but if he robs a thousand widows success
fully, by a prospectus deliberately framed to de
ceive, lie goes <U once into Parliament. That,
we shall be told, has always been so; but
the new evil is, that we arc becoming con
scious of such things, and still permit them
and waste half our national energy in en
deavors not to put them down, but to pre
vent their occurring on too broad a scale.
Every organization we contrive is cum
bruous to decrepitude, and the reason is
that wc dare trust no one; that we know
if the workhouse master is left absolute lie
will thieve; if he is only inspected, the in
spector will be “made pleasant;” if the
Department is left to look after the inspect
or, it will sell him imnuinityf,'not, indeed,
for cash, but for political There
is not a department in Engltvimin which one
third of the expense might uotMe saved if men
could be assumed to be barely \u>-honest ,” or
in which, if we did assucufit, the nation
would not lose twice as nnictpas it does.—
Ihere is not a great shop ini' London whose
proprietor is not paying a thirdtof liis gross ag
gregale of salaries to persons whose real work
is to prevent plunder —a plunder now so
dreaded from its universality, that immense
brain has been exerted, and is being exert
ed, to prevent salesmen ever touching cash
at all—to enable children to do that part of
the work, as they do in managing lot
teries. Every public amusement is becoming
an organized, arrangement for ptundea'
every invention of science, from the
telegraph to the patent office, is a
device to aid the quiet garroter, every need of
humanity is anew help to the dishonest to grow
rich. Apart altogether from the injury to
the national morals, the waste of all this is
becoming prodigious, and will ultimately
become unbearable; will either produce a
cure, or, by engaging half society to watch
the other half, will paralyze it for progress,
and even for exertion. At this moment,
the country, as a whole, is paying, or rather
beginning to pay, a sum in one department
of work alone which would ruin any other
land. We do not hesitate to say that the
habitual dishonesty of the English middle class,
their habit of thieving whenever they get the
chance without actually taking silver spoons,
will cost England one-half of the four or
live hundred millions it has expended on
the railway system ; that the country is
now paying millions a year in the mere ef
fort—a resultless effort—to check official
corruption; that it is losing sums to which
even these are trifles, because great im
provements cannot be made for tear of uni
versal plunder. If Parliament but knew
where to find decently honest agents it
could rebuild Our cities, rearrange our ten
ures, suppress pauperism by insurances,
pay half the national debt by absorbing the
nearly ruined railway system. What stops,
to take a single example, a State manage
ment of the railways, which, by halving
the gross cost of communication, might
double the national power ? Simply the
openly expressed conviction of men’s minds
that if the State had the railways, Mr.
Gladstone is the only man who could be
trusted not to “job” them, that is, to
thieve; and the still frightfuller latent
thought that Mr. Gladstone shows weak
ness, “ puerisin,” in being so absolutely be-
yond suspicion.
The worst of all this is, Hull we sec no cure
for it. Every nations suffers from periods
of violence, or of licentiousness, or of
bigotry, or of apparent weakness, and after
a time they pass away, to reaopear at more
and more distant intervals; but the habit
of theft is in its nature chronic. The de
sire for “ comfort ” without work, which is
its root, is one which civilization every
year intensifies, and there are no barbarians
left to bid civilization halt for centuries,
that its poisonous vapors may have time to
blow oil' from the face of the world. Pun
ishment iloes little, as we see, for we al
ready punish offenses against property
more than offenses against life, and the
only effect is to change burglarly for swin
dling, rqbbery for forgery, “dacoity” by
professional ruffians for “dacoity” by
smooth respectables banded together to rob
the ignorant by plausible prospectuses. If
Claude Duval were (dive now he would not be
fool enough to rob coaches, lie would gel up a
tea company. The single remedy, we fear,
is national poverty, which, by making all
men watchmen, prevents the very inception
of crime; and, as retribution comes for all
tilings evil, we may rely on it that sooner
or later, if this utter demoralization lasts,
poverty will be the national portion. One
grand evil of our villages is larceny—an
evil so widespread that it seems beyond the
correction of those who suffer; but let a
thief go into a poor country—Bengal or
Berne—and try to steal the husk of the rice
or the fallen grapes, and lie will learn once
for all that there is one and a bitter preven
tive for habitual theft, the conversion of
every man with a shilling into a savage
watchdog over his pennies. It is poverty
through loss of trade and over taxation,
which, if this contemptible crime spreads
further, will be upon us; and when it comes
we warn officials, contractors, directors,
and the like, they will have a bad quarter
of an hour. When the convention sent away
contractors by the dozen to the guillotine, sol
diers' shoes ceased to be made of brown paper.
Gen. George G. Meade and Staff.—Major
General George Q. Meade arrived in Atlanta on
Sunday morning, about 2 o’clock, accompanied
by Brevet Brig. Gen. R. .1. Drum, Cols. Meade
and Emory, who compose the General’s per
sonal staff.
General Drum, wc arc informed, is the Adju
tant General of this Department.
The distinguished party have taken rooms at
the National Hotel.
On yesterday Gen. Meade held a reception at
imr headquarters on Mo.iam ott-c.?*, v>m
all the officers of the post attended in full uni
form. Last uight the General was serenaded at
his hotel. Quite a crowd collected on tile occa
sion, and as we strolled through it— in cog —we
were pleased to perceive that but one sentiment
prevailed—a feeling of gratification that the
Government authorities had removed the old
and substituted the new commander for the
people of Georgia.
We sincerely trust that the present hopeful
ness of the people of Atlanta may be more than
realized. — Atlanta Opinion, Monday.
Release of the Negro Bradley.—The
Mayor of Savannah having received the follow
ing petition from Aaron, the head sceutcr of
the late John Pope’s immoral exhibition at At
lanta, granted his “ humble prayso Aaron
has gone up and jiued de band :
Savanna.ii Ga Jan 7th 1867
Hon E C Anderson Mayor
Respected Sir, I most respectfully disclaim
any intention to commit any Contempt of court
being excited from cause, I might have been
objectionable to your, 1 assure you Sir, it you
consider I have been contemptuous I most re
spectfully ask forgiveness, will you be pleased
to grant This my humble pray.
Tours most respectful servent
A A Bradley
New Fjrm.—Old acquaintances, but anew
firm. Messrs. James A. Gray, William Delano
and John Treanor have associated themselves
in the dry goods business, which they will con
duct at the old stand of Gray, Mullarky & Cos.,
228 Broad street. The first named gentleman
has been long in the business —we may say he
is gray in the service, yet he never says dye.
Mr. Delane is a model of fairness in the sale ol
dry goods ; purchasers never get worsted in a
trade with him unless they ask for the article
(that’s a cruel joke, but William knows it’s so.)
Mr. Treanor is also an adept in the business
and has extensive acquaintance in Eastern and
Middle Georgia.
Mine Host.—“lt is rumored, says the Ma
con Telegraph , that Col. Nickerson, one of the
oldest and most popular landlords in the South,
at one time of Charleston, but more recently
of Augusta, is to become the proprietor of the
National Hotel in Atlanta.”
If mine host of the Planters’ of this city
“ keeps a hotel ” in Atlanta iu the same mag
nificent style of his Augusta house, the Atlan
tesc will get fat (of the land) and saucy.
Important Suit Decided.—ln the Circuit
Court at Chattanooga, Tenn., Judge Adams,
presiding, a verdict has been ordered by the
jury in the case of Briggs «fc Cos. vs. Nashville
and Chattanooga Railroad and the Western aud
Atlantic Railroad for $1,600 against the former
road. This suit was to recover thirty-six bales
of cotton shipped by plaintilfs from Dalton
about December, 1800.
Mullarky Brothers—By reference to our
advertising columns it will be seen that Messrs.
Austin and James Mullarky have formed a
co-partnership under the above style and firm,
aud have taken the store, 262 Broad street,
lately occupied by I. Kahn, where they will
conduct the dry goods trade iu all its branches.
These well known dealers will meet deserved
success.
Dividend.—The Board of Directors of the
Chattahoochee | National Bank of Columbus
has declared a dividend of ten per cent., paya
ble to stockholders on demand. The anuual
meeting of the stockholders is called, for the
election of Directors, on the 14th inst.
Gen. Lee’s Views on the Political Sit
uation.—ln a conversation with Gen. Preston,
of this State, who has recently returned from a
visit to Gen. Robert E. Lee, he remarked that
the General had said to him that “ the course of
General Hancock was the first dawn of hope
he had seen lor the people of the South since
the termination of the war.”
f Louisville Democrat.
What Southern man, not a coward or a fool,
would give employment or encouragement to
negroes voting and acting in favor of his dis
franchisement and degradation and the confis
cation of his property to their own uses ?
[ Louisville Journal.
BY TELEGRAPH.
ASSOCIATED I’RESS DISPATCHES.
Congressional.
Washington, January S.
Senate. —Amendments to the bankrupt acts
were indefinitely postponed.
The Finance Committee were instructed to
inquire in the expediency of affixing a penalty
when Government officers disburse money
without legal authority.
Mr. Conness said the resolution was aimed
at those whom the Senate rejected as unfit for
positions, but who were afterwards sent on
special missions to do, nobody knew what, and
paid from the public fund.
The joint resolution to cover into treasury
proceeds captured cotton and other property
remaining in the huuds of the Treasurer, was
resumed and elaborately discussed. The gross
amount was 501,000,000, of which 824,000,000
remained in the hands of the Treasurer as spe
cial agent; 810,000,000 have been paid to own
ers and far expenses. The action of the Treas
urer iu disbursing the 810,000,000 was serious
ly questioned.
The m uter was postponed.
A resolution instructing the Judiciary Com
mittee to report a bill to vacate the present il
legal and unauthorized governments in the
Southern Suites,and to provide provisional gov
ernments until reconstructed, was laid over.
The President was called on for information
whether the bill abolishing “while” in Dis
trict laws and ordinances, was considered as
law by the Execulive.
After executive session, adjourned.
House.—The Committee on Foreign Affairs
reported a resolution requesting the President
to intercede with Victoria for Father McMa
hon’s release. The report maintains the inno
cence of McMahon, and Ihe committee ref used
to couple other names with the resolution, as
the case was homogeneous.
The resolution was discussed broadly. Mr.
Orth maintaining that American views regard
ing alienation and naturalization must be in
forced by arms if necessary.
Mr. MoCitllmn held that a nation that wont
strive to protect those who swear allegiance to
it should be blotted out. lie held that rulings
of English courts regarding expatriation were
monstrous.
Pending the discussion the morning hour
expired and the resolution went. over.
The Senate amendments to the cotton bill
were referred to the Ways and Means Com
mittee.
The Missouri election case came up, occupy
ing several hours, when Mr. Van Morn was de
clared entitled to the seat.
Adjourned,
From ~W ashiimton.
Washington, January S.
The negro Gable Thornton, coining from
church with two women, happened to run
against an unknown negro, who stabbed Thorn
ton to the heart and then escaped.
The bolt at Harrisburg continues.
The Ohio Democratic State Convention has
assembled. The favorite candidates are L’eti
dleton for President and Thurman lor United
States Senator.
A gold medal valued at four hundred dollars
has been presented to the President by a com
mittee from Philadelphia. The medal is three
inches in diameter. On tiro obverse side is an
excellent likness of the President, with the date
of his birth, also of his inauguration as Presi
dent; on the reverse is the following inscrip
tion :
“ With courage and fidelity he defended the
Constitution and by justice and magnanimity
restored alienated States."
The presentation address was made by Col.
Hogner.
The President responded returning his thanks
to the club, and trusting that their confidence
in him had not been misplaced. In conclusion,
he pledged himself that his future course
should be as the past iu his efforts to maintain
and uphold the Constitution, and assuring the
committee that tire presentation was peculiarly
gratifying at this time, a»d that lie would
cherish it until the last hour of his life.
The President then took each member of tlic
committee by the hand, and some time was
passed in conversation before the committee
withdrew.
The Ways and Means Committee decided to
appoint anew whisky metre committee and
suspend all action of the present committee.
Seward spent a part of the day in the House
of Representatives.
It is confidently stated that five Supreme
Court Judges will decide adversely to the con
stitutionality of the reconstruction acts in a
ease daily expected to come up.
Philip B. Fonke is nominated Naval Officer
for New Orleans.
The Ways and Means Committee will report
adversely to the Senate cotton tax amendments,
and will demand a committee, of conference.
A committee of citizens of New York and
CUTni turtle lit/ ijavc pvcftciitctl iliu Prusiduul a
cane made firm the Charter Oak.
Thomas N. Stillwell is nominated Minister
to Venezuela.
Revenue to-day, 8240,000,
E'rom _A.tlanta.
Atlanta, January 7.
Governors Jenkins, of Georgia, and Patton,
of Alabama, arrived here to-day, to confer with
Gen. Meade, and leave in the morning.
Congress has been making efforts to have the
Alabama Convention reassemble, so as to make
the new constitution there less obnoxious, and
thus secure its ratification.
Governor Jenkins called the attention of Gen.
Meade to several of Gen. Pope’s orders, and
their revocation is held under advisement.
There is a quorum of die convention in the
city, which reassembles to-morrow. It pro
poses to issue State notes, on its own authority,
to meet its expenses.
Atlanta, January 8.
The reconstruction convention i easseinbled
this morning, pursuant to adjournment; 102
members out of the 169 elected appeared.
A resolution of welcome to General Meade
was adopted after some discussion, and a com
mittee was appointed to wait on that officer.
An ordinance to fix the per diem (now nine
dollars) at six dollars was introduced, and to
inquire into the authority by which members
of this convention held their seats ; and, on
motion, to suspend the rules for its immediate
reference, a delegate said he favored suspension
to enable him to offer a substitute to call on the
registrar general to furnish the official figures
of the registration aud vote in Georgia.
The convention refused to suspend by a
heavy vote, and immediately adjourned.
Quite a large Conservative meeting was held
here to-night, and there was much enthusiasm.
John B. Gordon, who was a lieutenant general in
the Confederate army, addressed the meeting,
and said, in the course of his remarks, he had
met Gcu. Hancock as any enemy, but if he
were to meet him now would esteem it a privi
lege to take his hand as a friend. This senti
ment was loudly cheered.
Governors Patton and Jenkins left this morn
ing.
From TVlississippi.
STATE CONVENTION.
Jackson, January 8.
The day was consumed in effecting a perma
nent organization. B. B. Eggleston, of
Lowndes county, for President, received 58
votes. J. W. C. Watson, of Marshall county,
the opposing candidate, received 33 votes. T.
11. Sayers was elected Secretary. All officers
elected are whites.
From Richmond.
Richmond, Va., January 8.
The convention spent the day chiefly in fif
teen minute speeches on the second section of
the Bill of Rights, making allegiance to the
United States paramount to allegiance to the
State.
From Charleston.
Charleston, January 8.
Outrages by negroes ou the entire line of
the South Carolina Railroad arc reported daily,
and the condition of affairs is growing worse.
1 esterday a gang of black Union Leaguers fired
on the mail carrier, thirty miles from this city.
He escaped by the fleetncss of his horse.
Central _A_merica.
New York, January 8.
Col. Murray, inspector of customs at Pana
ma, is dead.
The French steamor Louisiana made the trip
from St. Nazaire to Aspinwali, 4,738 miles, iu
16 days aud 9 hours.
From Chicago.
Chicago, January 8.
Brigham, Stone & Cos., pork packers, and
Cooke, Norton & Cos., wheat dealers, have
failed.
From Pennsylvania.
Harrisburg, January 8.
The nine Republicaa bolters stand firm.
Foreign.
[by tiie cable. |
London, January 8.
Nearly all the great journals ol the city have
editorial comments on tho resolution recently
adopted by the House of Commons on the
question of citizenship.
Abatement of British claims and acceptance
of the American view, as expressed by Presi
dent Johnson in his annual message to Con
gress, arc urged with singular unanimity.
From North Carolina.
New Orleans, January 8.
The banks and public buildings are closed
to-day in observance of the holiday (anniver
sary ot the battle of New Orleans.) The con
vention adjourned till to-morrow, but most
business houses are open. The weather has
turned cold and rainy, which is a serious
drawback to the fair.
From ]N ew York.
HIGHLY IMPORTANT—TIIE POOR HAVE
THE GOSPEL PREACHED UNTO THEM.
New York, January 8.
The pews in Beecher’s Church rented for
820,000. The highest single pew, 8525.
Loss by tire last year in this city was five and
a half million.
Marine HSI ew«.
Charleston, January 8.
Arrrivcd—Bark Annie, from London.
Sailed —Brigs Fcnix, for Palma, Paco, and
Leonora, for Barcelona.
New York, January 8.
Arrived—Steamers Ariadne, Virginia, Fair
banks aud Santiago de Cuba, from Aspinwall.
Savannah, January 8.
Arrived—Ship Clara Wheeler, from Liver
pool.
Cleared —Steamers North Point, for Balti
more, and Marmion, for New York; bark
Carlgorde, for Liverpool.
Markets.
FOREIGN ANI) DOMESTIC.
London, January V- Afternoon.
Consols, 92%@92%. Bonds, 71%.
London, Jauuary B—P. M.
Consols closed at I*2.
Liverpool, January B—Noon.
Cotton dull and declined % ! uplands, 7%;
Orleans, 7% ; sales, 8,000 bales. Breadstuff's
quiet.
Liverpool, January B—Afternoon.
Cotton unchanged. Wheat firm. Pork, 78s.
for new Western prime rne6S. Tallow, 455. (id.
Liverpool, January S-P. M.
Cotton closed heavy; sales, 8,000 bales; up
lands, in port, 7}\ ; to arrive, 7% ; Orleans, 7%.
No spirits or petroleum in market; sales to ar
rive at Is. od. Other markets unchanged.
Paris, January 8.
Rentes declining.
New York, January B—Noon.
Stocks active. Money and Sterling unchang
ed. Gold, 13(>%@13t5%. ’O2 coupons, 108%;
Tcnncssees, 50.
New York, January B—P. M.
Money closed easy at 0. Exchange weaker
at 0%. Gold declined to 130%. Stocks buo
yant and excited. Governments active. Fivc
twenties, ’O2 coupons, Tennessee sixes,
oix.
New York, January B—Noon.8 —Noon.
Flour dull and declining. Wheat dull and
unchanged. Corn dull aud shade lower. Rye
quiet. Oats firm. Pork, 821. Lard steady at
12%(a}13%. Cotton dull til lG@l(i%. Turpen
tine, 51 @5 1%. Rosin iu moderate deiuauil;
common, 88.
New York, January B—P. M.
Cotton dull and lower; sales, 1,900 bales at
10. Flour dull; State, ?0@ 11. 15; Southern,
810 20@15. Wheat drooping. Corn—West
ern mixed, 81 39. Oats unchanged. Mess
Pork—old, 821 12; new, 822 15. Groceries
quiet and dull. Turpentine, 52%. Rosin,
82 90@7. Tallow, 10%@11%. Freights steady.
Baltimore, January 8.
Cotton depressed—nominally, 10. Flour
quiet. Wheat dull and unchanged. Oats firm
er at 75@7f>, Rye very dull and declined 5
cents ; held at 05. Provisions nominally un
changed.
Cincinnati, January 8.
Flour firm and unchanged. Whisky unset
tled. Mess Pork, 820 50@21. Lard firm at
12%. Bacon unchanged.
Wilmington, January S.
Spirits turpentine firm at 40. Rosin firm and
active at 82 12% for strained and No. 2. Tar,
BL.BO. Cottou firm at 14@41% for middling.
Mobile, January 8.
Cotton—sales, 1,500 bales. The market closed
quiet with a declining tendency ; stock on sale
light.; middlings, 14% ; receipts, 3,150; exports,
2,142.
New Orleans, January 8.
Cotton quiet; middlings, 15; sales, 5,200
bales; receipts, 2,757 bales; exports, 2,220
bales. Sugar and molasses dull and unchang
ed—rainy weather interrupting operations.—
Flour dull; superfine, s9@9 25 ; choice, 813@
14 50. Corn steady at 95. Oats steady and
firm at 80. Lard quiet; tierce, 12% ; keg, 13%.
Bacon—shoulders, 9@9%; clear sides, 13@13%.
Pork, 821. Sterling, 44@47%; New York
eight, % discount. Gold, 135%@13G.
Savannah, January 8.
Cotton dull and depressed; middling, ;
sales, 692 bales; receipts, 2,009 bales.
Charleston, January 8.
Cotton X lower; sales, 700 bales; middling,
15X@15 % ; receipts, 730 bales.
Augusta Market.
Offior Daily Constitutionalist, t
\V conksi>ay, January 8--P. M. S
FINANCIAL
GOLD.—Buying at 132 and Belling at 135.
SlLVEß—Buying at 128 and selling at 132.
COTTON.—The market Ins been dull and droop
ing to-day, and it was rather difficult to obtain 14c.
for middling. Most of tho cotton ottering is of the
lower grades, at prices ranging from 11@13X ; red and
stained being quoted at 11@12X ; sales amounted to
444 bales and receipts, 097 bales.
Noth— A few sales, amounting to 25 bales, were
made late yesterday evening and not reported.
I.ACON. —Moderate demand. We quote Smoked
Shoulders at 13; B. B. Sides, 14@14)(f; C. K. Sides,
15©15X; Clear Sides, 16; Dry Salted Shoulders,
lKgllX; Dry Salted C. U. Sides, 13tf@l4; Hams
very dull at ISi222c. Large lots easier.
CORN' —New White, 10; Mixed $1 05@1 08.
WHEAT. -White, *8 70«<255; Red, $2 So@2 40.
.A-t Private Sale,
A Splendid Residence,
Near the City.
E OFFER FOR S,\ T.H all Hint tinctof LAND, in
Richmond county, with the impnuoinents thereon,
known as ‘ IIA V WOOD,” about three miles from
Augusta, on the Milled .eville road, containing about
fifteen and a hall acres.
In connection with the House is complete Gas
Works, in order, a splendid Well of Water, an excel
lent Vegetal)] > Garden, with Fruit Trees; all neces
sary out-buildings, Kitchen, Wash House, Scivants’
Buildings, Stable and Carriage House.
The Residence contains eleven rooms; tho Parlors
and Halls most beautifully frescoed. The entire
establishment is complete, with every modern im
provement; a neat flower yard in front of the House,
hedges all around; also,J lino largo groves on either
side adjoining.
This is one of the best and most desirable Resi
dences in this county, and is truly a “comfortable
home,” and If desired tho FURNITURE, which Is
new and elegant, can he purchased with the place.
For terms, and further particulars, apply lo
\V. H. GOODRICH,
nov!7-We.H-hmlf 271 Broad street.
JAMES W. WALKER,
(F.OBMEULY OF THE Flail Ol .1. 1.. WALKER A SONS,)
WILL CONTINUE TIIE
Warehouse & Comtiiioaion Business,
IN ALL TPS BRANCHES,
AT i llß OL1) STAND,
Formerly .T. It. Walker & Sons,
McINTOSII STREET, AUGUSTA, GA.
attention given to hale
and STORAGE of.ill I'RODUCKsmI to him.
CASH ADVANCES MADE ON PRODUCE IN
STORE. sepl-d*c4m
MEDICAL.
DR. DeLACEE,
OCULIST AND AURIST,
PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON,
OUMERLY of Europe, late of the West Indies,
will practice tlic coming season in
ATT GPU ST A, QA.,
At the AUGUSTA HOTEL, Ladies’ Entrance,
Where ho can he consulted upon all Diseases of the
EYE, EAR, CANCER, CANCEROUS TUMORS,
and CHRONIC COMPLAINTS.
CANCER,
OF CURABLE CLASS, AND DIATHESIS, WILL
1!E TAKEN OUT, ROOT AND BRANCH,
IN SEVEN TO TWENTY-ONE DAYS,
WITHOUT SURGERY,
BY THE CELEBRATED FRENCH PASTES
AND INTERNAL REMEDIES,
Used iii the French Hospitals for the past forty years.
Omt application is all that is usually necessary, even
IN FOUL EATING CANCER OF THE FACE,
to complete ail ENTIRE AND PERMANET
CURE.
Under this treatment the cancer DROPS OUT
WHOLE the seventh to the twenty -first day. The
parts quickly heal, with a simple dressing of lard.
Alt who sutler with this much dreaded disease, hy
culling at. Dr. Da l.aokb’s office, will be referred with
pleasure to many persons residing in this city and
vicinity, who have suffered with Cancer for years,
who have had their Cancers taken out in the above
stated time, and now are healed of Cancel' and re
stored to health.
1)R DeLACEE would have published the above
facts last October, when ho first located here, but
preferred to furnish abundant proof from persons re
siding here, and well known In this community, who
have been cured, and thereby have tlio above facts go
before this community and the suffering AH FACTS,
and NOT BOLD ASSERTIONS.
o
TIIE REMEDIES ARE HARMLESS TO
HEALTHY FLESH.
NO OASES REOEIVEI) UNDER TREATMENT
UNLESS CURABLE.
REMARKABLE CUKE OF CANCER ON THE
FACE OF FOURTEEN YEARS’ STANDING.
This will certify that I have suffered with cancer
oil my face for the past fourteen years. It lias re
sisted all treatment, until 1 applied to Dr. L. DeLacee,
at the Augusta llotol, tho iOlh day of last mouth.
Ue took tho cancer out, roots and all, tho Stli day, by
medicines. It healed of its own accord, and now I
ain entirely cured of cancer, and nble to say to all that
may he afflicted with this most terrible disease that,,
if you apply in time, wtiile your case is curable, youi
will be cured, 'i’lie Doctor lias cured others in tluv
same time, some that I am acquainted with, who
live in this city. lam sixty years of age, and have,
resided in Augusta lour years.
Mrs. F. I’RICK.
Augusta, Ga., January 2,1868.
MORE EXTRAORDINARY CURES.
Augusta, Ga., November 21,1807.
This will certify that I have been afflicted with can
cer in tlie root of my mouth. It was so painful that
l could not rest night or day. It was with great diffi
culty that I could get food enough by it to support
life. It resisted all medical treatment, and finally cal
entirely through the roof of my mouth into my nose.
I applied to Dr. Dk Lao kb just four weeks ago to
day, arid am now able to announce, for the benefit of
tlioso that may be Fullering from this terrible disease,
that 1 am entirely cured of cancer, and restored to
perfect health, and am as well as 1 was before being
afflicted. Miss Beulah Guillard.
1 take pleasure in adding my testimony, with hun
dreds in tlie surrounding Htalcs, that 1 have been
quickly cured by Dr. 1)R Lager. I bad lost my sight
hy closure of pupils, was entirely blind for four years.
Dr. D* Laokk operated for artificial pupil with tho
most happy results to me, as I was restored to perfect
sight in two weeks from the operation, and c»n road,
tlie finest print in the public journals.
M m. CANrixLU, Ju.
DEAFNESS OF OVER 20 YEARB CURED.
This is to certify that 1 npplied to Dr. 1)k Laokk
to euro my deafness. 1 laid been deaf for ov-r twen
ty years. I have had a great many doctors <o try my
ease, and got no good done. I found Dr. Dk Laokk
successtulTn all cases that ho had undertaken, and I
thought I would try once more, although l did not
expect relief, as 1 could not hear a gun nt fifty yards.
Surprising hb it may seem, I have been restored to
hearing iu live weeks treatment; 1 can understand
witii case all conversation in the room, and can hoar a
watch tick at the length of my arm from my head.—
1 am 61 years of age, and would not lake ten thousand
dollars lor my hearing.
James Cokklino, Esq.
ANOTHER EXTRAORDINARY CURE OF
, CANCER.
I have been cured of Cancer by Dr. 1)b Laokk.
whicti hud resisted all treatment for flvo years. My
case was considered incurable. I have been entirely
well for throe months, and was cured in two weeks
4iy having the monster clean cut out, and the bones
scraped beneath it. I have bcon restored as by a mi
racle to health, and know many others in my county
that have been cured of Blindness aud Deafness by
Dr. 1)k Laokk. Gkorgb Daniklls, Esq.
This is to certify that I am a stone mason, and while
at work, 1 was chipping oil' stone, when a small piece*
wiili mortar flew into mv eye, and in three days aftsr
i had lost all useful sight in my eye. 1 sent to Dr.
Dk Laokk, and he lias restored my sight In three
weeks’ treatment, so that I am able now to resume
my labor. My sight that has boeu restored is beyond
value to me, as I had lost one eye many years ago,
and if I had lost this one 1 would have been hope
lessly blind. 1 desire all that may be afflicted to call
upon Dr. Dk Laokb. Jons Janky.
This will certify that I have been affliclod with
Blindness and I’uirifUl Bore Eyes for the past ten
years, and have been a charge to my friends for tho
lasi lew years, as 1 had expended all my means to re
cover my sight without benefit. I applied to Dr. Db
Laokk lour weeks ago, and through his Surgical amt
Medical skill, I am now alo to earn ray living, aud can
read eoarse print with comfort. I boar testimony that
Dr. Du Lioer lias cured many of Blindness and
Deafuess that live in my county,
Samurl Ckacrakt.
NO CASES DECEIVED TO TREATMENT
UNLESS CURABLE.
ALL THOSE TnAT SUFFER WITH
Diseases of a Private Nature
CAN AVAIL THEMSELVES OF THE LATE
„ IMI’UOVED
French. Practice,
AND A v
Safe, Certain and Permanent Cure
OF THEIR AFFLICTIONS,
By calling upon
Dr. DeLacee,
AT THE AUGUSTA HOTEL,
octlO-dAC-U novJldcclJanT