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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. JAMES GARDNER,. JR. T ER.HS. Daily, per annum, 93 Oo Tri-Weekly, per annum, 0 uu If paid in advance, Weekly, per annum, 3 Ou If paid in advance * KTAII new subscriptions must be paid in advance. Postage must be paid on all Cummuaicaii ns and Let’ers of business. CONGRESSIONAL. house of representatives, January 14, 1847. Th« Territorial Government 'of Oregon. On motion of Mr. Douglass, the Mouse resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Hopkins in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the “Bill to establish the Territorial Government of Oregon”; the question pending being upon the following amendment submitted by Mr. Burt : “Insert in the 12th section after the word ‘and,’ and before the words ‘shall be subject’ the words, ‘inasmuch as the whole of the said Territory lies north of thirty.six degrees and.thirty minutes north latitude; known as the line of the Missou ri compromise.’ ” Mr. B urtthen rose and addressed the Committee. Me said that the interfer ence of Congress in the domestic interests of the States, at all times an exciting sub ject, was, in the present juncture of the national affairs, and in the form proposed on the present occasion, a subject of transcendant importance to bis constitu ents, and. as be solemnly believed, to the South and the whole country. A crisis approached with rapid and fearful strides. Me told the North —he told the South, that it could not be evaded. It must be met. If they shrank from it today, it would come with renewed force to-morrow. He believed that it wasjunrnanly to desire its postponement for an hour. Me could not hope to speak to this question. Me did not desire to speak to it without tlie earn estness which befitted the occasion; but lie trusted he should represss all passion and all excitement. Me never reflected upon the Resolutions of the last memora ble and eventful session of Congress, without a sense approaching to awe of the moderation and wisdom which avert ed a war from the United Slates and Great Britain by the happy and peaceful adjustment of their protracted and long pending controversy about the limits on the northwest coast of this continent. It was a signal triumph of moderation and justice over passion and pride. Me knew no instance in ancient or modern history, of a nobler example to the nations of the earth. By that treaty they acquired a territory west of the Rocky Mountains, extending from the parallel of 42 degrees to the parallel of 49 degrees of north lati tude. Thov obtained a country whose area was sufficient for the formation of four or five States of the mediumsize.— If was a country which possessed many And important advantages. It had a mild and genial climate —a generous and fer tile soil. Portions of it were adapted to the growth of the staples of tobacco and cotton. It would command the commerce ofChina, of India, of Japan, and the is lands ofthe South Seas. Its position in i reference to the Pacific ocean was as emi nently advantageous as that of these States to the Atlantic ocean. That coun try had great mineral resources. It was capable of sustaining a dense population, and was destined to be the hon e of an en terprising people. They were now about to establish for that Territory a tempora ry government, a government to endure I only until the population and resources j of the country would enable it to become a State. The population was now scarce : and of a mixed character. Its inhabi tants had no representatives on that floor. : It was then proposed to apply to that Ter ritory by the legislation of Congress the | prohibitions, conditions, and restrictions j of the ordinance of 1787. The opinions of its inhabitants were alike unknown and unheeded. These opinions were not at all consulted in this proposed legisla tion. Slavery did not exist in that ter ritory. Me did not know that a slave ever made or ever would make a foot print on its soil. If the article of the or dinance of 1787 were adopted, it was de signed to be an internal interdict upon slavery in that territory. Mad Congress the power, he asked, to impose upon the people of Oregon that restriction ? He proposed to institute and answer that in quiry. First, what was the article of the ordinance of 1787, which it was proposed to apply to this Territory of Oregon ? It was to be found among certain articles which, in that ordinance, were denomi nated “articles of compact between the I original States and the people and Slates in the territory northwest of the river Ohio.” The sxilh article provides : ‘‘There shall be neither slavery nor in voluntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of Crimes whereof the parly shall have been duly convicted.” That vast territory northwest of the Ohio was ceded by the State of Virginia iu 1784, and of the territory thus admit ted into the Union were now incuded the States of Ohio, Indiana Illinois and Michi gan; and Wisconsin, which would he ad mitted into the Union before the session of Congress terminated. Virginia, in that munificent donation, made a provi sion which, also, he desired to read. In her cession of the Ist March, 1784, she recited the act of Congress inviting the States to cede to the United Slates their vacant Territory, and she adopted the . conditions of the act as the term* of her ccsaion; saying, however, that they were not entirely satisfactory to her. But the condition was this: “That is to sav, upon condition that the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into Stales, containing suita ble extent of territory, not less than one hundred nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances will admit; and that the States so formed shall be distinct Re publican Stales, and admitted members of the Federal Union, having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and inde pendence, a« the other Slates.” That was the condition of the cession. The donation, he might remark, was made before the adoption of the present constitution. Me begged to know—he trusted that some member of the Mouse would he plased to say, whence that Congress of’B7 derived the powergto or dain certain articles of compact which should be immutable—which should be of eternal and universal obligation upon , the people ofthe territory. Was it in 1 the articles of confederation? Me should be glad to know where. Was in the act of Congress which invited this cession of territory from the State? Me should be glad to be instructed on that point. There was, as far as he had been able to per ceive, not the slightest authority for the ordinance in any of those sources of au thority. Would any member of the House—would any gentleman there, un dertake to say that it was hv virtue of any inherent power in that Congress?— Me apprehended not. That ordinance was inconsistent with all the conditions ofthe cessions of Virginia,. It was incon sistent and proscriptive to her, and to the other southern States, It was never ra tified by Virginia, and he thought that no act in the history of her legislation could he adduced which countenanced I that interpolation upon the condition of ! hergrant. It was an assumption of now. 1 er. Mr. Madison, a member of that Con ; rrress—one ot those who had an active I agency in the formation of the constitu i lion ofthe United States —pronounced it a usurpation—he pronounced it, amongst the acts performed by Congress, “with out the color of constitutional authority.” Me (Mr. B.) begged leave to rear! what Mr. Madison said upon that subject. “Congress have nnder’aken to do more; i they have proceeded to form new Ftaces; 1 to erect temporary governments, to ap ! point officers for them, and to prescribe the conditions on which such States shall [ be admitted into the confederacy. All this has been done, and done without the lest j color of constitutional authority.” Me would now proceed to inquire j whether that ordinance was consistent : with the intersets and wishes of the in i habitants of the territory which had been thus ceded. If it should he shown, as he trusted it had been done, that it was an : act without the slightest color ofconstitu. tional. authority, and opposed to the inter ests and wishes ofthe inhabitants of the Northwest Territory, he demanded to know upon what ground it could be jus tified, and held up as a precedent in the future legislation of this country.—Me had, then, a chapter from the history of the I north west country, which he begged I leave to commend to the attention of the Mouse. In 1804, there was a meeting of | representatives of the people of the north west Territory, assembled from all points; and at that meeting, Gen William M. Harrison presided. It adopted a memorial j toCongress, which was submitted by their president, and it was referred to a Com mittee of that Mouse, which Committee, through its Cha’rman, Mr. Rodney, made the following report: I “Mr. Rodney, from the Committee to which had been referred a letter from ! William Henry Harrison, president of the I general convention ot the people of the | j Indiana Territory; also a memorial and j petition from the said convention, on the ■ 17ih day of February, 1701, reported: “That, taking into their consideration the facts stated in the said memorial and j petition, they are induced to believe that i a qualified suspension, for a limited time, of the sixth article of compact between the original Stales and the people and States west of the river Ohio, might be { productive of benefit and advantage to the said Territory.” The Committee reported the following resolution. “Resolved, That the sixth article of the ordinance of 1787, which prohibited slavery within the said Territory, be suspended in a qualified manner for ten years, so as to per mit the introduction of slaves, born within the United States, from any of the individual States: Provided That such individual State does not permit the importation of slaves from foreign countries: And provided further,That the descendants of all such slaves shall, if males, be free at the ageot twenty-five years, and if females, at the age of twenty-one years.” If it were supposed that that memorial and those proceedings were adopted by persons who did not represent the people of the terri tory of the Northwest, he would invite the attention of the House to certain resolutions of the legislative council of Indiana, adopted in 1806, and which were communicated by the Governor of the Territory to Congress, j in December of that year. These were the unanimous resolutions of the legislative as- j sembly- They affirmed that their sentiments i were the sentiments of nine-tenths of the | people of that Territory. They asked that j this article of the ordinance should be sus- | pended for ten years, without the qualifica- : tion attached in the memorial of the public j meeting, at which Gen. Harrison had presi- i ded. The resolutions were numerous. He ; would publish them, but at present would de tain the House by reading only one, the most important. [The following are the resolu tions, with a copy of which the reporter has been furnished, and deems it proper to annex them. ] Resolved, unanimously, by the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the Indiana Territory , That a suspension of the sixth article of compact between the United States and the Territories and States north- ; west of the river Ohio, passed the 1 3th day 1 of July, 1787, for the term of ten years, j would be highly advantageous to the said Territory, and meet the approbation of at least nine-tenths of the good citizens of the same. Resolved, unanimously, That the abstract question of liberty and slavery is now con i sidered as involved in a suspension of toe | i said article, inasmuch as the number of slaves ! i in the United States would nol be augment* ! ed by the measure. Resolved, That the suspension of the said article would be equally advantageous to the Territory, to the States from .whence the ne groes would be brought, and to the negroes themselves; to the Territory, because of its situation with regard to the other States, it must be settled by emigrants from those in which slavery is tolerated, or for many years j remain in its present situation, its citizens, j deprived of the greater part of their political : rights; and, indeed, of all those which dis -1 tinguish the American from the citizens and | subjects of other governments. The States which are overburdened with negroes would j ' be benefitted by their citizens having an op- 1 portunity of disposing of the negroes which i ; thev cannot comfortably support, or of re- j moving with them to a country abounding I with all the necessaries of life; and the negro j himself would exchange a scanty pittance of the coarsest food tor a plentiful and nourish ing diet, ard a situation which admits not the most distant prospect of emancipation for one which presents no considerable obstacle to his wishes. Resolved unanimously. That the citizens of this part, of the Northwestern Territory • consider themselves as having claims upon Congress in regard to the suspension of the said article; because at the time of the adop tion of the ordinance of 1787, slavery was 1 tolerated, and slaves generally possessed by | the citizens then inhabiting the country, I amounting to at least one-half of the present ■ population of Indiana; and because the said j ordinance was passed in Congress when the I said citizens were not represented in this i body, without their being consulted, and ; without their knowledge and approbation. Resolved unanimously , That from the situ ation, soil, climate, and productions of the said territory, it is not believed, that the num ber of slaves would ever bear such a propor tion to the white population as to endanger the internal peace and prosperity of the country. Resolved unanimously, That copies of these resolutions be delivered to the governor of this Territory, to he bv him forwarded to the President of the Senate, and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Unit ed State=, with a request that they will lay them before the Senate and House of Repro i senfatives, over which they respectfully pre ) side. i Resolved, unanimously , That a copy of these resolutions he delivered to the delegate from this Territory to Congro-sf, and that he be, and hereby is, instructed to use ids best endeavors to obtain a suspension ol the said article. JESSE B. THOMAS, Speaker of the 1 louse of Representatives. PIERRE MENARD, President pro tern. Legislative Council. Mr. Parke, from ttie Committee to which these resolutions were referred, re ported the 12ih July, 1807, the following resolution : Resolved , That it is expedient to suspend from and after the Ist day of January, 1808, the sixth article of compact between the United States and the Territories and Smtes northwest of the Ohio river, passed the 13th j day of July, 1737, for tlie term of ten years. [ Vol. 20, Stale Papers, 478. 1 Mr, Vinton here asked whether the ' resolutions came from Indiana or Oido? j Mr. Burt. From Indiana. So much then, I ; for the precedent of the ordinace of 1787! j j lie would nol sav what use had been 1 made of t hat munificent donation ofVir- ! ginia. lie would not stop to inquire j whether it had been the means of annoy- i ing an institution which that State had | ever esteemed to be most valuable. But | | he proceeded to the next precedent in the | I historv of the legislation of the country. ! y ‘ J j That, as might he anticipated, was the j | memorable Missouri compromise. The ; United States acquired from Spain a ter- I ritory which comprised the States of Lou -1 isiana, Missouri, Arkansas, and Iowa; and j a portion of the territory northwest of lowa, over which life saw a proposition had been submitted to organize a Terri torial government. That territory was very nearly large enough for a State. Now. that was the first foreign territory acquired by the United States. He begged leave, for a moment, to advert to the his torv of that acquisition of territory; and if gentlemen would trouble themselves to investigate that history, they would find that the acquisition was demanded by the west. They would find that there was great excitement in the west in regard to the navigation of the Mississippi. The opening of the navigation of that great river to the comrneree of the w'esl was the motive for the acquisition. He had not been able to discover that slavery had formed any inducement to the acquisition of the territory. He ventured to say that that did not enter at all into the motives which led to that acquisition. It was in fact a concession to the west, as tending to open the navigation of that magnificent stream, the Mississippi. Annoying and vexatious restriction on the navigation of that river had been imposed by Spain whilst the territory belonged to that king dom. [ To be concluded in our ncart.] {From the Yankee Blade.] Laboring too .Tlnch. The Medical Journal draws a melancholy 1 picture of New England people, in the ex j tract below—vet we fear’tis too true. It has | been said that the Americans are the most i solemn people under the sun; and who that ; marks our anxious, careworn expression i from childhood to old age, can doubt it?— | We have no holidays, no amusements, com paratively;we indulge in no rest nr relaxation; but frown upon all cessation from business i —all pausing to take comfort—as foolish dissipation tiiat will end in want. It is even hard for an American to laugh; and when he does, he is half afraid of losing an opportuni tv of earning a ren», during the time con- ; j sumed by the operation. The idea of having , ! any enjoyment of his life, seems never to en- ; I ter his head; the big thought perpetually up- | I permost in it, is—how shall he avoid starva- I i lion? j How often do we see among us the spec- { 1 tade described by a cnmrempo r ary, of a fellow i citizen keeping soul and body, year after year, on a keen jump, in order that he may j heap uga huge pile of bread and meal, and after lie has rained tne heap until it overtops his fellows, sit down on it, and grow thin, I through fear that some of the crowd walking i around his pile will obtain a crust or joint of j : his hoard ! How certain it follows that a tew | years of anxious watching sends him down to the tomb, with avarice in his heart, and fear looking out of his dimming eyes, as he loses sight of the only god he worshipped, or that his poor soul could comprehend?— Strange perversion of the ends of life—and melancholy as strange! “People do not have relaxation enough in New England. They too generally have a care worn expression, front infancy to age; and the fact cannot be denied, that anxiety is a weariness to the flesh. We are all utilita rians in this country, especially in the North ern States, hardly affording ourselves oppor tunity for eating or sleeping in the manner * nature demands—for she can on y conduct | her chemical operations properly, and re-ad I just the deranged vital machinery, while wc I ! are quietly slumbering. We recruit our j selves and grow fat during a refreshing nap but exhaust thesystem, both physically and mentally, in pursuing to excess the ordinary round of every-day business. “All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy,” is a proverb based on a profound knowledge of the Jaws oUnr being. in New England, are worse off than the other sex, in the deprivat ion of out- J of-door relaxation, as custom lias made it [ j vulgar to breathe the fresh air of Heaven, • | unless it is done in a very lady-like manner. 1 Hence they make feeble mothers—look thin, | ; sallow, lank, and die by thousands, prema- : i turely, of that never would have j been developed had there been less education I of the mind, and more of the body, in girl hood. “A sad mistake is produced by a too im i plicil belief in the adage that “time is money, ’ I since tiie first object of pursuit is, in conse quence, made to bo cash. Those who at- ; i tempt to rest reasonably from their labors,at proper periods, are either airaid of not hav j ing enough, or are perpetually reminded that j ■ idleness ends in want. So the shuttle flies 1 faster than it ought logo; the farmer cheats | himself out of all that is worth having, health, j i by denying himself and his boys a holyday, because time is money, and example is every I thing; merchants in cities toil for the imme -1 diale benefit of thieves and paupers—paying | j taxes in proportion to their income—and j 1 leave the world unsatisfied, having never j i found themselves re dy to rest and take com- | fort. We work too much and 100 long tn ■ I New England.” J““ MT.I’STA. GEO,. THURSDAY MORNING, JAN. 21, 18-17. I_ . 1 O' The Northern mail failed again last evening from offices North of Charleston, j The Courier of yesterday morning says the | Wilmington boat had not arrived when that i piper went to press. Our New Orleans paper?, due yesterday, ; a’so failed to come to hand. | The Slavery Question. We commence to-day the publication of i Mr. Burt’s speech on his amendment to the 1 Oregon Territorial bill. This discussion has | ‘ been sprung upon the country prematurely I and unnecessarily. It looms up in a shape j j momentous and threatening, and from the ! j magnitude of the consequences involved, 1 j overshadows, in the public interest, every 1 j other question. The institution of slavery j i has long been looked to as the rock upon ! which ihe Union would eventually split. 1 This may be so. But we believe that time j 1 is not yet near at hand. The Anti-Slavery men of the North are too good arithmeticians j 1 to be ignorant of the value of the Union to j j ® • their own people. Their members of Con- ! gress know too well its value, in dollars and cents, to their constituents. To that Union are owing the wealth and prosperity of many i Northern States, whose soil is among the I poorest in the world. But their people have covered it with villages and cities, and accu mulated wealth almost incomputable by so wielding the taxing and appropriating power of the government, tiiat the South has, in a great measure, paid the taxes while the North has appropriated them. The industry of the South, being chiefly agricultural, and producing the great mass of our exports, has borne the burthen, while the industry of the North, making but little to swell our foreign commerce, has enjoyed a double bounty— first in exemption from the burthens on a commerce to which she did not contribute— second in the discriminating duties in the revenue laws on articles which her industry did produce for the domestic demand. These are some of the pecuniary advanta ges that the non-slave holding portions of the Union, from which now comes the fiercest opposition, have hitherto enjoyed. They no doubt calculate on a continuance of them, or the substitution of others as valuable. They have derived in addition, through their ship ping and commercial interests, : mmense bene fit from southern trade, and from slave labor, and will continue to do so. While this is the case, we have no fears for the Union. The Winthrops and Kings, and Wilmolß,may bluster—they may also re solve and Congress may unite with them in resolving that there shall be no more slave territory added to the Union. It will be de claring but a speculative opinion, and may be harmless, while that territory is not a permanent acquisition. But when restored peace shall find it in our possession,the slave holder will bo there, with the same rights I which his forefathers had in the first days of i the constitution. He will have his slaves also, and will insist on his right to hold them, j when it does notconflict with the spirit of the i Missouri compromise. The North exacted from the South all that she can ever get, and more than she was en titled to, in that compromise. She must i yield now to its terms, for below the line ol ! I 36° 30‘, the South will not be driven. * The Jl-icon Meinenijor on Salt. We publish below an editorial ot the 7lh ' inst., from the Macon Messenger, which we | clipped as soon as our eye lighted on it, and laid bv for future comment. We knew the cause of the temporary high price of salt, and knew that in a few weeks, according to the supplies received, the price would come down. We have only waited for the fulfil ment of our expectations to notice the shal low tirade of the Messenger against Demo cratic legislation, and the established princi ples of trade. We say established, because we think that he who would attempt to as sert that an enhanced duty can be imposed on an article of importation without raising l!ie price, or a lower duly be imposed with out lowering the price does make assertions against established principles. He would if an object was to be gained by it, just as readi ly assert that two and two did not make four. Such assertions are but “shallow tirades.” Transient causes may, and often will affect prices, and produce an apparent want of con formity with well settled laws of trade. But these are but temporary. Time is the great touchstone oftrulli,as well in the laws of trade, as in philosophy and morals. It is alike the foe ol Charlatanism and misrepresentation. What has it done in the present instance? It has i brought down Salt from the 7lh of January, i which was then selling at Macon at £>2,50, ! and in Savannah and Charleston, about the ! same time at 82.00 a 2.25 per sack, to SI,OO per sack at Savannah on the Islh inst., and to 87.\c. per sack at Charleston at the same date. Now it cost the Macon merchant about 37c. per sack to get his salt from Sa vannah. We presume therefore that salt in Macon can be offered at about §1,60 at this time. Wonderful reduction! What theory of free trade, or of protection, would the I Messenger quote to account for this—all too in a few days. The 6\ cents less ot the duty will not account for it. Yet the editor who would have bis readers believe that a reduction of duty will not reduce the price, ought to explain why the price has come down. An editor need not look beyond his } nose sometimes, to see a fact that by itself, j would apparently refute the plainest princi | pie But he must look a little farther if he | wishes to investigate a fad and ascertain ; truth. The Messenger may do a safe business in a small way, by contending that an enhanced : duty on an imported article will not raise its price,and vice versa; or even go further and contend that the higher the. duty, the lower the price, but it will scarcely be looked up to as an oracle by merchants, if it seizes on every temporary fluctuation in the price of ho arti cle ot commerce, as proof or as refutation ut I an established law. 1 The real cause of five temporary rise in ; the price of salt in Macon which produced 1 such astounding effects upon the mind of the I editor of the Messenger, and which he seem , ed to think should refute Say, Smith, Ricar : do. of tire old world and overthrow the whole I free trade party of this country, is in a few words the following/ It was known that salt would after the Ist | December last, pay a doty of only 2;] cents ! instead of 8 cents, and it was inferred that it would therefore go down in price. Mer chants therefore, would not import at a time when they would have to pay a duty of 8 ; cents, to come in competition with salt to be : imported shortly after at 22 cents duty. For ; a limited period no salt was ordered, as mer chants expected large imperial ions to meet the j reduced duty. But the demand continuing the same, as this is an “article of indispensable use,” and the supply being short, the article went up to $2,50 per sack. But since then there has been a free importation to meet the demand, and at the reduced duty. Con sequently, the price has gone down. \\ hat do the quidnuncs of the Messenger say to this? The low duty made it go op on the 7lh. What made it go down on the 15th inst.? It is true that one fact is worth, sometime *, a thousand t heories. But it is also true that a person must be acquainted with a thousand facts to establish one theory. We advise the Messenger never to undertake to knock down or set up again, an important theory, on so small a capital as one fact. j From the Macon Messenger.] Kali. A crying evil, and serious inconvenience in the domestic economy of every householder, is the high price of Salt. This is the mo'c aggravating on"account of its unexpectedness, for every one was made to believe by the political quidnuncs who give tone and character to public opinion, that a reduction ol the duty on this article of prime necessity, would be followed with a corresponding reduction ot price. Here a fair opportunity has been furnished, of testing the truth of the favorite dogma oflocofocoism, thattheduty upon an article always constitutes a part of the price, and as a corrollary, that such duty is a tax upon the con sumer. The experience of every one will satisfy him ot the truth or falsity of this theory. In the several tariffs that have been passed since the or ganizat.on of the Government, this article o indis pensable use has been a subject of duty, not that the consumer might he taxed thereby, hut tiiat by giving encouragement to ourovvn exhaustloss salt works, the consumer might have a choice of markets, and the a Wantages of increased com petition. From the tariff ot 1797, which laid a dutv of 20 cents per bushel on salt, and which Andrew Jackson voted for, the same duty on this article was retained in the several tariff hills that were passed down to 1832, when the duty was reduced tolOcents |>er bushel; in 1812 to 8 ets. per bushel, and by the new tariff of 181(5, an valorem duty of2o per cent, or 5 cents per bushel was fixed. Now by a parity of reasoning, and if the theorv be worth any tiring at ail, the price of salt should be reduced in an equal degree with the reduction of duty. But what is the fact? A sack of salt, this time last year, when tliedutv on it was 32 cents, was selling in this city at 81 50. Now, when the duty is 20 cents a sack, and if the locofoco theory he true, it should sell at least for 12 cents less it is worth in market to-day 82 50. One fact, tangible and accessible to ail, is w. rth a thousand theories; and however plausibly and logically a politician may reason from cause of effect, when the proof is lacking, we are bound to mistrust the correctness of his theory. Every consumer oi salt knows, that it is now- higher under a low tariff, than it was under a high one; he furMier knows, that the Secretary of th« Treasury, and every locofocu press in the coun try echoed the assertion, that the 8 cents duty was a tax on the consumer, which would bo removed by the new taritT. The Theatre. Notwithstanding the inclemency of tho weather, there were full houses at the Thea tre on Monday and Tuesday nights. jJ J o ; We were asked the questions several limes j yesterday, “Were you at the Theatre last I night?” “Did yon see Piacide’s Grandfather i Whitehead?” We have had to reply that an j indispensable engagement prevented us. But 1 we have assurances from many persons that ! Placide was cheat in that character, and i that we misled a treat by our absence. Placide’s fame is not unknown to us; nor are we wholly unfamiliar with his acting. We have seen him upon the New York boards, j lie is one of the most eminent Comedians of ' the day. As our citizens are seldom favored here with such an opportunity, we hope I they will improve it by continuing their pa tronage to the Theatre while he remains. If [ they fail to appreciate this effort of the wor j thy manager in presenting them so attrac- J live a star, we may hereafter have reason to ! exclaim, “We ne’er shall look upon his like a- no.” The stock company here is u very good i one, and Placide will be well supported in ; his line of characters. .Mr. and Mrs. Forbes : are of themselves valuable accessions to any | stage. j The play of Grandfather Whitehead will be repeated to-night. It combines in a very j high degree the opposite qualities ot humour aiid pathos—each by contrast heightening the influence of the other. On Tuesday i night many of the audience were affected to ! tears. This is an actor’.- highest eulogy. IFrotti I,ir.'rpool—lFirec*. Letters'received in this city train Savan. j nah, yesterday, states that the ship Tuscan i had arrived, which vessel sailed from Liver | poo! on the 10th, and no doubt brought ister advices, as shortly after her arrival, it is said, a merchant entered tiie market and brought to the amount of about one thousand bales. The following is an extract of a letter re ceived by the ship A her been, at Savannah, dated “Liverpool, Dec. 8 —There has been an extensive general demand fur Colton tho last two days, and prices are further ad vanced Ito ; ld. per pound.” i The Savannah Republican of the I9?h inst. bivs —* .’his intelligence «aa eveived in this j citv on Saturday morning, last, and the for | lunate parlies, acting upon the information in their possession, succeeded in purchasing something like 3.000 hales Colton. We ! ° are also informed that advices have been re | ceivcd here as late as the 12th nit. from ! Liverpool, and that operations, based upon j them, have already been made in both An j gusta and Macon, very considerably to the advantage of the parlies concerned. There have also been several other arrivals from i British ports, within the last two or three ; days, nearly all of which might have brongl t i ns later papers in addition to (lie intelligence intended for the private use of the con signees.“ From Havana. The brig Larch, arrived at Savannah on , Rip 13'h ins!., from Havana, brings advices to the lOtli inst. The editors of the Repub lican have been favored wish circulars, from which the following information is ex ! traded : : “Molasses was coming in freelv and readi ly taken at 2 rials per keg, equal to 10] cents per gallon on board, at which price contracts been made for deliveries up to the 20th inst, Sales of whole crops of Muscovado Molasses had been made on plantations at prices equivalent to 4 a 4i rials per keg.— The export of Molasses from the Island of Cuba for the year 1815, is set down as fol lows : From Havana, - - 25,956 hW,i, “ Matanzas, * - 50,465 “ Cardenas, - - 58.791 “ “ Mariel, &e.O- - 9,324 “ Total, 114,539 hluls. “The Sugar market, owing to the small* ness of stock, was quiet, and the few sales made were on somewhat easier terms. Tho quantity offering was quite insignificant, and the selections poor. The following are tho quotations: Cucuruchos, 5 to 51 rials, ord. yellows, 5* ass; mid do. G a fine do. 6$ a 7; florete do. 7|- a8; ord. whiles, 8 a 8£; mid. do. a 9; fine and florete do. 9 \ a 10. i Only a few parcels of the new crop had ar ! r ived—quality ordinary; and 6.] a 10.’ to 7 a 11 rials had been offered for Spain. Musco -1 vadoes arc arriving more freely, and a small i parcel of fine quality has been bought at 8 rials for the United States. Grinding was | quite general, and the weather continued fit i vorable for the planters. The exports of Su gar for the last year amounted to 795,160 b0xe5—159,469 boxes of which were for tho United Stales. In 1845 the exports'.-' 355.992—in 1844, 827,967 boxes. ; “Coffee was more abundant, and the quality improving. Demand brisk for France, the j Mediterranean, and New Orleans, at a 6 | fur ordinary qualities, and a* 6} for mid dling to best seconds. The expoi ts of Cof j fee during the past year, 298 900 arrobes ; from Havana, and 21,817 from Matanzas.— For the year 1845, IGO,6CB£ arrobes from ; Havana, and 10,325 from Matanzas.” O'The remains of Capt. Holmes reached Columbus on the 15lh inst. and were receiv ed with e very maik of respect. On leaving, the body was escorted fur some distance by the Light Guards and the Masonic Fraterni | ty. A delegation from the different associa- I lions in Columbus, as also from the volun- I leer companies of that city, accom j pany the remains to Macon, which place they j no doubt reached on Sunday last.