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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
JAMES GARDNER, JR.
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CON G it ESS ION A L.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
January 14, 1817.
Xho Territorial Ooreramcut cf Orcjou,
[Speech of Mr. Burt concluded.]
Now, after that glance at the history
of the acquisition of the territory, let them
inquire what were tiie conditions of that
compromise, known as the “ Missouri
comprimise.” In the eighth section of
the act ol sth March, 1330, it was pro
vided :
“And be it further enacted , That in all
that territory ceded by France to the Uni
ted Stales under the name of Louisiana,
which lies north of thirty-six degress and
thirtv minutes north latitude, not included
within the limits of the State contemplated
by this act, slavery and involuntary ser
vitude, otherwise than in the punishment
of crimes whereof itie parties shall have
been dulv convicted, shall he, and is here
bv, forever prohibited : Provided always ,
That any person escaping into tlie same
from whom laborer service is lawfully
claimed in any Slate or Territory of the
United Slates, such fugitive may he law.
fully reclaimed, and conveyed to the per.
son claiming his or her labor or service
as aforesaid.”
That was tlie compromise. A com
promise for what? A compromise eon
ceding what? Why, that in all the Lou
jsiana territory, north of 3u degrees 30
minutes north-latitude, slavery should he
forever interdicted. What should be
done below that line? Was there any
guaranty for slavery? Was there any
security that it should exist there? Was
there any attempt to interfere with the
sovereign rights of the people below that
line to determine that question ior them
? Ives? That was the compromise. r h
did not know upon what ground of con
stitutional authority that Missouri com
promise wouiu he vindicated. lie as
sured thorn that it could be defended on
noground of concession of mutual ngf's.
It sought to interfere upon a subject w i>:_ i ,
it seemed to him every one admitted, he
longed exclusively to the abates—a sub
jeclover which Congress had no power
to establish regulations—to abolish, or, in
anv wav to interfere with against tlie
wishes of the Slates. F involved a ones
tion which, he remembered, had been
raised by the gentleman from New York,
[.Mr. Grover.] in that hall, a few days
ago—tl -t of the States to control and
regu’e o i importation of slaves from
one to ihr* other. Upon that subject, ho j
(Mr. II ) would adduce an authority
which, he doubted not, the gentleman |
would venerate. He begged to aMc the
attention of that gentleman, and that of
the Mouse, to the opinions of the judges ;
of the Supreme Court of the United Slates, j
Justice McKean says:
“The power over slavery belongs to
the States respectively, it is local in its j
character and in its effects; and the nans- |
for or sale of slaves can not be separated ;
from this power. It is, indeed, an essen- i
tial part of it. Each State has a right to
pro'ecl itself against the avarice and in
trusion of the slave dealers, to guard its j
citizens against the inconvenience and j
danger of a slave population.”
Me maintained that this power “to pro
hibit slavery, or regulate it,” may be ex
ercised “without trenching upon the corn- j
mercial power.” Ciiief Justice Taney,
in the same cause said :
“In my judgment, the power over this
subject is exclusively with the several
States; and each of them has a right to
decide for itself whether it will, or will ;
not, allow persons of this description to :
be brought within its limits from another
State, either for sale, or for any oilier ,
purpose; and also to provide the manner
and mode in which they may be intro- !
duced, and to determine their condition
and treatment within their respective ler- j
liVorfcs; and the action of lire several ,
States upon this subject cannot he con- j
trolled by Congress, either by virtue of
its power to regulate commerce, or by ;
virtue of any other power conferred by j
the constitution of the United States.”
In this opinion concurred Justices
Story, Thompson, Wayne, and .McKin
ley. Justice Catron did not sit, from in- j
disposition. Justice Harbour, of Vir- !
ginia, died before the case was decided. ;
Justice Baldwin, of Penn, dissented,
holding that the power to regulate com
merce was a negation to the States of re- i
gulating the sale and traffic in slavery |
between the States. The next instance i
in their history upon this subject, was i
the annexation of Texas, flo should not
undertake to say what motives—what i
view of policy induced the annexation of j
Texas. He knew that that measure was (
advocated on various grounds. He knew i
that it was advocated by the nmth and I i
west, as well as by the-souih; but, so far ;
as he had heard the debates—and he be- t
lieved he had heard them all —he would i
not undertake to sav on whai g. end the ! <
annexation of Texas was advocated.— t
He thought he might sa d!y say it was not J {
advocated on the ground exclusive of sla- I t
very, or of the slave interest. If he were f
to undertake to say on what ground in t
his estimation that policy was urged, he r
would say it was the jealousy w hich every I c
American felt against the British Govern- \
ineHt planting a foot on another inch of 1
American soil. He believed that that I
was the ground; andthat the trtfe Afneri- s
#an fcelmg which would resist as an a<r. c
° »
gression the establishment of British pow
er upon this continent, was the cause of
the annexation of Texas. But Texas at
that time was an independent republic.—
The resolu‘i>r. which proposed this line of |
30 degre* s 30 minutes was offered to her
in the nature of a treaty stipulation. She 1
was competent to assent or reject. Shei
chose to assent, and ho submitted that |
lb it instant in their history could not be ,
adduced as a precedent. But it was m
deference to that precedent in their histo- !
rv that he ventured to offer this amend
ment in a spirit of amity and com- !
promise. Ifit were met in a corresnon- j
; dent spirit, it might be well for that con
! federacy. He trusted it might he so. But
i he could not refrain from saying that !
these compromises—ifeompromises they I
could he called—had brought nothing j
which was valuable to the protection of j
j the rights and the peace of the south.- ;
i The south had been subjected to eternal I
' agitation—to that eternal lea-dug and an- '
i noyance which was the only kind of war- j
: fare that was practicable upon their in- '
sthutions. In his opinion, the rights of!
the south rested more firmly upon the ba
sis of the constitution. That instrument
restricted southern property within no
limits. It confined if within no area. It .
was circumscribed within no parallels of
latitude. The south stood, with the oth- I
er States of the Union, on a footing of
equality. Her institutions and her rights ,
I were respected by that instrument, and to i
some extent were guarantied to them j
The argument w hich he had the honor to i
submit led him to maintain that Congress j
had no power, on the admission of a
: Slate into the Union, to impose such a
; restriction as that contained in the or
dinance of 178 S. The only powcrdele
gated in Congress—the only power which,
as he maintained, could be exercised by
Congress over either a Territory or a
State applying for admission into the
Union was the power simply to inquire
what were the rights secured by the con
slitution, and whether her form of gov
ernment was republican. He put it to
any man who might choose—if any
should choose—to answer ms argument
which he had n.vt ,
If Congress had the power to impose
upon a Territory such rest notions—a
restriction in regard to one species of
property —had it not an equal right to im
pose restrictions on any species of proper
ty? If it had the power to prohibit the
property of the south from being tranfer-
K(i to any region, had it not the same
i r iig hr jo prohibit the transfer of the proper
: ty of The north? Did not the power which
would prohibit the introduction into that
i Territory of a slave, possess Ihe tight to
j prohibit also the introduction of a spirining
i jenny or a New- York sheep? He begged
:to he answered on that point. It was not
intended that the properly of any portion
j of that confederacy shoal . co subject to
such an interdict as that container! in the j
| oidioance of 1787. It was not intended \
! that Congress should have the power to j
1 say to a E'ate, “You shall be despoiled |
m your sovereignty bof >re you can he I
; udnlined into tins Unionl” Ho insisted
' that thorc was no power to require a State
i to surrendei her sovereignty before her
I ... o •
admission into the Union, He knew that
some of his friends from the south had
doubted whether the amendment which
he had had the honor to submit, was ju
i dicious at this moment. He was aware
; that one who had, perhaps, a!ways some
1 influence in controlling the public opinion
at the .south, had been endeavoring to
silence the voice of the south upon that
que.stion. He—[the remainder of the
sentence was lost.] But so far as that ter
ritory of Oregon was concerned, the pres
ml was the only time when !lie question
should be raised. It was to be done now, ,
or it was to he done never. If not done,
it was to constitute anolherprecedent, and
he did not hesitate to say, that if the south
failed to raise its voice now, it ought to
7 *5
he and would be forever precluded. But
what were the circumstances which now
surrounded them? A man from tlie
southern Stales had been blind, who for
the last three years had not seen that a
fearful conjuncture was coining upon the
country. He (Mr. B.) had not occupied
his seat ten days before lie espied its rapid
approach. He begged very briefly toad
vert to some of those circumstances.
Three years ago, the incendiary pub
lications, disguised under the form of
memorials and petitions to Congress, were
excluded from the hall—that harrier had
been broken down. One of the States of
the Union—the Siate of Massachusetts—
a State influential as well on account of
her high intelligence as her wealth
solemnly, by her legislature, proposed to 1
disturb that comprorniseoftHe constitution
which provided the basis of representation (
in Congress. That was defeated. During <
O I
the last session of Congress, when a pro
position was made in that hall to furnish i
the government of t*o United Slates with j i
the moans of concluding a treaty of peace )
with Mexico—when an approp.-iati n was f
asked for the simple purpose of cmelud *
ing a treaty of peace wi h Mexico—a
democratic representative born Pennsvl- (
vania ro>e in his place and moved that t
interdict of the ordinance of 1757 upon r
any territory that might he acquired from c
the enemy in Mexico. The country was s
at war. Everybody desired that a peace
should lie obtained if practicable. Yet
that blow was inflicted by a democratic
hand! He remembered, upon that oc- ,
casion, that his worthy and estimable ]
friend from Indiana, moved the proposi- <
tion of the Missouri compromise; and he t
remembered that the proposition was voted 1
down. He remembered, moreover, that 1
when the bill to provide the loan sought j
by the President was introduced in that
House, gentlemen from the eastern States,
and some from the western Slates, on the i r
opposite side of the House, denounced J 1
with a loud voice the entire proposition; |
and sooneofthe provisos of tlie gentleman 1
from Pennsylvania was engrafted on that
hill, and they were the first lo turn round
| and vote with alacrity for it. 1 his ing tlie |
j present session of Congress, an honorable
member from the Suite of New York,
i [Mr. Kina’ ] bad deemed it his duty, or at
I least had thought proper to attempt the
| introduction of the same proposition—the
■ proposition with tlie proviso moved by the
| gentleman from Pcnnsvlvania. The
House refused lo suspend ihe rules for
i the introduction ol that proposition by
j only some two or three votes. He told
them, and lie told the south, that proposi
tion was lo come! He told them that it
would be moved, and he did not see that
j it would not prevail. What was the lan
■ guage all around him in that hall? What
i was the language of gentlemen from the
north, and from the east, and from the
west? That the south need not hope ever
again to see a slave State formed of any
territory that might be acquired by that
government, whether by treaty or by con
| quest.
Mr. Sawyer (in his seat ) Has the
west said so?
. Mr. [fort had said “gentlemen from
the west.” [A laugh.] lie could not
sav that it was the unanimous voice of
tho west. He hoped that it was not
He had in bis mind’s eye many patriotic
exceptions. But they were told that the
line of the Missouri compromise must he
abandoned. They were told so in that
i debate. The gentleman fiorn Maine, [Mr.
Hamlin.l the oiher day concurred, as ho
(\|r. I>.) understood him, in announcing
the determination of w hat was called “the
north.” If these facts—r these declara
tions were not inducements to the south
now to move there, he would confess that
the south had Inst its spirit. If, w ith these
admonitions and threats ringing in their
ears the south postponed for an hour this
question, he would not sp°ak for others,
hut his mind was made up. He told the
south that, although the annexation of
Texas provided for the admission of -lave
States to he formed out of the territory
below 33 degrees, 30 minutes, no such
State vvoit'd be admitted into the Union.
Fie looked to the vo ( e upon the admission
of Florida—-he looked to what was the
universal sentiment of the north, as pn
nouneed by representatives from those
quarters on that floor, and asl<ed.| that if
the south did not now move, when would
it shako ofTits sloth and lethargy? Would
it wait rill their dwellings were in flames?
Should I lie v wait til! their le*a rthstones
were drenched vjith the blood of their
wives and chiKlten? He trusted not.
‘•Now’s the dav arid now the hour.” Ho
appealed to every gen’h man who had
been contemporarv with him in that Con
gress, that he had never raised his voice
on the subject of slavery, but on one oc
casion. He called upon them from the
north and wc.-tto hear him witness that
ho never had introduced that subject itvo
debates in that House. But though he had
never introduced it, no for one, had never
shrunk from it; and he had thought it
his duty not to he silent now. Ho told 1
the north that the south was united upon j
this question. Ho told the north that
I lie re was no traitorous son from the
sou h, there or at borne: and lie had a
steadfast faith that the south would he
found equal to its destinies, through what
ever peri! or confusion it might he its fate
to encounter,
[Reported for the Baltimore
TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS,
SECOND SESSION.
Wash tag ton, Jau. IC, 1847.
CM ’ \ \TP
Olj ia i ij .
Mr. Benton obtained leave fn introduce his j
bill granting bounty land to all mm-commis- i
sioned officers and privates of the army, now j
in Mexico.
The bill having been read twice by its '
title, Mr. Benton, after some remarks, hoped 1
that tiie Senate would act upon it at once. 1
A desultory discussion arose upon a point |
of order, as to whether the hili could have its ;
second reading on the day of its introduction,
pending which Mr. J. M. Clayton moved to
postpone the further consideration of the hill
tor the purpose of taking up the Army b. 11.
Mr. Berrien said that this motion assumed j
that the Land bill was now before the Senate, j
which he could not admit. The real question i
was, he argued, upon tiie second reading of
the bill.
The debate upon the point of order was I
then renewed and continued at some length. !
In the course of if, Mr. Benton, with much |
warmth, and in a very loud voice, declared
that the w hole country should see the ground
upon which he stood—the whole world should
see what he was about.
Mr. Cameron said that when the whole
world was seeing what the Senator from
Missouri was about, they would at the same
time be seeing what the rest of the Senate
were doing. [Laughter J
After further debate, the motion of Mr.
Clayton to postpone the subject before the ■
Senate, for the purpose of taking up the
Armv bill, was carried—yeas 23, nays 23, i
the Vice President giving his casting vote
in she affirmative.
The Army hill was ;Tien taken up. the
question being on agreeing to the subs itu*e
offered by Mr. Badger for Mr. Cameron’s j
amendment.
Alter a conversational debate, on motion !
of .Mr. Benton, tlie bid was re-committed to
the Military Committee, with instructions to
report a section granting 160 acres of land to
every non commissioned officer and soldier
serving during the war.
The Senate then held a short executive
session, and then adjourned,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The Oregon territnral bill was then taken
np, and Mr. Hamlin, of Maine, addressed the
House in defence of the constitutional right
of the United Stales to prohibit slavery in j
new territories. In regard to this question 1
the North wore united as one man—he would
not say that there were not dough-faces with j
their right arm free and manacles on their j
left—but the sentiment of the North was op
posed to any futher extension of the area of
livery. And the representatives from the
North would not swerve from the straight
line of duty, for in so doing they would dis-
| regard the known wishes of their constitu
; ems.
Nosoli’ary interest of any State, lie con
-1 tended, would be atf-ded bv the Ins , which
i they proposed. This is i.o Missouri compm
| tnise—no annexation of Tex a* —which Key
; were taking about. L un- ana v.us ugh -
luiiy a part of the Union at the time of the '
passage of the compromise resolutions, and
slavery had hmm already therein established.
So also with Florida and Texas. 13. it never
would he assent to the introduction ofslave
■ ry into free lerritor.es, acquired, or lo be ac
i qaired.
i Mr. Bowden, of Alabama, tiie successor of
i Mr. McConnell, followed Mr. Hamlin, and j
entered, with great ability, into a discussion
j of tiie constitutional question involved, and
contending fur an inviolable adherence to the
provisions of the Missouri compromise. He
was listened to with great attention through
out and received the congratulations of those
' near him at the conclusion of his speech.
I Mr. Thompson of Pennsylvania, then look
1 the floor in reply to Mr. Bowden, to every
j word of whose argument he said he had lis
i tened, and in defence of the right or tiie U.
j States to prohibit slavery, under the power
i delegated by tiie Slates and embraced in the
i constitution.
I Mr. McDaniel, of Missouri, next obtained 1
j the floor, and moved she previous question.
They were conteu ing, he said, about lerri
lories thev did not po.-se.-s, and wasting the
i people’s time and money. The debate re
minded him of the quarrel between tiie old
; man and woman, about which should milk
I the cow, which neither owned, and neither
| had money to buy.
The previous question was sustained, the
\ ca- and nays ordered, and lire bi.l passed,
133 to 35.
Sundry communications from the President,
War, Treasury, ami Po-toffice Department,-.,
were laid on the Speaker’s table, and then
the lluu=e adjourned.
Washington-, Jan. IS, 1317.
SENATE.
The House bill, establishing a territorial
! government in Oregon, was received, read
i twice and referred to the judiciary commit
j
I Mr, D x presented memorials from New
) York asking a grant of public lands to aid in
the construction of a national railroad to the
Pacific. These and others pl acing the es
j lablishment of a branch post office in tiie city |
: of New York, wore appropriately referred,
j Alter the disposal ofsome private hills, the j
j bill creating the office ol Surveyor General |
of the public lands in Oregon, and to grant j
| donation rights to settlers therein, was taken !
up in committee of the whole. The amend- j
i mens reported from the committee on public >
I lands having been concurred in, the bill was '
reported to tiie Senate and ordered to be cn- j
grossed for a third reading,
Mr. John-on, ol Maryland, submitted the 1
follow ing to.-olut ,ori for consideration.
Resulted, That the s ecretary of the Trea- j
. surv report to the Senate—-
First—W lift her any funds of the govern- '
! merit, atid if any, what amount ha- been re
united from ibe Atlantic States f () New Or- j
1 leans, or to the dr-bur.-ing officers of tiie i
j American anny in M two. since the Ist of
i September last; arid if remitted, in what funds
remitted —whether in gold and .-ilver com.
| treasury notes, bank notes or bank check*,
and if in whole or to part, remitted in gold I
and -ilver, what lias been the expense to go- 1
vernment ol such remittance,
i Second, That he also report to the Senate *
whether in his opinion the cost of ti e 1816
; (the sub-treasury law) is not calculated to
' prevent or end) i rrass the government in ne
; got fat mg such a ioan as will be required to
: carrv on the existing war with Mexico, and
whether it "would out be the interest of the
United States to repeal such law, or to su*-
pend it- operation until the further order of I
Congress.
The laud graduation bill was then taken
np. The amt ndmenls offered hv Messrs
Bagby and \ idee were rejected. On motion
of Mr. Crittenden tiie bill was then postponed
till Monday.
After a ,-hnrt executive session the Senate
adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The Speaker announced the tiisl business
I in order to be the consideration of the hi!!
I to increase the pay of the non-commissioned
i officers, musicians and privates of the army
I of the United States, and the militia and
! volunteers in the service of the same, and
I allowing them bounty lands in certain cases.
Mr. Preston King moved that the special
| order for the day he postponed until to-mor
j row. forthe purpose of calling on the SState.-
1 for th° presentation of resolutions, Sec. Lost
50 to 106.
[Mr. King, if was supposed, desired to in
troduce his two million bid, with the slavciy
1 prohibition clause. |
On motion of .Mr, George S. Houston, the
i House then resolved itself into committee o
j the whole on the State ol the Union, Mr. Me
j Clellan in tlie ciiair, and took up liio order
j of the day above menfhmed.
An amendment was adopted to the first sec
i tion, making the increase of pay three d ill.-trs
per month, instead of two, as provided in the
bill.
The bill also gives a bounty of 160 acres of
land to volunteers and regulars who serve in
the war against Mexico, and the same
amount to heirs of those who die in the ser
vice.
Several amendments to the second section
were proposed, and a lengthy discussion en
sued. Without taking any vote on the amend
ments, the committee rose and reported pro
gress.
Mr. Hungerford gave notice of intention to
ask irave to introduce a bill to provide (or the J
deposit of all moneys received from customs
and the public lands into ihe treasury, and for
tiie payment of all persons engaged in col
lecting (he same from she treasury, and for
other purposes. Adjourned.
ImpcrtaKl from Poiilii Amrr’ca.
Arriialif the ('alifiornia ly.cjedi'ion ni llio — j
Serious difficulty between Mr. U/sc aid
the Brazilians—J Us son assaulted in the 1 ,
public strait—Commodore Rosseau threat- i
eued to fire on the town , t^c.
We learn from the New York Fun that
she brig Reindeer, Captain ESdridge G. Win
sor, arrived on Friday evening from Rio Ja
neiro, whence she sailed on the 26th of No
vember. Ail the vessels of the California
expedition under Colonel S’eveuson. had ar
med safe at Rio, viz : U. S. transport ships (
Susan Drew, Loo Chou, and Thomas 11. Per- ,
kins, with the U. S. ship of war Preble.
The officers and men were all in good
health. Every thing was quiet on board the
vessels, and the troops in excellent discipline. (
The expedition would sail in a lew days for {
its destination. t
By this arrival we have the particulars of i
an unfortunate misunderstanding between the (
U. S. minister at Rio and the Brazilian Gov- !
eminent, which threatens to disturb our am
icable relations with that power. The diffi
culty originated in (ho arrest of two men
r ro m the U. S. ship Columims, who were on
-Lore wl-Je the vessel was at anchor in the
},arbor of Rio. The men got intoxicated, an 1
• while proceeding through the streets to go on
board, were placed under arrest and convey
ed to pri.-on. Lieut. Davis,ot the Columbus,
was on -here with tiie tneu; being at some
distance a* the time of their arrest, lie foi- i
lowed, railing on them to accompany him.—
Before he got up, they were taken into the
fort. On arriving at the fort, he drew his
1 sword in evidence ol his authority as an ol- !
ficer of tiie United States. and demanded j
their release.
The guards then beckoned to him to come !
in, and supposing them desirous ot having an i
interview with him in relation to the men, lie j
did so, but immediately found himself and i
his men prisoners.
Mr. Wise, Ihe United States Minister, be
ing apprised of the occurrance by Commodore 1
Rosseau, of the Columbus, opened a corres
pondence with the Brazilian government, I
demanding their release. The reply being
deemed unsatisfactory, was answered by an
other communication, from the Minister, in- |
1 forming them that the Columbus would open 1
her batteries upon the city in two hours, it j
Lieut. Davis and the men wore not released j
within that time. The Lieutenant was j
promptly released, but the men were defam
ed under a plea that being lound intoxicated I
in the s reels, they were amenable to pun- j
ishment by the civil authorities. Farther cor
respondence ensued, the men still remaining '
in custody.
A dav or two after this occurrence, the |
Emperor's vnunge-t child, the infanta Labe'- j
la, was christened, the ceremonies being j
honored hy salutes from ves-els of war, and
the illumination of the dwellings of the for- i
e>gn ministers. The fete lasted a whole
week. But Com Rosseau and Mr. NV :>e
declined to join in any ceremonies of (his i
character, until reparation had been made '
for the insult offered to their country. The
authorities requested the Commodore to fire
a salute, which he declined doing Mr. Wise j
and the other Americans did not illuminate ,
their dwellings, and have consequently beet? ;
subject to repeated in-nits. The son of the ;
Consul was a-.saoiled in the streets, arid se
riously wounded. The subject was taken
; up in (lie national Parliament, then in scs- j
| -ion. The ilou.-e of Commons passed a bill i
I requesting the withdrawal « f Mr. Wise, but i
j the upper House rejected if, and the Com- J
I mous tendered their resignation in a b ■ly. I
j Thus, the ittTiir rested at la-r advices, the j
; men being .-till in prison. During the ex- |
j citemeiU at Rio, (he California boys arrived ,
; and re.solved to have an opposition chrisien
; ing of one of our American seveteign*,t-vo of
I whom were barn on the passage. A splen*
! d.d silver cup was provided as a present for I
j the voting vc.iiiii’e r, whom IheC, i Uinduiv |
[ christened Abo < ahforinia. Col. Stevenson ,
j stood god-fa?her Am the occasion. All the
i officers of the Hups and many of the Amen- ■
' cans uere present.
, Ir was a splendid afftir, and operated a* a
j hint »o (lie Brazilians, who were somewtiat
astonished at tiie Amentum vo'unfeers l» «v- 1
ing (heir homes in such numbers to go half
round the world. The volunteers were allowed :
lull privileges on shore, but them hiJ no) |
been a single desertion. Col. Stevenson read
• a speech to them in relation Ibe difficulties, '
| and every man expres-ed his may uesa to
I join in storming the city, Rio, if necess.i-y
' to sustain the honor of their country’s fLg. ,
(’apt. James M. Turner, of Iho California
volunteers, arrived in the Reindeer, as bear- I
er ot despatches from •hr United F.’ates min
i.-ter at Braz !, and will proceed to Washing- !
ton. The other passengers were, Mrs. C G
Steele, of Athens, N. Y., lady of Ciptain I
I G. Ftcele, of the volunteers; Robert I'. ,
Noah.of N. V.,Socretarv to Col. Stevenson; 1
and Lieu'enant Georg** ft. Brewster, of the j
volunteers, from We-t Point.
War had not yet broken out between Bra
zil aud die Argentine Rennbfic, but was daily
expected. Brazil had ordered ;t large force 1
to she Argentine frothier
The passengers in the Reindeer were j
brought up to the city by (lie pilot boat Rn- j
hurt Mitchell, which greatly facilitated the i
transmission to Washington of the important
advices brought by Ca.pt. Turner for the go- 1
verumenl.
Frosn Europe.
There had been two arrivals at New York,
bringing later dates from Liverpool. The
latest was the packet ship Rochester, which
vessel brought advices to the 7:h December.
They confirm the advices brought via Sa
vannah.
The follow ing paragraphs, however, in re- |
lation to the Cotton market, may prove of j
some interest to our commercial readers:
Liverpool, Saturday Evening, Dec. 5. !
The most striking feature that has exhibited 1
it-cdfdnring the past week in the mercantile !
transactions of Liverpool is an advance in ;
(he prices of both corn and cotton, (lie two I
markets which exercise the most important
influence on the prosperity of the country.
The cotton market has, taken a considera
ble stait this week, no le*s than 78,020 halos
having changed hands, which is nearly equal
to one sixth ofthe present stock in this port..
With reduced estimates by tiie Boston steam- j
er of the yield of the present crop of the 1
United States, so large a business naturally
increased the demands ol holders, and prices
have advanced one farthing to three-eights
of a penny per pound on American descrip
tions. Speculators have t iken of (he above
46.000 hales, exporters only 550, and spin
ners 30.870 bales, a quantity somewhat above
their consumption, which gives evidence of
their verv rediitS&J stocks. The cotton trade
between this port and the United States will
for some lime lie exceedingly hazardous, by
the augmentation of prices in America; and,
as we do not «t present possess more than
four months’ consumption, the n maining
eight month.-’ supply to come forward out of
the present American crop, will give to the
United States twice the advantage to he ob
tained by the present holders in this port.
We are happy so observe that trade has
been better in Manchester during this week
than the last. The accounts from India and
(,’tiina that have come to hum! during the
week, of an increased demand for British
manufactures in those markets, i- the prima
ry cause. The prospects of an early revival
of trade in the woollen districts is also be
coming apparent.
Tiie sad relics of the lamented Holmes,
whose death at Monterey it was onr painful i
duty some time since to announce, reached the |
city.yesterday at one o’clock, by the souihern
train of cars, In charge of Mr. George Rob
inson, the friend who appompanied them
from the Army, A committee from the Co-
j Jumbus City Light Guards, the Masonic and
Odd Fellow Lodges of that city, the Lodge
i at Thomaston, and a committee of gentle
men from this city who went u{> in the nine
o’clock train to meet them. They were
! met at the Depot by the Macon Volunteers,
Lieut. Conner, the Fioyd Rifles, Lieut. Den
ton, who, together with a numerous con
course of citizens, followed the body in
mournful procession to the late residence of
the deceased, where it will remain until 11
I o’clock this morning. The funeral will
take place on 1 hursday at 12 o’clock from
the City Hall.— Macon Telegraph* \9(h inst.
AUGUSTA, GEOm
FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 22, 1*47.
~slr. Toombs’ Si»»ech.
Upon this effort of the Representative of
| the Btli Congressional District, we would
| have desired to make our comments without
reference to the party politics of the author.
; There are portions of it which as a South
erner we would approve, and have done so.
It is the concluii ng <:<.rlion as we saw it r«-
ported, which we published a few days ago—
all that at that time we had seen and w hich
we found, imperfectly reported, in the
: Charleston Mercury. We have *iace seen
the speech reported in full, and we shall now
speak our opinion of it, or of so much of
it as marks out a course of policy and may
j have influence on popular sentiment. The
- speech is made on the bill reported to autho
i rize the addition of ten regiments of regular*,
for the prosecution of the war. Mr. Toombs
opposed the bill and avowed his preference
; for vohinte-os We will not discuss this
question of the relative efficiency of the two
kinds of troops. But we simply remark that
the bill from the Military Committee came
recommended by the good judgment not only
of that committee, sustained by strong argu
: meat and abundant facts, but by that ot the
Secretary of War. This was an argument in
: its favour, as these ought to be competent
bulges. Buttle President would have had
l;r hpp* niing )>ower in giving officers to the
now i ' ?s. This formed a prominent objec
tion ic Mr. Toombs’ eyes. But it is not on
this question vve would now make onr com
ments. We are also disposed to pass over
tire tirade against the President and his usur
pation of the war makhig power, ‘i he I’resi
dent fias set forth the facts of this case in
! bis annual rae.-t-age. Tnat vindication is a
sufficient an.-wer. This portion of the speech
is made for Buncombe, an cl for party objects.
If is not on thu'C issues vre now would argue.
' \or v ill we here inquire how much of effi
ciency and of energy Inis been displayed by
|t: ? p. e. lent in tUt prosecution of this war,
under h*s mulllp :ed embarrassments ami
difficulties, many of which weie the work of
the political allies f Mr. Toombs. Bui re
take our position in open opposition to tho
policy of great forbearance ana moderation
ami magnanimity towards Mexico advocated
by Mr. Toombs.
We do at all events protest against the
open advocacy in the American Congress,of
favorable terns being vouchsafed to Mexico
in advan i a treaty,—to an unsubdued en
| emy in a of open war, and while there is
•co little or.- rol immediate peace. The
j time ha. v ■ A.cn Mexico could have anv
j claim on oor justice or magnanimity. At
; least s‘ e does not at this tune occupy the
position entitling her to it. When she ap
peals l« our magnanimity, or our justice, i»
; will be ample time to respond. This country
t will iiieo not be unmindful of what behoove*
i h.or own high name, and what is due to the
j cause of civilization, and freedom. But we
1 conceive that the members of the American
j Congress had better confine themselves at
present, to devising ways and means to pro
secute this war with uncompromising energy
—with a view to the oveilnrow of our enemy.
These untimely appeals for magnanimity to
I a weak nation, and senseless diatribes against
! the spirit of conquest, have a most unfortu-
I na!e tendency. It is throughout an effort
to conciliate the popular mind of this coun
: try towards an enemy, who show no wiliing
j ness for conciliation, and continue in the
! most scornful manner to reject all overtures
; for a peaceful adjustment. It is an artful
) mode oi palliating the gross wrongs that
Mexico das done this country—of habituat
ing our ciiizens to look upon those wrongs
as but venial, and undeserving severe casti
gation. it pourtrays the poor Mexicans as
a people “more sinned against than sinning,”
and this country assuming towards her an
attitude of cruel and vindictive hostility, anti
an all-grasping ambition. They are repre
sented as only owing to this country some
money—a little base lucre, “rascal counters,”
and that this was rather her r i -S tune than
her fault. We are represented a* vfelling to
avail ourselves of this ■ w t, to seize
upon her territory and ; h.s . mher her.
r ] bus is the world and thus art eiea our own
citizens to be excited to cry out shame! on
our injustice. This sort of sympathy which
peeps out from the artful guise of words in
wh’ch it is clothed, is more d „ad misplaced
and unbecoming an American citizen- It
is wholly unworthy one who assumes to be
an American Slu'rsman, and is in a position
to act as one. It is moreover rani; injustice
to our country, which has throughout, while
forbearance could be looked upon as a
virtue, acted with singular forbearance, pa
tience and gener >sity to a nation whom even
Mr. Toombs characterizes as “a base, de
graded people, ignorant and vicious, false
and treacherous and cowardly.” "But though
they were not brave,”says the orator, “they
arc* obstinate; they would stand a great deal
ot beating.” This lust quality is compara
tively a virtue, and fe ascribed to them in
compliment. We think it is the only quality
which gives that people the least particle of
energy as a nation. It is this which baa
caused them to persevere in wrong, into