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4 CONSTITUTIONAL!!^. JAMES GARDNER. JR. T i: R 31 s. Daily, p.*r annum, $3 Tri-Weekly, per annum, ® 00 If paid in adv ance, W eekly, {*cr annum, 00 If paid in advance, - J '- > To Clubs of five, remitting $lO in advance. 2 00 iO" Ail new subacripuoiis must be paid in advance. i)Crl Jf wtage must be paid uu all Communications and Defers of business. UU 1 -——a ■" ’ - CO>r,K 9j IS SENATE—FEUUUAKY 25. THE THREE MILLION BILL. On motion of Mr. Sevier, the Senate re sumed the consideration, as in commbtee of the whole, of the bill making further appro priation to bring the existing war with .Mexi co to a speedy and honorable conclusion Mr. Ilannegaii then rose and said: Ihe main proposition Indore Ice Senate is simple in its nature, and when stripped of adventi lous matter, rather barren as a subject of de bate. The motives which induce the Presi dent to call for, au3 the Committee on For eign Relations to report, a biil for an extra ordinary appropriation of three millions, were frankly and clearly set forth by the chairman of (hat committee in his opening remarks, and signify nothing more than a desire to have the proposed amount placed at the dis cretion of the Executive, to be used, if ne cessary, in the final attainment of that most desirable end—a peace with Mexico. I will 3 iot offend the Senate by descanting upon the blessings of peace. There is no object more desirable to a nation than its proper preser vation. A termination of the present war with Mexico is desirable for both countries by every consideration which policy can sug gest or humanity inspire. The appropria tion itself presents nothing unusual in the practice of the government. It lias all the authority of precedent on past occasions, neither of which can be regarded of equal ur gency with the present crisis; and so far as the precedent is concerned, it has all the weight which can attach to illustrious names intimately «nd eternally associated with our civil institutions. The question, therefore, is one of expediency alone. At me last ses sion a similar appropriation was called for by the President. Regarding it then, as I have said I regard it now, a mere question of expediency, 1 was opposed to its grant, be cause I desired further information as to its object. With the explanation now before us, I am satisfied to trust the amount In the hands of the Executive, because the act it self is preceded by a satisfactory disclosure of the motives inducing, and the uses requir ing it. It is guarded in advance by all the cautionary measures which the most jealous vigilance seems to require, and the applica tion of the money cannot be misdirected, without a gross violation of his official trust by the President—such a violation as would inevitably bring him to the bar of public jus tice, and within the precincts of this very chamber, consign him to degradation, and his memory to the most ignominious associa tions. The one exclusive purpose to which the money is to be applied, is the seenrement of peace, which all concur is most desirable. I do not use the bandied term honorable peace, because I take it for granted that any other is cut of the question. No member of the Sen ate entertains higher opinions of the impor tance ot that great constitutional provision which confides to Congress the absolute con trol of the public treasury, and withholds from application at individual discretion one single cent. This appropriation I regard as strictly specific, as if directed to the erection of a custom-house, or the construction of a harbor. The object is equally determinate, and in its expenditure, 1 feel that we have a guarantee of the highest possible character. The eyes of the country are directed with all absorbing interest to the prosecution, the pro gress and the termination of the war with Mexico. Every step that is taken is noted throughout the land, and none ran doubt that as the passage of this extraordinary appro priation would attract the deepest interest, the public would require, as tlie price of its expenditure, the most wholesome and the most desirable result. lam not prepared to say that the appropriation of this money will effect the object, nor am I armed with any reasons ot her than those I derive from the senator from Arkansas, in support of the pro bability that it will he an earnest of peace.— Viewing it as I do, if the measure do no good, it can do no harm. Unless applied in accord ance with the law, and the spirit and morn ing of that law, it remains in the treasury, and of course lapses into the common fund, the property es the nation, and under the ex clusive control of Congress. The President must have reasons of a confidential character in addition to what has been communicated to Congress, satisfactory to bis own mind, i that this money is essential to the termina tion of the war; and, in the present crisis, as on all similar occasions, the common sue stions of policy forbid a public disclosure | of tlie information which I presume lie has confidentially received. The great defect of our government is the publicity to which all our movements, intentions, and negotiations connected with foreign governments are ex posed. They uniformly read us through the debates in Congress, whilst we arc blind as to their ultimate designs. And the advan tages which have thus been acquired over us at various limes could not easily be estimated. At the same time I do not well know how the evil could be remedied,consistently with the form and spirit of republican institutions. But, Mr. President, whilst I am thus willing to place this sum of money in the hands o7 the Executive for a specific purpose, I must be allowed to express rny own strong convic tions that it should be accompanied by the most decided and energetic prosecution of the war on the part of this government. I am grossly deceived by all the lessons of ex perience which are taught in the history of : other nations, if a temporizing policy on our part will have any effect but to defeat the very end we would accomplish. There is no peace within the circle of a system of half- • way measures at this juncture. If there is, ! all history is a lie. A friend, aware of rny opinion on this point, lias kindly furnished me with the following very apt quotation from one of the most accomplished writers of I the day. Macaulay, in his review of Hall man's Constitutional History, says : "If there be any truth established by the universal ex perience of nations, it is this, that to carry the spirit of peace into war, is a weak and cruel policy. The time of negotiation is the j time for deliberation and delay. Rut when I an ex’reme case calls for that remedy, which i* in its own nature most violent, and which in such cases is a remedy only because it is violent, it is idle to think* of mitigating and j diluting. Languid vvar can do nothing which | negotiation or submission will not do better; and to act on any other principle is not to save blood and money but to squander them.'' To tall back upon a system ot defensive ntea< sures, after a!! that has transpired, would en- courage the belief in Mexico that we felt our ( selves inadequate to the prosecution of offen sive measures, and in all probability wouid J entail upon the country an interminable bor- J i der war. If this sjstem ofdefence should be 1 | adopted, in accordance with ihe views ot tiie 1 senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,] ■ elevated and statesmaiiiiite as those views s are in many respects, 1 must be permitted to differ with him both in his estimate of the - number of troops necessary to defend the frontier from the month of the river to the Passo del Norte, as well as the consequences which must result from a policy which it is certainly not offensive to denominate tempo s rising. The distance ot the hue, as I have estimated it on the map, is over five hundred miles, to be defended by our posts, each gar risoned with one regiment. 1 It wifi not lie contended that these posts can 1 j furnish mutual succor in case of attack.— Their want, of contiguity must necessarily sordid the thought. Is it lo be supposed that a garrison, consisting ol a single regiment could resist the attack of such an army as Mexico can at any time bring into tbc field? 1 The unhappy late of the brave defenders of i the Alamo is a sufficient answer to the ques , tion. These posts must be abandoned at the i approach of a Mexican army, properly led, or their garrisons find bloods graves beneath the ruins of their own defences. The great and vital objection which exists to this plan i.-, that as it furnishes nut even the remote assurance of peace, it entails upon the coun j try an absolute necessity for the maintenance ; of a numerous standing army—a warequip ment as strong in numbers as our present list will be when filled by the additional ten regiments just provided for. This is inevita { hie, from the fact that vve must necessarily I keep a sufficient force.in our southern divi sion to meet any emergency that may arise lo concentrate at any required point for the repulsion of an army, which may at any mo ment become an army of invasion. How long this state qf things would continue, human foreMght must vainly endeavor lo predict. But, in addition to this it devolves upon the inhabitants of Texas and the entire frontier the necessity of a military organiza tion as strict and vigilant as though tiie ene my was continually at hand. It will drive back tiie frontier, and make desolate tiie ex posed settlements, when the inhabitants must become the prey of innumerable bands of murderous and marauding ram-herns, to whom such a state of warfare would be the very spring of existence. In addition to all this, it would require us to keep up extensive depots of provision,s and all the necessary equipments of war requisite for an army marching to give battle in an enemy’s coun try. In the event of a successful attack upon one or more ot these fortified posts, and in deed in every movement of our forces under I such a state of things, all would depend upon celerity. Not a day, not an hour could be spared from the quick and sudden march. It j would become a war of continual forays with I ail the advantages on the side of the enemy, whose halfsavage, vagrant, and itinerant peo i pole would find ample fille to gratify their nnsatiated and insatiable love of rapine and blood in the indiscriminate plunder and slaughter of families and nighborhonds.— There isetill a most fatal object to the pro posed plan, in my mind. To levy and col lect the imposts from customs as contempla ted, it would be absolutely necessary to main tain garrisons at the various posts along the Gulf of Mexico sufficiently strong not only i for the defence ofthe works intrusted to their care, but for various offensive operations, and more especially the prevention of a gen- I oral system of contraband, which would in evitably defeat the object of revenue. Expo i rience has proved that our present, squadron in fthe gulf is altogether inadequate to the : purpose of blockade. Unless we are deceived by the most gross misrepresentations, there has been up to this time little more than anorn- ; inal blockade of tiie single port and harbor of Vera Cruz. I will not pretend to estimate j tiie naval augmentation which would be ne- : j cessary to enforce such a blockade as would , put a stop to wholesale smuggling along the | entire cost of Mexico on the guli; but I doubt ' very much if our whole naval force would I not find active and sufficient employment in the service. In addition to this, the whole j plan of revenue from imports may be coun teracted by the regulations of Mexico esta blishing such duties on imported articles | consumed as would amount to an interior : prohibition. And, sir, our own history im presses a lesson which stands out in bold relief for the admiration and imitation of I mankind, and which, as it will never be for gotten by us, may, whenever the exigency shall require, be adopted by others. They may, as our ancestors did with tea, resolve I neither to purchase not to use that which has , paid a duly to ns. These are the prominent I objections which have arisen in niv mind to ' 1 the military feature in the plan of the senator j from Smith Carolina. I offer them with great diffidence, and without the slightest abatement of the high respect which I feel for his eminent endowments, and which for more than the third of a century have made him a burnished and “a shining mark” in the history of his country. If my objections are \ well-grounded, any plan of mere defence and ; consequent inactivity is utterly inadequate ( to the desired end. Instead of promoting peace, such defensive measures wouid pro j crastinate the war. They would increase 1 rather than diminish the effusion of human blood. Upon the score of expense, it offers to me no advantage; for I cannot see how we are to retain military possession along the banks ofthe Rio del Norte ami the entire Gulf of Mexico with a less military force than would be sufficient for all the purposes of invasion. The whole plan ofthe senator ; from South Carolina is resolved in three in j words—armed possession and inaction. My j limited reading and reflection have taught i me that, indeterming upon a plan of military I operations, it is a fatal oversight not lo con sider well the probable effect which the plan I shall have upon the mind and condition of | the enemy, as well as upon (he habits and | predisposition of their lives. This one over- 1 sight in a single instance arrested in his towering career and consigned to loneliness and death upon a barren rock, the mightiest of earth’s conquerors, the loftiest of all her princes—he who burst upon a dazzled world with all the brightness of a new sun in the zenith, and “before whose deeds the achieve- j ments of Ammon’s son grow pale.” So far i as tiie boundary proposed to be defended by ; the honorable senator from South Carolina is concerned, I am well content with it as a ; permanent boundary ia fixing future limits | between this country ai d Mexico, and to ! this purpose lam willing to contribute by a I j proper indemnity upon a final adjustment of ! our difficulties. R has tern conclusively shown hv that senator, that vacant and un occupied territoty is the onlv accession, which in sound policy we should think of making in that quarter. .Mexico and the United States are peopled by two distinct and utterly unho mogeneous races. In no reasonable period could we amalgamate. Nomadic in iheii I habits, and grossly ignorant, -as a vast pro portion ot them are, they are utterly uniat fbi ' the blessings ami the restraints of rational ' liberty, because they cannot compreliend the ; distinction between regulated freedom, and i that unbridled licentiousness which consults I only liie ev;l passions of tin* human heart making each man the avenger of his own ' wrongs, and government it-e t a mere play* 1 tiling, at the capricious pleasure ofthe infu riated mass. With them as with our own ■ savage tribes, liberty is the utter absence ol i civil restraint and of laws. For many long : long years before they could be adapted to i our institutions, New England must have i her schoolmasters there in every hamlet and • district. Sir. in my opinion, no plan on om : part will be effectual in restoring peace be -1 tween the two countries, but that which in cludes the most vigorous and efficient mea -1 stires. And liter, fore I trust that all the 1 energies of tlie nation will bo directed to the | prosecution of offensive war during the cam paign novtf in progress. So far.our victories l have been productive of no results other than the individual glory, which all concede to to the gallant officers and soldiers who have participated in the various conflicts. Our operations hither to have been confined to the borders of Mexico; we have inflicted upon their country none ofthe severities of war. The .great mass of the Mexican popu lation ha e heard of the din of war; but it is only in I lie far distance. The feeling of se curity, the absence of apprehension, is as complete with them as with us. 1 think Ido not venture ton much in saying that so far, this war has been serviceable to them as a nation. It lias united opposite, contending and bloody factions; and fur the first lime in their history, the government begins to wear the appearance of stability, which a more defensive war on our part, 1 think, would bo I apt to strengthen. That there is no peace i for us under such a slate of things, I must 1 frankly say is a conclusion irresistible w ith i me. We must seek peace with our armies ! in their seals of power and wealth, the homes I and palaces of their rulers-—this way lies j peace. The road to the city of Mexico is the | road to peace. Their capital and other ; principal cities in the hands of a well-ap pointed army, evincing at every step a deci ded purpose, controlled by clemency, but ac ting, whenever the occasion requires, with j proper severity, and determined thus to con ! tinue the war to its close, will insure us a peace proffered by Mexico before the autumn leaf has fallen. In this position we can sup port our armies, because, we can avail our selves of their revenue, by enforcing the re gulations which we prescribe; we can com- I inand their contributions; we can confiscate ' their public property; we can enforce all the i rights of conquerors for the I ime being. Bui to any such vigorous and decided measures, 1 hear objections founded in the nature and * constitution of the Mexicans, as descendants ofthe Spaniards, whose indomitable resistance 1 to the Moors several centuries hack, and to I Napoleon within our own lime, has been ar rayed bore, as an argument against the pro secution of a war of invasion on our part. This argument if it agreed with the case ■ would be very good, but under existing cir | cumstancFs it is worth nothing. In the first place all the information I possess loaches me that | a vast majority ofthe Mexican peop’e have scarcely a drop of Spanish blood in their veins. They are principal!y Indians and a mongrel race, with the negro stock engrafted on the Indian, and occasionally a mixture of Spanish. But Span iards and their defendants do not constitute one fifth of the entire population. So that the groat proportion have not this inherent obstinacy in conflict. But admitting that they were a!!.Span iards, all descendants ‘ of high Castile or lofty Arragon, :: to make the argument of value the I cases must be parallel. Between the Moors and i Spaniards the war wa< one of extermination on l both sides, the object was the exclusive possession I ofthe country, which was covered with their respective, cities, and temples and palaces, and to effect the purposes of either side, the entire des truction ofthe opposite race wus necessary. It was moreover a war between two contrary sys tems of religion. It was the crescent arras ed* against the cross, the mosque against the mon i asUry. And the deepstruggle was whether the i land should be dedicated to Allah and his bloody I prophet, or the one true and living God. The { objects of Napoleon in Spain were scarcely less ; offensive to a people boasting their indepe ndcnce from the extinction of the Roman rule over man kind. lie came amongst them to displace their 1 ancient dynasty, to dethrone the des endantofa long race of tln ir kings, and to dispossess their nobility, with immemorial descent, of the homes, and the lands, and the palaces, ami the castles, where, for a hundred generations, their ancestors j had held undisputed authority. And here again i the masses could be roused by appeals to their piety, for it was well known that the soldiers cradled in the French revolution carried no rcli i gion in their ranks, and regarded mosque and ab by with equal indifference. Ihe object of Napo leon was the substitution of a new race of inon archs in the person ot his brother, than which nothing could be more offensive to Spanish pride and Spanish prejudice. There had moreover ex ited for ages an inherent warlike rivalry between France and Spain. Their bloody conflicts had often resounded amid the passes of the Pyrennes and the Alps, or struggling for empire on the plains of Italy, where tlie field of Pavia bears eternal testimony to the glory of Spain, or back in France where Rocroy witnessed the utter an nihilation of the famed and dreaded Spanish in fantry. Here were motive s ns strong as can actuate the human heart to endless resistance. They were fighting for all that men and nations hold dear on this side the grave. The memories of long ages, filled with the heroic deeds of their ancestors, roused them to the preservation of their own and their country’s independence. Their cities carried hy assault, their villages smoking in ruins, the midnight air filled with the cries oftheir unhappy daughters, driven forth naked and pen idling from the altars where they had vowed themselves to God and sanctify; their consecrated cloisters resounding with the revelries of a brutal so'.dierv, all combined, would have roused to mad ness and to flame the lowest human heart that ever beat responsive to the words home and coun try. What parallel is there in all this with the proposition for offensive measures on our part against Mexico? in what single point does the resemblance exist! LTo be concluded In our next.} Maniiractni'iiiK Improve incut*. We are gratified in being able lo state that the great granite Canal erected by the Wa ter Lot Company, for the developement of the prodigious water power of the Chattahoo chee river, at this city, is now completed.— This work undertaken in the midst of a gen eral skepticism as to its feasibility and utili ty, and persevered in for 18 months, with an immense outlay of labor and an expenditure of $40,000, now presents to the city of Co lumbus the ready elements to double her pop ulation and home trade, and to capitalists, fa cilities fur manufacturing nowhere exceeded, in the world. The company now owns 19 y lots, upon each of which 16 or 17 feet of live - water stands ready to be turned for factory h purpuse*. n BeMdes this, by an extension of the canal s and race, when it may be wanted, 18 more >- lots may be made available, thus furnishing d space and water for 37 large factories, r Mr. Win. Brooks of our city, backed by > the enterprising Mr. J. G. W inter have been r the first to avail themselves of the comple- L ! tion ot liiis work. They have purchased lot e No, 15 at so,ooo and intend immediately lo J erect a large stone building 100 feet by 50 s feet, and 5 stories high, for factory purposes t, —the material lo be taken from the granite i) on the spot, blasted in the construction of the ’- canal. These evidences of enterprise, in Fritting n out tiie unequalled gifts of'nature in the ever if rolling river which tumbles over its rocky r, bed, past our city; in connection with the 0 other advantages of our location, combining e health, cheapness of living, and consequent i! cheapness ot labor, cheapness of the raw rna r terial for a great variety of manufactures, and most important, the facilities of getting - to market, the products of industry and skill, over the Rail Road which is to connect us g with the Atlantic seaboard; all point with the e finger of destiny to (be future ot Columbus, as full of promise of growth in population s and wealth.— Columbus Timi s, 2d inst. 17 [ Reported for th e Bali imore Sun. 1 • TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. , SECOND SESSION. >1 Washington, March 1, 1847. f SENATE. Mr. Archer presented the credentials of s Mr. Hunter, Senator elect from Virginia. Mr. Badger, from the military com-- rniltee, reported hack the resolution of ) thanks to Gen. Taylor with an additional ’ amendment, which was agredtoand sent r lo the [louse for its concurrence therein. } The bill to organize the ten regiments r and to appoint general officers, &e., was 1 reported bach with amendments lo the amendments of the House. Among them 1 • i r ' . was one striAing out that section aulhon . zing the President to appoint a General in . chief without regard topri ority ot grade. 5 Mr. Dix said ho would call up the bill s to morrow, it’he did not to-day. ' The army appropriation hill was ro r ported back, with some trifling amend ments, which were agreed 10. Tito bill was then passed. The post route bill was also reported . back, with sundry amendments, which i were agreed to. The bill was then pass ! t ed. Among the amendments was one - providing for a mail lo Oregon, and an- < other for a mail to and from the army. The House hill for the establishment I J of a new Territory, lo he called Minesola, | , was reporte d back without amendment. L The joint resolution providing for the j , refunding of sums advanced by the Stales i >1 for equipment of volunteers, was passed, | 5 ; with tin amendment providing for the re- I ? I payment of individuals acting under ! )I I » orders of the States. f Fhe House joint resolution, placing at 1 the disposal of the Jackson Monument ■ Association certain brass cannon taken by General Jackson, was reported, back by Mr. Cameron, without amendments, ; and he arked fur Its immediate considera i tion. Owing, however, to the absence ot Mr. ' Benton, who desired to speak upon it, the resolution was passed over fur the pres- j ent. The vote on the amendment to the light j house bill was reconsidered, and the bill 1 passed without amendment. The three million bill was then taken up. Mr. J. Mr. Clayton spoke at some , 1 length, contending the appropriation is unconstitutional. Mr. Pearce made a few remarks, after • which the subject was postponed until 0 o’clock. The Senate then took a recess. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. On motion of Mr. Garret Davis, a cal] of the House was ordered, and the rail having been twice called, 179 members answered to their names. The bill making appropriations for the payment of Navy Pensions, with the amendments of the Senate, wore referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. The House insisted upon its disagree- j men', to certain amendments of the Sen- | ate to the naval appropriation bill, and ! insisted also upon its own amendments to ! which the Senate had disagreed, and ask- ! ed a committee ot comference, (commit tees appointed hy both Mouses.) The amendments of the Senate to the bill to increase the marine corps of the navy, were concurred in. So the bill is | passed. The bill for the relief of the heirs of John Paul Jones, with the amendments ofthe Senate, was laid on the table, but the vote was subsequently reconsidered, and the bill, &c., referred to the commit tee on claims. Tire bill from the Senate for the relief of Ireland and Scotland was read twice, and a motion lo lay it on the table nega tived, 75 to 82. Mr. Carroll moved to go info commit lee of the whole, for its immediate consi deration, but tffe motion was nagatived, 09 to 110. The bill was then referred to the committee of ways and means. The amendment of the Senate to the post office appropriation bill, with a far ther amendment form the post office com mittee of the House, was agreed to. On the question of agreeing to the amend ment of the Senate, striking out the sec tion giving the postmasters the selection without regard to circulation, of the newspapers in which the list of letters shall be published, the vote stood—ayes 84, nays 77. So the selection is to be made as heretofore. Sundry bills, from the Senate, were read twice and referred. The amendment of the Senate to the j amendments of the House to the joint re- ; solutions of thanks to Generals Taylor, j &c.,now giving lo Generals Tax lor, But- j 1 ler, Wonh,&c., swords instead of meda/s, J was agreed to. So the resolution is nass i ed. j Ac half pass 2 o’clock, in the midst ot a long discussion on a motion to take ; up the bill from the Senate for the relief of Elijah While, the House look a recess until 5. P. M. [Correspondence of the Baltimore American. J Ify ,tla;'uiti£ Telegraph. Washington, March 1,9, P. M. The Senate met again at G o’clock. i lie House bin to punish Piracy in certain ; cases, was passed. The three million bill ! was taken up. Mr- Pearce spoke briefly, pointing out the error in Mr. JBoule’s history ol Texas, as set Grin in his speech. Mr. P. was opposed to the prosecution ofthe war for the conquest, and should vote against the bill. ! Mr. Dix followed, and expressed himself in favor of the acquisition of California, and went at some length into the Slavery ques tion, defending the north from Mr. Calhoun’s charge ofthe aggressive policy. Mr. Dixon ii. Lewis came into the Senate at 7.' o’clock. " HOUSE, seven o’clock, P. M. Mr. Wintlirop, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill lo exempt Philosophical apparatus from duty. A mo tion was made and carried lo lay it on the table, 95 to 90. If not so disposed of, Mr. McKay declared he would have moved to strike out all after the enacting clause, and offer a lea and coffee bill. At 20 minutes past seven the House ad journed. AUGUSTA, GEO., FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 5, 1847. The Liberty of the Prci«. This is the theme of much grandiloquent writing which the recent expulsion of Mr. Ritchie from the floor of the United States Senate has elicited. We think the title under which so much eloquent declamation has been indulged a misnomer. The public press lias teemed, usque ad nauseam , with editorials, and communications, and indig nation speeches and resolutions on this fruitful theme. At the hazard of additm- to ! that satiety with which probably many of our ' readers are already oppressed, we venture, a second time, to give onr views of this out rageous act, as it is so generally considered, of the United States Senate. We confess we cannot see the grave inju | ries attempted by or likely to grow out of i this act. We see in it neither a violation of j the Constitution—nor of the Liberty of the j Press —nor of the individual rights of a pri- j j vatc citizen. We humbly conceive that too l much importance is given to a proceeding, I which has very evidently involved much more ' ; of personal vindictiveness than of public in- ! j jury. It seems very obvious that the affair j I assumed the aspect of a personal quarrel between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Ritchie. The } dignity and rights or the Senate were not j really invaded in the estimation of that body. W e infer this Irom the fact that the resolu- i lion of expulsion was carried by a strict par fy vote. That is to say, all tiie wh’gs. and the balance of power party, voting in favor ! of, and all the democrats present, against ex- J pulsion. We have too much respect for the I democratic senators to suppose that any j party considerations however strong, could ! have induced them for a moment to sub mit to an insult, or what they would have conceived such to their honorable body. The public, whether rightfully nr wrongfully we cannot say, given to Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Ritchie the distinction of being the high contending parlies in this political tour nament, Mr. Ritchie was supported by the democratic party proper—Mr. Calhoun by his body guard from his own State and Flor ida who served as his especial knights and esquires, lilt’e Mr. Vulee in advance, while : the wings stood by, and at the critical mo- j ment by their voices decided the victorv in • favor of the great South Carolinian. We | might perhaps with more propriety liken the | contest to a bull-baiting, and Mr. Yulee as ! the liMit Matadore thrown forward in front I . . t with red scarf and taunting grimace lo ir- i ritate his hemmed in, yet noble, game-like and defying adversary, The assailing party | escaped a tossing by the timely rescue of the whigs. But we think they are yet to find ! themselves, or rather Mr. Calhoun will find himself tossed between the horns of an em barrassing dilemma. He has won over the I veteran editor, a disastrous victory. The editor is winning troops of friends and pocketing his thousands of sympathizing dol lars that come to«well his subscription lis', and to console him for having lo stand, with I the commune vulgus , outside of the bar of the august Senate. The honorable senator is sits- ; peeled of having formed a coalition with the I whigs to pull down a venerable citizen per sonally obnoxious to him, and through him to make a stab at the administration. These I are some of the fruits of that ill-starred asso- ! cialion with the whigs, on this war question which bodes so little good to his fair fame, i It may again throw into dim and disastrous eclipse his prospects of influence and moral power, to which he is so much entitled by his talents, and so little by his tact. We cannot admire the policy or proprie ty of the vote of expulsion. It was evi dently a preconcert with the whigs of the Senate, who yielded to the double motive'of vindictiveness tor many galling editorials which their factious conduct had provoked, and of a keen desire to see dissensions sown in the ranks of the democrats. But in the act itself of expulsion, we see no such alarm ing consequences to the Constitution or to the Liberty of the Press. The act is no in vasion of the private right of the citizen. It is no punishment of a crime by summary process, and without trial by jury. It is no despotic effort to muzzle the Press or to re strain its comments on the action of that I body. The Senate had extended a courtesy to the Editor of the Union—a special privi lege not extended to editors out of the City of Washington. The Editor of the Union , had chosen to publish a communication, and afterwards to approve its sentiments, contain ing language offensive to the Senate —using epithets pointed at particular members of that body which they thought uncourteous. They chose to resent this, by withdrawing the courtesy of a seat among them, from the editors who published and indorsed the offen sive language. This they had an unques tionable right to do. They violated thereby I no grave constitutional principle. They were guilty of no daring usurpation of pow er. They did no more than what has been done on several former occasions for similar provocal ions,and what they have a right to do again. There are some minds which seem diseased on the subject of constitutional guaranties and restrictions, and fancy a fla grant infraction of that instrument, in an act w hich professes to do no more than to regulate some of the courtesies of life, and which certainly can not be said to invado any vested right. (Jur apprehensions arts not so sensitive. Neither do we see any invasion of tho liberty of the Press in the f*ct of the Sen ate. If one were to look now into the col umns of the Union, he would not think that its liberty had been very materially impaired. Its columns are crammed with the proceed ings of the Senate as fully and circumstan tially as ever. The editor, too, writes with as free a pen as when he enjoyed a seat upon that floor, his comments upon the action of the Senate—the factious motives—the bad passions—the petty intrigues prevailing in | that honorable body. So far there is no res | tratut on the liberty of the press—nor is | there any exclusion of light from the people, i .Mr. Ritchie probably allows persons logo i into his office, where they read newspapers— talk political gossip, and, perhaps, let fly an 1 occasional witticism at the expense of the Administration. 15af, if one of these should j persist in pouring forth offensive tirades | against the President, his Cabinet, and his j Organ, to the especial annoyance of the lat ! ter, arraigning their motives and impugning ! their patriotism, it is probable that the editor j would suggest that those things might be | just as well done outside the door. Vv c have instituted this comparison, mere. I ly to present the abstract right of expulsion 1 in what vve consider its true aspect. We j neither sanction the act itself, in this particu ; lar instance, nor acquit the actors in it of dis creditable motives, and improper feelings. 1 We doubt not they already rue it. Tho I whole proceeding we think has rather sul | lied the dignity of the Senate than elevated it in public estimation. Pul we see no rea } son why the Editor of the Union is to be ex alted into a martyr and a hero, when he was in no danger of being a victim. The danger to the Constitution and the Liberty of the Press have been grossly exaggerated the whole subject lias been given a dispro portionate magnitude—with no good toihe public. Il will make money for .Mr. Ritchie and will achieve for him a rich retaliation upon his would be persecutors. Il may make political capital by making the vviiigs doubly odious to the democracy of the country. Rut it is also sowing dissen sions and bitter feelings between the demo crats who are Calhoun men and those who are not. For this reason ue are anxious to see brought to a speedy close this war of words about the Liberty of the Pre.-s, which is a now de guerre for anything but what is realty contended for by the parties litigant. We are among the last who would he will ing to see the liberty of the press invaded, or abridged, or restrained. But while (he pres* is more a king and sovereign and despot in this free and republican country than any other engine of power known to our institu tions, it owes some deference to those from whom il condescends to receive favours. If an editor accepts a civility from a legislative body il should not return the civility by scorn ful and insulting language. If it feels "cribbed, cabined and confined” by the obli gation, and desires a larger liberty, let the civility be declined. It will ask no favours, and show none. We have been complimented upon the se renity of temper marking one or two of our recent editorials upon important and exciting topics. The physical condition of comfort and ear-e at the time of writing often has much to do with the temper of one’s pieces. A warm fire—a flowing pen, that gives ink freely, and an easy fitting pair of slippers contribute much to a pleasant frame of mind, at peace with all the world. We are indebt ed for the slippers to that superior workman Anton Vigelius, who sent us with his com pliments a few days since, a beautiful pair, of patent leather—neither too light or 100 loose—and made in the choicest and most arlislica! style. This last compliment goes to our sole, and causes us to wish success to the craft in general and to friend Vigelius in particular. Naval. It is stated that Commander Henry Henry has been promoted to one of the (our vacan cies as Post Captain, and has been confirmed by the Senate. Whisky. ThcN. O. Picayune of the 27th ult.says—We learn that there was quite a spirited business done in whisky yesterday, about 7000 barrels having changed hands at from 23 to23j cents pcrgallon- Tho ship Southport, Griffith, from Charleston* for New York, went ashore on the 27ih ult. during a storm, on the West Bank. Lighters were taking cut her cargo. She had received but little dam ** age ami would probably be got off.