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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. ; j/\ |VI E S GARDNER. JR. T i: K 31 S . £3 nn Daily, per annum, 3 t Tri-Weekly, per annum, 6 < If paid in advance, i Weekly, pvr annum, i If paid in advance, * j To Clubs of five, remitting $lO in advance.. 2 00 , fcJ~A ll nev\ subscriptions must i>e paid in advance. must be paid on ail Cuimnuiiidtu ns r >d Letters of business. ‘'IiKMAKKS Of' 31 It. CALHOUN. I.V IIEI’LV TO 3111. BENTON. ]s Senate, February 24, IS 17. ( Concluded) In lookinsftn Hie causes which led to the j war, 1 oo one step further back than the | senator from Maine, [Mr. Evans,! who dis cussed the subject in this aspect with great accuracy and ability, lie began with Mr. Slidell’s mission and negotiation. I go a step further back, to the management of the ne gotiation prior to that period. When this administration came info power there were two great questions on band connected with our foreign relations—the Oregon and the Mexican. As different as they were in their character, and as remote as the uVo powers were from each other, there was an intimate connexion between them which could riotbc overlooked in conducting the negotiation, without falling into a great and dangerous er r<»r. Such at lest is my opinion. 1 wish to say j nothing to wound the feelings ol the dis tinguished individual who had charge of the negotiation, but it seems to me that be fell into a great error iu consequence of over- ! looking the connexion between the two sub jects. To my mind it is one of tlie clearest of pr »positions, that there con’d be no well ; t muded hope of adjusiiugour difficulties with Mexico unt.l the Oregon ques i m was finally senled. Why so? 'J'ho reason is i obvious. Mexico knew that we had heavy i claims against her which she was little able | to pay. Debtors without means are usually 1 shy of their creditors. S;;e could not bit see j that there was a chance of escaping onr de mands again.-t her, provided a conflict should ensue between us and England in reference loOregon. She could not but see more—i that it might possibly afford her an oppor tunity of recovering either a part or the 1 whole of Texas by an alliance with England, 1 and availing herself of the aid of British! °• • i strength and resources in waging a war against ns. At all events, she would look with confidence to her being protected as an ally of England in (he treaty by which the war should be terminated. Whatever ob jection may be made to England, she never deserts an ally in war. It seemed lo me, under these circumstances, that it was a great error to suppose that the differences with Mexico could be adjusted while those with England were pending. Our true policy, then, according lo my opinion, was to sus pend all attempts at opening negotiation, with Mexico until that question was finally settled. When that was effected, and Mexico could no longer look lo the support of England in her controversy with us, she would see the folly of declining to adjust the difference be tween us, and enter into conflict with a pow er every way so vastly her susperior. There would, then, be another advantage, which would greatly favor a settlement of our difficulties with Mexico. The eloquent senator from Louisiana lias truly said that Mexico at least so far as capital is concern ed, was a British colony. Tue immense in terest which England has in the country, would have enlisted her on the side of peace, and the whole of her vast influence would have been exerted to induce Mexico to enter into a satisfactory arrangement with ns. I cannot doubt that, under the influence of these powerful causes, with a little forbear ance and prudence on our part, all the causes of difference between the two countries would, ere this, have been settled by a treaty satisfactory to both. An opposite course was, however, unfor tunately taken; both negotiations were push ed at the same time; and that with Mexico, with at least as much zeal, and as strong a pressure, as that with Englmd. The then President of the republic of Mexico (Herrera) was friendly to the United States, and anx iously disposed, on that account, as well as others, lo settle the differences with us. Acting u uder these feelings, he acceded to the proposition to receive a commissioner, without duly reflecting, as the events proved, on the great impediments in the minds of the Mexicans against treating with us. The result was as might have been anticipated, Paredes took advantage of the error, and hurled Herrera from power; and the effect of this premature attempt at opening negotia tion, was to overthrow a friend, and place an enemy in power, deeply committed against settling the differences between the two countries, and thereby—as ought to have been foroseen— greatly to increase the dif ficulty of any future settlement of the ques tions. W fiat followed from this unfortunate step until it ended in war between the two countries, has been so clearly traced by the senator from Maine, as to supercede the necessity of my touching upon it. The overlooking of lire intimate connexion of the.-c two questions, was nut only the first link in that senes of causes which finally terminated in this war, but it came near preventing the settlement of the Oregon ques tion. Had the action of Congress, which finally led lo the settlement of the Oregon question been delayed until it was known that the skirmishes bad taken place between our force and the Mexicans on the Rio Grand, (but a short period,) there is every reason to believe the Oregon question would not have been closed. I speak upon high authority— the escape was a narrow one. Fortunately, the Brifish government promptly acted upon the notice, and tendered a proposition to our minister on which the settlement was finally made, which lie received and forwarded lo our government but a few days before news was received in England ol the skirmishes on the Rio Grande. But while they fortu nately occurred 100 late to prevent a settle ment of the Oregon question they unfortu nately occurred 100 soon to preserve peace with Mexico. But if the policy which the administration first adopted after annexation, had been pursued, to occupy the frontier of Texas with onr military forces to the extent of country which she held at the lime of an nexation, and no further—there is every reason to believe that on the settlement of the Oregon question the peace of the two countries would have been preserved. It is true Mexico claimed the whole of *1 exas, but it is equally true that she recog nised the difference, and showed a disposition to act upon it, between the country known as J exas proper, and the country between it ---rr- ■» - -—■■— - -«■ - ■ ~ —. rr.-aTaug-raß—» and the Del Norte, ll i.s also true that we P and Texas recognised the same difference, and that both regarded (lie boundary as un- sen led—as the resolution of annexation, v which provides that the boundary between ; l! Texas and Mexico shall be determined by j r the United States, clearly shows, it is worthy £ of remark in this connexion that this provi- c sion in the joint resolution is understood to have been inserted in consequence ol the * ground taken at the preceding session by c the senator from Missouri on the discussion t of tlie treaty that ihe Nueces was the western ' boundary of Texas, and that to extend that \ t boundary to the Rio del Norte would lake in ‘ p art of i’amaulipas, Coahuila, and New Mex- 1 co. What, then, ought to have been the * course of the Executive after annexation nn- i ( tier this resolution? The very one which j ‘ they at first pursued—to restrict the position I 1 of onr troops to the country actually occupied by I exas at the period of annexation. All i beyond, so lar as the Executive was con- ; 1 cerned, ought to have been regarded as sub- ' jecl to provisions of the resolution which au thorized the government to settle the boun dary. There are but two modes of settling a disputed boundary—one by the joint, con sent of both parlies, that is by treaty,of which the President and the Senate are the organs —the other, by the determination of one of the parlies lor itself after failing to obtain the consent ot the other, and that, under onr gov ernment, can only be done by Congress.— Indeed, when we speak of our govern ment, it is understood to mean Congress i i and the Executive, acting jointly—the one 1 by passing an act or resolution, and the j other by its approval. And in Congress, ta- i S ken in this sense, all discretionary power un- | | der our system of government is vested, it 1 is only by this power that a disputed boun- | j dary can be determined by the government j fur itself, and without the conset of the other j party. The President had no more right to j determine of his own will what the bmiuda -1 ry was, than i lead, or unv other senator. — ; Much, indeed, appeared to be the conviction :of ilie Preside it inms?lf. It is only on such I a supposition that we can explain bis course : in attempt ing lo open a negotiation with Mexi | co, with a view of settling all differences be i tween the two countries wiiicii the seitle i ment of the boundary was considered a para mount question. Why nego'iate, if it were not an unset.:led question? Why negotiate, I it the Rio del Norte—as it was afterwards . assumed—was the clear and unquestionable boundary? And if nut, upon what authority, I after the attempt to open negotiation had failed, i could he determine what was the boundary, viewing it. as an open question? Was it, not | his plait duty, on such an occurrance, to sub mit the question to Congress, which was then m session, and in whom the right of estab lishing the boundary and declaring war was clearly invested? Had that course been adopted,! greatly mistake if the sense of this body would not have been decidedly opposed ! to taking any step which would have mvol j ved the two countries in war. Indeed, 1 feel : a strong conviction that, if the Menate had ! been left free lo decide on the question, not ! one-third of the body would have been touud in favor of war. As it was, a large mijorilv i fell themselves compelled, as they believed, i to vote for the bill recognising the existence I of war, in order to rase the supplies of men ! and money necessary to rescue the army un der General Taylor, on the Del None, from I the dangers to which it was exposed. But lo the matter home, the senator himself is iu no small degree responsible for he war. 1 intend no attack on him. I have made none and will make none. The rela- I lions between him and myself, personal and 1 political, have long been such, that self-res pect and a sense of propriety forbid my allud ing to him, except when unavoidable, and then in a courteous manner;and 1 now allude , to his course only because it is necessary | to explain mine, and the motives which gov erned me on the occasion. The Senate will remember that when the President’s message was received recom mending Congress lo recognCe that a war existed between us and Mexico, and raise the necessary means for its prosecution, the senator from Mississippi, whose seat is im mediately on my right, but who is now ab sent, [Mr. Fpeight,] moved to print 20,000 copies of lie message and documents. The scene was a solemn one, and what occurred will long be remembered by the members t f the body. I rose and objected; and said we were on the eve of great events, and ex press! my hope that we would proceed calm ly and deliberately. I suggested that the printing of so large a number of copies would be construed into an endorsement of the mes sage, adding that 1 was unwilling either to endorse or condemn, until the message do cuments were printed, and carefully perused by me. A debate ensued, and the journals of the Senate will show what took place.— The senator from Missouri was the indivi dual who made the discreet and appropriate motion lo separate the recommendations of the message into two parts, and refer that which related to recognising the existence of war (o the Committee on Foreign Relations, and that which related lo the raising of men and supplies to the Committee on Military Affairs, of which Ire was chairman. The latter, it was expected, would report imme diate measures for the support of General Taylor. I seconded the motion, and it was carried by a large majority. I saw in it that which gave me hope, and that I should he able to effect the object I had in view, and which 1 will hereafter explain. The House of Representatives acted with much more precipitancy; it passed a bill the very day the message was received, recog nising (he existence of the war, and provi ding means lor its prosecution. It was late in the evening when it passed the House, and lam ot the impression that the Senate I had adjourned ; and it was not leported to it that day ; but, be that as it mav, the next day the senator, as chairman of the Com mittee on Military Affairs, reported the bill to the senate as it came from the House, with both provisions in it; directly contrary to the order of the Senate, made on his own motion to refer the part of the message re lalmg to the recognition of the war lo the Committee on Foreign Relations: To that, and the fact that a caucus had been held of the parly which agreed to sustain the re port, may be traced the precipitate, (to use no stronger word,) action of the Senate, and the recognalion of the war. It emphatically made Hie war. Had the order of the Senate been respected—had the senator from Mis souri, iu conformity with it, and as lie was j in duty bound to do, moved lo strike out all j that related to the recognition of the war, and referred it to the Committee on Foreign i Relations, and confined it is report to raising ! the necessary means of rescuing General 1 Taylor and his army from the pressing dan- j gers which surrounded them, the possibility [ is tUat ihe war might have been averted, and i the two countries at this day have been at peace. Sir, I say possibility, because, even : s Llien, after the skirmishes between our forces t had oe.cnred, 1 did uot despair of escaping I s war, if sufficient firmness and prudence were I V used on tiie pirt of this body. I had deeply reflected cm the subject in advance, and j I great as were the difficulties, I still savva | c gleam of hope. - j 1 'l'he intelligence of the skirmishes on the s Rio Grande was received on Saturday: lat t once saw the d inger, and turned my mind to : . toe subject, i anticipaaied that a message \ j would be received on Monday from the Ex ecutive, and formed not an incorrect opinion 1 as to what would be its character. Casting ( my eyes over the whole, with a view of avoiding war, J came to the conclusion in my I own mind, what course was best to effect flint ■, object. Next morning I communicated the i , conclusions to which i had come, to two of ; \ my colleagues, who were boarding with me. i I said to them, that there was but one way | of escaping war, but 1 am not certain that it wi Ibe successful. It will, however, place us in the chapter of accidents, and thereby j • afftrd a posob'ily of escape. 1 was asked what it was and replied that it depended on seperatiug the question of war from that ; which relates to the rescuing of General Taylor and his forces. Lei the means ne cessary tor the latter be immediatly granted, hut let time be taken lor due and deliberate consideration of the former. Had that been done, it was my intention to throw my whole weight against the immediate declaration or recognation of war; treating what had oc- ; cuned as mere hostilities between the two ; armies without tlie authority ol the Congress | —ilie war making power of either Govern ment. We had not a particle of evidence then, or 1 even n )\v, that the Republic of Mexico had made war against li»e United Estates. Indi ed, we are in the anomalous condition of the two countries being at war during, the almost, an entire year, without cither having declared it, although the Constitutions ot both expressly provide that Con gress shall declare war. Instead, then, ot recognizing the war, 1 would have taken tile very opposite ground—that what had occurred was mere hostilities, and not war, as the Congress of Mexico had not authorized it. j i'oprovide for the contingency ofthe Congrtss j of Mexico approving of what had occurred, and refusing to treat for tue settlement ot ourdlfficul- i ties, 1 would have advised the raising of ample j provisional force, to be collected at some conve nient and healthy point, where they could be trained during the interval, and be fully prepared to meet such decision; but tven in case such de cision should be made, instead of advising a for mal declaration of war, 1 would have adus d, as Gen. Jackson recommended, giving au hority to the Executive to make reprisals for seizing and holding such portion ofthe Mexi an territory as | vvouldafford ample indemnity, to be retained until | the differences between t lie two countries were set ! lied: but, in the meantime, would have taken measures to repel the attacks made upon our army by the Mexican forces, and to drive them far be yond the hints of our borders. Had this course been pursued, we should have hid a 1 the glory and reputation of the two bril li m victories at Pulto Alto and Resaco de la Palma, without being involved in the preset.t in definite and expensive war waged against Mexi- j co. We would also have had the advantage of the chapter of accidents—of Mexico disavowing ' hostilities and indemnifying our ci izens —either ' from a sense ot weakness, or of returning justice on her part, or from t lie influence of other pow ers, which have an interest in preserving peace —iro n their coin nercial or other relations w ith her, and thereby save a resort to arms on our part. Hut, at ail events, failing in that, we would have avoided, by rrsortmg to reprisals, the enormous expenses,the sacrifice ofmen and mu- j ney, and the disasters 10 which the war has ex- ; posed us. I have now met, and, 1 trust,success- 1 , tally repelled, all the chargt s made by the JSena ' tor from Missouri, except those relating to the ; I M issuurio Compromise.and the Abolition question ‘ at the period, for which 1 am in no way responsi ble. 1 was not then in Congress, i filled the ; office of Seen I ary of War at tiie time, and had no agency of control over it His charges are light las air— dd and stale, without even plausibility, j and 1 have not the slighest tear of their having ; any weight,either here or in the community. [Prom sh-i Cola nth us Times.] Mr. Colquitt’s Speech—.llc. itcri-irn** l*o licy. Senator Colquitt’s able and patriotic speech, will be lound on our first page. It is worthy of the man, and worthy of his position ol Democratic Senator from the State of Georgia. How different is the manly, straight- j forw’ard and hearty support which he I offers to the Government of the country in the prosecution of the war, from the backing and filling, secret slabbing and mock enthusiasm with which Mr. Berrien comes forward, with a side glance at country and both orbs strained to bursting upon the interests of party. With a mouth full of professions of patriotism, and a ready willingness to vole money and men, Air. Berrien comes forward with his pro position to C ingress to declare to .Mexico and the world, that in no event, will we as the result of war, dismember Mexico j or lake a fool of her territory to indemnify us for the costs and losses by war and I injuries and wrongs for which the war was forced upon us. In the same moment 1 he votes 30 mi.lions of dollars and 50,000 men for a ‘‘vigorous prosecution of the ! war,” and tells Mexico, “don’t he uneasy, ; we shall not harm you—if we take your j territory, it is only to give it back to i you”! Did statesman ever propose such policy before? What is it but “aid and comfort” to Mexico, and embarrassment and discomfort—nay, cruelly to our own troops, to send them forth to fight fruitless battles and conquer territory, which when I the battle is ended is to he given back to | the enemy, yet wet with the American blood that conquered it? But if the policy of Mr. Berrien as a statesman is bad, what shall we say ot j the motive which induces it? It is cow. j ardly—it is shrinking from a question which must he met, and which cannot long he put off—the slave question. Mr. Berrien would not extend the boundaries of the confederacy for fear that the dis cussion of this question will rent the Union? Is that American statesmanship? Is that trust in the wisdom, and moderation and patriotism of the American people which so far, have always proved strong to save us from all such dangers? And if these reliances fail us, what is the Union but a house of cards liable to he scattered by every breath of passion? Is it worth preserving if it has to be preserved by | blinking important questions of a domestic nature? We agree with the intelligent 1 correspondent of the Baltimore Sun in the words of wisdom which lie utters, that ] “Nothing is more conclusively demon- strative of the w eakness of a people, than | the necessity of abstaining from I lie con- s sideration of vital questions, in w hich its future welfare is involved. When a people are so prejudiced—so weak mind ed—so cowardly, as not to venture to talk with freedom of their moral and | . social evils, and the means of remedying j I them, then n is to be feared they are i already incurable. One can say every- ( thing to a great nation, or to a great and o 7 c 1 magnanimous people, without dread of offending it, or rousing its passion.” i And surely if it is necessary, in order to avoid such questions, to send our troops | abroad to a useless sacrifice, and lode- I ; grade the National character and tarnish i the National honor, as Mr. Berrien pro- I {loses, w e have arrived at a point, w here j it is necessary for all honest men to pause ! and enquire into the means of remedying ' so great au evil. But we reject with scorn i the whole of this dastardly policy. We i lelieve in boldness and featlessness in | both domestic and foreign affairs. Lei us look both dangers in the face, and trust to American prudence and wisdon to counteract the one at home, and to American valor to meet and conquer the other abroad. We cannot believe that this great country to fall a victim to a miserable fanaticism; or that the lust of political power, will outweigh the pro digious advantages which the free States derive from their union with the slave labor of tie South. As for slavery itself, Providence a'one can eventually terminate it. In the meantime, the American trust should he first in Pro vidence and next in the Constitution. Let us stick to that—mutilated, violated, trampled upon as it has been, it is still a glorious instrument—a medicine for all our internal heartburnings—a talisman of our future grandeur as a nation. But, | let us not, by adopting Mr. Berrien’s timid policy, confss to the wold our weakness and folly, acknowledge that t.he experiment of free Govei nment has failed, and that so far from being able to main tain our rights and honor abroad, we have been compelled in order to patch up a domestic feud, to trail the stars and stripes in the dust of Mexico. In short, let us whip Mexico into justice, like men, and then like bro'hers settle our domestic quarrels. Mr. Bcrr.en proposes in limine to ac knowledge, that we are not able to do | ei her. We say, with a high trust in our Na ional destiny, and a full faith in the i good sense of the American people, that vve can no both. At all events, lei us trv, j and not as Mr. Berrien desires, yield honor abroad, and peace at home, without one manly struggle to redeem the one ; and secure the oilier. God deliver this high hearted people from such counsellors as Judge Berrien. o"The following sketch of a distinguish- i ed citizen of Massachusetts, who has recert ly acquired new claims upon the admiration | of his countrymen, will be read with general j interest. W e are indebted for it to the South 1 ; Carolinian, which has condensed it from the i recent sketches of Mr. Cushing with which the papers are teeming: Caleb C’u«*ii:ig. Who fills so much of the public eye as Colonel of the Massachusetts volunteers is 1 now in his 48th year. He was born in New bury port in Jan. 1800, graduated at Harvard j j University in 1817, in the class with Ban i croft and Rufus Choate, in 1819 was ap pointed tutor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in that institution—commenced the practice of law in 1822—married Miss Wilde in 1823, who died in 1832—elected (o the State Senate in 1827—travelled in Eu j rope in 1830-31—elected to Congress in I 1834—was re-elected for three successive ! teims, and declining a re-election was nomi nated for Secretary of the Treasury three limes, on the 3J March 1843, but voted down as often by the bank vvhigs, who refused to confirm his nomination on account of his po litical creed —sailed as first minister from tiie j U. Slates to China in July 1843,in the steam frigate Missouri, which was destroyed by fire at Gibraltar in August—proceeded to China byway ol Egypt, and in six months negotiat ed a treaty and established diplomatic rela tions between that jealous people and the U. ►States—returned in 1844 through Mexico, having made a complete circle of the globe within a belt of 40 degrees in less than one year—in 1845 started on a tour to the north west territories, explored the region of the great lake-, and alter enduring the privations of a savage life returned to Nevvburvport in the fall ot 1846 to be elected by the votes of both political parties to represent iiis native place in the legislature by a rn ijority far ex ceeding that given for any of his colleagues. “The above outline denotes a life of var.eJ action not often to be with. From a graduate at the early age of 17, we trace Inm to Ihe tutor, the lawyer, traveller diplo matist, and explorer, and in each successive sphere of employment, vve find the same per severance, irrepressible activity, indomitable energy, and capacity to meet the require ments of any branch of the public service. “Without taking into the account his lec- ( tures on China and Oregon, and others belore numerous literary and scientific institutions, bis literary, historical, and political produc tions have been almost without number. Be sides his work on the Revolutions in Europe, 1 in two volumes; his Reminiscences of a year in Spain, in two volumes; aud a translation of Bulkier on Maritime Contracts, he has < been a most prolific contributor to the North i American Review, the United States Litera- ] ry Gazette, the Southern Review, the Arne- i rican Review, the Democratic Review, the , Annual Register, the Knickerbocker, and , other periodicals. He also furnished all the ] articles in the Encyclopedia Americana, on ( the geography, history, and institution* ol Spanish America, in relation to which no } writer in either hemisphere has displayed ( more accurate or comprehensive knowledge.” , Such is the gallant commander of the Mas- ( rachusetts Volunteers, and those who know ( him predict as brilliant a career lor him in . tl;e field of strife, as lias been awarded to him in the peaceful fields of literature and science. Cotton shipped from the Kingston de pot, upon the W. & A. 11. Road since the Ist of October last to Ist of March inst.. , principally from the Coosa bottoms, stands thus: To Augusta & Charleston, 3,258 bales. Savannah, 374 “ Total 3,633. Add to this amount, the cotton still to he brought forward by the Steamer Coosa, which has been ascertained will reach 2,- | 000 bales, will foot up 5,674 bales from i where it was said that five hundred bags | would not be shipped by this route to market, when the Memphis Branch Rail Road was first brought before the people of this comunity, and thatch the sea-boartl of our own S ate, goes to show they «ire greatly mistaken, while it has proven the friends of the grand enterprise to be men of sound judgment. And the amount of Gram, Flour, To bacco, Arc., we are informed by Geo. S. Black, Esq., the agent at this depot, has been double that of the corresponding j months last season. The receipts on up freight has also in creased greatly a! tin’s depot during the last quarter.— Rome (Ga ) Journal. WfiTTi-B irnnn rm —i in— ■■ nriw mi MM n ■■ ■ ■ ■i - hm AUGUSTA! (JEU..“ SATURDAY 310RMNG, .MARCH 13, 1847. {Frln accordance with our promise, we lay before our readers, 3lr. Calhoun’s speech in reply to Mr. Renton. We do this that tire reason* may go before them, among whom .Mr. Calhoun has many warm friends, why he is found in opposition to the vie w» and policy of ttie democratic party on the Mexican war. Believing him to be a man of sincerity.of probity ami of patriotism, we do not impugn fora moment his statement of the motives ami opinions influencing his course. We have been, however, and are astonished at the opinions themselves, and consider them wholly unsustain- ! ed by the facts upon which they are based. llis position that war was the result of ihe advance of General Taylor from Corpus Christi to tlie Rio Grande, and not of prior events which had made Mexico obstinately resolved upon that issue, we consider as based upon a moil flimsy foundation. Whether the war be popular or not, it had become, tong previous to that movement, inevitable. Jf Mexican folly, and stupid obstinacy be not, as we contend wholly responsible for the war, —a war which she might and ought to have avoided—if it could in any just way be chargeable as the fault of our government, the responsibility goes hack beyond Mr. Polk’s administration. It can be laid much more plausibly at the door of Mr. Calhoun ; himself, the great champion of Annexation, and j the Secretary of State of Mr. Tyler. The alleged notification from Gen. Arista to ! General Taylor, that if he would remain at Cor- | pus Chri ti, the Mexican forces would not cross | the Rio Del Norte, proves to have been the mere tattle of a certain Isaac I). Murks —a private citi zen, and would-be-employee of our govermenl—as to what Gen. Arista hail said in conversation. It was nothing that General Taylor could for a mo ment regard. Il might perhaps have been a ruse of the enemy to lull into false security. Vet upon ; this, Mr. Calhoun founded a grave conclusion, 1 that tiie disregard of this intimation caused the war. Such a conclusion we conceive unworthy the es j tablished sagacity of so great a Statesman- The speculations of the Senator as to the means by which the war might have been avoided and Mex ico induced to negotiate terms of settlement of all | existing difficulties, we look upon as visionary. . They are unsupported by the facts ami the history ' of the whole rase—refuted by the acts and ilecla ’ rations of Mexico. These, coupled with the known obstinacy and unreasonable temper of that people, I showed that it would have been a vain hope to expect from her a peace, “cither from a sense of weakness, or of returning justice on her pan.’’ j We regret that Mr. Calhoun saw fit to seperate himself from the democratic party on this war question. We do not doubt that he did so consci entiously. But his best friends ino.-t regret that he was not able to give mure plausible reasons for his course. The fancied connection between the Oregon and Mexican question is another specimen of that proneness of which 3lr. Calhoun is so distinguish ed to propound a novel theory, and of that inge nuity with which his fertile genius will sustain it by argument. It is a theory, however, that must be put down by a few plain facts. Mr. Calhoun says “our true policy was to sus pend all attempts at opening negotiations with Mexico until that (the Oregon) question was final ly settled.” A very peaceful policy indeed ' —and marvellously conducive to amicable relations!! Mr. Calhoun should have remembered that soon after Mr. Polk came into office —namely on the 1 dth day of July, ISIS, he offered to settle the Ore gon controversy on the parallel of 4J degrees, and that the proposition was promptly, and we may add, almost contemptuously rejected by Mr. Pack enham—rejected without the previous courtesy of even submitting it to the British Cabinet. There seemed to be, after that no very blight prospect of a ee t'ement—certainly none of an early settlement. Yet, Mr. Calhoun would have recommended that until that should be accomplished, no further nego tiations with Mexico should be held. But the President took a different view. So did Mr. Buch anan. They thought it their duty to their country —to humanity, and to the peace of the world, t 0 lose no honorable opportunity to prevent a war. They made in September, 1815, an overture f<> r negotiations through our Consul, 3lr. Black, as soon as they had reason to believe that .Mexico would listen to pacific terms. They were anxious to preserve peace. They did not heed the bluster ing and loud defiance breathed by Almonte in the Spring of that year, on his leaving Washington. General llerera being President, lent a favorable ear to peace, and 3lr. Slidell was accordingly des patched on Ids errand of peace. Every one is familiar with the history of that mission, and of the overthrow of Herera by Par edes, an lof the causes of that overthrow. Ilia not necessary to descant on tiie fierce exasperation of the 3lexicans, and their infatuated obstinacy in rejecting our overtures—in denouncing us in pub lic proclamations—in making inflammatory appeals to the national spirit against us—in declaring ven geance against us and a determination to recon quer Texas, and finally in assembling an army at Matamoros for the purpose of invasion. Yet Mr. Calhoun would have recommended again his fa vorite policy of “masterly inactivity.” He would advocate “masterly inactivity” on the Oregon question, and then would recommend, on the top of that, “to suspend all attempts at opening negotia tions with 3lexico until that question was finally settled.” Suchdelay, by the very terms of the advice, to be interminable, would have ill-suited the already chafed spirit of the American people. It could not have held in check the eager spirit of Mexico, armed and prepared to precipitate hir troops into the heart of Texas. Delay could have gained nothing for peace. We could not honora ble have made another overture for it, after the scornful rejection of Mr. Slidell. To have r» tainedour troops at Corpus Christi could not hav« .acted as a propitiation. They had already been there from August, 1845 to April, 18-16, when they were moved forward opposite to Matamoros, the threatened point of invasion. Yet 3lexico had made no overture for peace. We do not believe in this fanciful connection between the Oregon and Mexican questions. Ihe settlement of the funner resulted from a policy op posed bitterly by 3lr. Calhoun—the recommenda tion of the President to give the notice for termi nating the joint occupancy. England had to» much to lose, and too little to gain by a war with us. As to Mexico, we had already conceded 100 much, stiiven too hard to conciliate her and to obtain justice from her, in Vain. It would have degraded onreountry any longer to have doubted the fixed resolve of that nation to appeal to tho arbitrament of arms. The UlniU. We received two mails last evening, bringing dates of the Bib inst. from New York, ami the ‘Jth from Baltimore and ashington. 3\ c should have received dates one day later. We have had no New Orleans or 3lobile papers by the two last Southern mails. o”The Resumption Bill long p ending be fore the Maryland Legi. lature, lias finally become a law. That Estate may now take her position among her sister Slates, free from the suspicion even, of favoring repudia tion. (LTTne Libel Case in the U. S, Circuit Court at Washington vs. Gov. Thomas, has finally been disposed of by the counsel of de fendant slating that their unfortunate client has been laboring under monomania on the subject of his domestic relations. The re sult is a most triumphant vindication of his much injured lady. 15y Telegraph. IT"The New Voik correspondent of the ; Baltimore Patriot, dated March Bth, 8 P. M 6 tys —The Colton market is without change in prices pince the If-4 advance quoted. There is however some inquiry at previous rales. There are some surmises here, though not much credited, that a steamer left England on or about the 19 h uk. Il so, her new* may he expected in a few days. We may have news by one of the regular packets, some days in advance of Ihe Hibernia’* arri val. She left on the 4th inst., and will be due about the 20ih or 23J inst. llijgb Hirer. Our river had risen yesterday to the stage* ; of the wharves,and was still rising when our j paper went to press. B’altn 110 Urglinriil. We find in the Columbia South Carolinian, the following, which gives some interesting item* concerning the Island of Lubas, a temporary rendezvous for our troops. 'I bis island con j tains about five bundled acres, and is nearly cq ii distant by water from Tampico and Vera Cruz, being about 100 miles from each place. Extract from a letter from the Island of 1.0b0.5. Coast of Mexico. ) Eebru ,rv 14, 1847. S W r arc now here, all safe and s mud, rspecixl l ly the officers and men oi the Richland Compa ny s wh > are in fine health. We have had tho hardest kind of work in clearing up this island. We were at sea 17 days, 16 days sailing. There are now near 3000 soldiers hero, and it is said that Ui.OOU wni rendezvous at tins place. Gen. Scott is expected here daily, and will probably arrive in ail the next lour or live days, when all believe we will not be. long in marching against I Vera Cruz. We havejnst hemd from Tampico of the sat-l ■ of Col. D. Hussy an I the Louisi ana Volunteers. Speaking of clearing the pa rade ground —1 have often heard of rank growth, but never saw it before. Jt is equal to lhe tiiick els of Fiond i, Ihe Banyan trees grow about five led high; the branch* s then turn down, anil ‘ i iter.ock each ot.ierdqve tailed fas ii ion, and then grow into the ground again and take root We see any number of lemon trees. This Island is said to have been one of the retreats of Lafitte. After cutting away tho bushes and vines, we dial the names of persons from different counlrie* cut on the trees, and look as if done verves since. ; One tree has the American flag cut on it and above it is the English; ours appeals the oldest. Our Regiment, the glorious Palmetto, is the only one winch is full, of those on the Island; there arc seven companies of the Pennsylvania, G of the Louisiana, G of the Mississippi, 450 regulars, and some at sea not landed y et. There are more rats, hzzards. land crabs, sea ticks anil other in sects on this little spot than ran be found on any uputofthe same size elsewhere. February 15. 1847. Phe Colonel of the Pennsylvania Regiment took three Mexicans prisoners, who came hero yesterday in a boat loaded with oranges, straw hats, and Mexican blankets to sell to the soldiers. They are fine looking and intelligent men, but were poorly clad. They are now confined un der a strong guard, as thev arc suspected of I ic ing sjiies. Before they were arrested they could speak broken English very well, but as soon a their arrest they were not able to speak English at all. 1 hev said they had permission to tradii with the troops from an officer at Tampico, but could not produce it. The thermometer stands from 86 to‘‘o to-day. Some six or seven ves sels have arrived since yesterday, and our num bers have been swelled to some 60u0 troops. A passage in Mr. fcj jule’sgreat speech in the Senate on the Mexican war. redu ced the metaphysics of Messrs. Webster and Berrien to a local absurdity in a very brief space, and with very clear terms. B >th these gentlemen declare the war to be unjust—got up for wicked purposes—and yet declare their willin'*, ness to vote supplies to carry it on “For what object then,” inquired Mr. Soule s. “ 1 hey' want no conquest—no additional territory—no dismemberment of Mexico ; they merely carry it on then fur carnage and slaughter .” his a math ematical deduction from the position of these gentlemen and of all those who declare the war unjust, who will not take territory as indemnity, and yet vote lor supplies ; and the clear condenced ex pression of the thought, struck the Sen ate with great force. —[Mobile Reg. AX ORDINANCE To alter nod amend the thirty fifth Section of the General Ordinance- Tic \t ordained hi/ the City Council of A uguvta , Taaiilie thirty-filth section of the General Ordi nance be so amended that the taxon negroes living apart from their owners or hirers be as follows: on each slave between ten and sixty years of age, ten dollars per annum, when the owner lives in the city, and twenty dollras per annum when tho owner lives out of the city. [Done in Council, this sixth day of March, eighteen hundred and forty-seven.] LEWIS D. FORD, Mayor. Attest—W. 3lilo Oun, (Jerk of Council. March 9 3 133