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i'llL o^MriTUTIONALIST.
JAM ES GARDNER, JR- |
TSIiISS.
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paid on all communications
and letters of business.
ilie following is a beautiful epitaph for an
infant:
Sweet flower, nipped by the early frost.
We may not grieve for thee;
The priceless jewel we have lost
Is brightening in eternity.
And oft around thy lonely grave,
The early birds shall sing;
And there the bright green grass shall wave,
The emblem of eternal spring.
Test of Love.—A gentleman folio vred a lady
one day, and having constantly and very rude
ly looked at her, she said to him—
‘Why do you follow mer’
‘Bemuse,’ he in replied, ‘I have fallen love
with you.’
‘ Why are you in love with me ?’ she retort
ed ; ‘my sister, who is coming after me, is
handsomer than I am; go and make
love to her.’
The gentleman went back, and met her
sister, "who was very ugly. Disappointed and
angry, he returned to the first lady, saying—
* Why did you tell me a story ?’
‘Neither did you speak the truth,’ answer
ed the lady, ‘for if you were in love with me,
why did you go after another ?’
The remark deprived him of the power of
reply.
[from the Coliunhus Tunes , 2 llh insi.]
f It is true, and the fact cannot be much longer
concealed from Democratic voters in this lati
tude, that the Democratic party in all the non
slaveholding States, from its leaders, Cass and
Van Buren, down to the paymasters, is far
more inoculated with the virus of Abolition
ism, Than the Whig party of that portion of
the Union.— Augusta Chronicle.
If this statement of the Augusta editor “is
true,” then there is no such thing as untruth.
AV e defy tke “ Chronicle” to point out a single
Whig “sign” in all the non-slaveholding
States, that even squints at Aspect for, or de
fence ol Southern rights, in reference to “Tree
Soil.’ AA e defy him to show a Whig speech,
a Whig resolution, a Whig address, a Whig
newspaper article in any of the Free States,
that pretends to utter one word of comfort or
defence for the South. The whole Northern
Whig party is not only “ inoculated with The
virus ot Abolitionism,” blit is one rotten mass,
without a sound spot so big as a pin’s head".
During this whole canvass, we solemnly aver
that we have not met the first expression in
any of the W hig organs, through which po
litical parties speak out, such as meetings,
newspapers or speakers—in the Free States,
which bears the remotest resemblance to an
assertion of Southern rights. On the contrary
“Free Soil,” “no more Compromises with
Slavery,” “ down with Southern monopoly,”
and abuse, and derision, and villification of
Southern institutions, are the staple, the web
and woof of all Whig electioneering efforts in
those States.
Can this be said of the Cass party at the
North ? Let facts answer.
Why is not the Wilmot Proviso now the law j
of the land ? Is it because Northern Whig
votes have prevented it ? Seventy-three
Northern A\ higs voted directly on the question
on Putnam’s resolution in the House of -Rep
resentatives, February 28, 1848. How did
they vote - Every man of them against the
South. What prevented its passage? The
Northern Democrats, twenty-seven in number
who voted with the South. Had they voted as
the Northern Whigs did, the Proviso would
have passed by a majority of Forty votes. The
Northern Democrats, then, defeated the odious
measure, when the whole Northern Whig del
egation voted in solyi phalanx for it.
In the Senate, the same state of things was
exhibited. fourteen Northern Democratic
Senators voted with the South, and not one
Northern Whig.
Again a few weeks ago, two Conventions
were held in Massachusetts, the Whig and
Democratic. Ihe first issued an address and
passed resolutions sustaining “ Free Soil” and
denouncing the South—the other, composed
of seven or eight hundred Massachusetts Dem
ocrats, adopted the following resolution :
Resolution of the Democratic Massachusetts Con
vention. *
Resolved, therefore, That this Convention is
opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by
Congress over the matter of slavery in the Ter
ritories; but is in favor of leaving to the peo
ple who inhabit them, the right to establish
and regulate their own domestic institutions and
relations, tinder ihe general principles of the Con
stitution ; (Du! l his is a claim for them which can
not be disallowed by the national democracy, de
voted, as it is, to ihe liberty, equality, and frater
nity of this great brotherhood of States.
Again — David Wilmot lias been repudiated
by the Democratic party of his District, and
opposed by a Cass Democrat, on the solitary
ground that he differs with the Democratic
party of the I mon, on this very Abolition
question. On all other questions, Bank, Ta- |
riti, &c., it is admitted that he is sound in the i
Democratic faith; yet on account of his free
soil principles, although he succeeded by trick
Setting a nomination, the true Democracy
of his District opposed him with a Cass man—
“ a Northern Democrat with Southern princi
ples. AN hat more convincing proof could
Pennsylvania Democrats give of their devo
tion to Southern rights, rudely assailed by fa- 1
natical rage and buttled ambition, than this ?
Again M hat is it but Southern right that
has split in twain the ancient Democratic par
ty of New York ? AA r hy this division of Hun
kers and Barnburners? It was because the
mass of the New York Democracy would not
sacrifice Southern rights. This is the only
difference in opinion between them. The
Hunker platform is the Southern platform, and
out of New \ ork the great masses of North
ern Democrats are, in this sense, Hunkers.
p. u * Chronicle ever hear of the Northern
AS lugs splitting on this question ? Not they ;
and why ! Because they are all agreed about it.
Mr. AA ebster gave the true reason, when he
said the A\ lug party was always the Free Soil
party, and the Barnburners had only stolen a
great AVhig principle when they set up noliti
cal business on Free Soil capital. Wealso re
fer to the leading Democratic presses at the
North, to show that Free Dirt Abolitionism is
one of the chief enemies that we have to combat.
AVe do not pretend to deny that some papers
of inferior character do strive to stem the Abo
lition current at the North, by holding up
Cass as a Northern man, just as Taylor is here
held up by the AA'hig editors as u Southern man.
•#
? But these are dishonest exceptions. The rule
iis the other way; and at the North, the battle
, is distinctly fought by the great Democratic
» party on the issue of the Constitutional and
equal rights and dignity of all the States,
North and South, against the impudent, arro
gant, and monopolizing claims of the Free
| Soilers.
| The Whig party is the Free Soil party, and
Gen. Taylor is sustained as its candidate on
j the open ground that in surrendering the veto
| power, he is pledged to throw the reins loose
j on the neck of Congress, and let it run wild in
j its career of Free Soil fury, unchecked by the
j prerogative which the Constitution has placed
| in the hands of the President.
I It will not do for Southern AA’higs to say wc
belong to the “AA’hig party” and this is a
| slander on us. Admit that it is, f although
the course of Stephens and Toombs and their
late hearty endorsement by their
tricts, is ominous to the contrary,) admit it,
we say—yet the Southern A\ r higs have not the
power to stay the abolition phrenzy, which
has become the master principle of Northern
AVhiggism. The only safety for the South is
affiliation with the Democratic party at the
North—the only party there that respects and
dares to uphold its rights.
[ from the Columbus Times.
Great Victory I—Shout. Southrons! Shout!
Judge Colquitt, in his speech the other
night, supposed the case of a Whig going home
to his wife, aftfer the November election, and
that Taylor and Fillmore were elected;
Whig—Well, Patsey, we’ve beat them.
AATfe—lndeed! what, their —what have you
gained by it?
Whig —Don’t talk so, Patsey—l tell you
we’ve beat the Democrats.
Wife —AV’ell, I say, what have you gain
ed ? what has the country gained ? what
measures have you secured ? what principles
have triumphed with your mum candidate ?
what— v
AVhig —Oh, do hush, Patsey ! you talk just
like a Democrat .
With the sensible wife, wc should like to
inquire of the Whigs of the South, what have
they gained ? what is there to shout over in
the election of Johnston (W.) Governor of
Pennsylvania?
The following opinions of his, contained in
a letter written September 27th, IS4S, to the
Hon. Townsend Hines, will answer the ques
tion:
First—l am utterly and decidedly opposed
to the increase of the patronage and power of
the slaveholding interest of this country': be
lieving that the increase of that power, not
only interferes with and prevents the growth
of the Free North, but that while it injures
our free labor, it casts a blighting influence]
over the region that tolerates its existence.
Secondly—l believe that the Territory of the |
United States should be field and preserved as
the honte of a free, happy and virtuous popu
lation, and that slavery or involuntary servi
tude should be forever excluded therefrom.
Thirdly--! believe that the compromise of the
Constitution contemplated the non-extension ■
of the United St ates, and that each extension, j
heretofore, has been a violation of the Con- 1
stitution itself.
Fouthly—l believe that the refusal to j
sanction the spirit of the Ordinance of 1787, as I
embraced in the AA’ilmot Proviso, was an un- i
worthy subserviency on the part of the North- !
ern freemen to the dictation of the slave power, i
These opinions are not new nor of recent
origin—l have long entertained them, and on
all proper occasions have given them publicity;
not with the hope of changing the opinions of
others, but simply as an expression of my
own feelings on the subject. lam per
suaded that if the good people of this com
monwealth would*refuse their support to any
gentleman advocating or supporting contrary
opinions, the same unanimity would soon ap
pear among us of this generation, as distin
guished our fathers of 1819 and 1820, on the
same question.
AA’ith the expression of my wishes for your
welfare, I am truly your friend,
AA’w. F. Johnston.
' Shout! shout again over the election of this
Northern man, with Northern principles.
[From tke. Athens Banner .]
Massachusetts Whigs in State Convention
Assembled bear Testimony to the Sound
ness of Gen, Cass on the Wilmot Provi
so, and prove Millard Fillmore unwor
thy the support of the Southern People
AVe have before our eyes a pamphlet con
taining the address of the AVHIG STATE
CONVENTION of Massachusetts, to the peo
ple of that State, adopted in convention at
Worcester, Sept. 13th, 1848, from which we
cxtrac t the following:
“ WHIGS, THE TRUE AND ORIGINAL
FREE SOIL PARTY.”
* *- * * *******
“Wc venture to predict that if Gen. Cass
is elected, slavery AVILL BE EXTEND
ED OA r ER NEAV MEXICO AND CALI
FORNIA.”
“In case of his (Gen. Cass’s j election it will
he said, that the whole question has been submit
ted to the people, and they have declared that
Southern citizens with their property shall not be
exeluded from these territories.”
Ol MILLARD IILLMORE, the address
says .
“You all feel perfectly conscious that if elected,
and the case should require it, HE WOULD
GIVE THE CASTING VOTE AGAINST
THE EXTENSION OF SLAVE TERRITO
RY.”
Great Gathering or the Guards.— The
; Chaimette Guards held their first mass mee
ting at the Pontchartrain Railroad Depot, last
evening, and an immense gathering it was.
They invited the Democratic Clubs of the city
j and of Lafayette to join them, who gallantly
responded to the call. When we reached the
randezvous, there were some half dozen orators
speaking at the top of their bent, or. at least,
at the top of their voice. Mr. Gatayer was ad
! dressing the principal meeting, over which
] Mr. Fabreand the other officers of the Chai
mette Guards presided. Mr. Preston had a
large audience in. another place. Professor
Dimitry, with his nervous eloquence,was draw
ing cheers of approbation from a compact
crowd, at another point. Air. Reynolds was
up and addressing: a lot of the boys, and there
were others guilty of open and advised speak
ing in other parts of the assemblage.
But there was not excitement enough for
them in speeches, however eloquent; they
wanted the music, the march, and the shout
for Cass and Butler! xind hence, before any
speaker had time to finish his speech, the cry
arose—Procession! Procession!—and it waft not
to be put down. So the procession was form
ed; and then it was a proper estimate might
be formed of the vast number assembled; as far
as the eye could see, the transparencies dan
gled over the heads of those who formed what |
seemed to be interminable ranks. The ban- !
ners, and devices were many and
various; conspicuous among them were several
very furious roosters mounted on a like num
ber of prostrate, passive looking coons, with
the gaffs of the former in the sides of the lat
ter. After marching up as far as Julia street,
the Chaimette Guards returned to their quar
ters in Chartres street, and so ended the pro
cession. All passed off in perfect peace and
quiet. So may it always be.— N. O. Delta 22 d
inst.
The New Orleans Picayune says that mos
quitoes are like doctors—Aey never “let
i blood without “running up a bill. 0
f
Oh I —The Philadelphia Gazette, (Whig)
speaking of the lato election in that city, says ;
In the abundance of our gratitude for these
splendid results, we cannot but express thanks
to the Whigs for the manner in which they |
have discharged their dutv to the country, and
to those patriotic men amonq our opponents who
have united their efforts with ours in redeeming j
the State, and in contributing to restore its pros - j
peritg and credit.
So the Whigs had some Democratic help , in ,
carrying this State election. We understand
that there are 17 Banks in Pennsylvania, rep
resenting 4 or 5 millions of capital, whose i
j Charters will expire the coming year and all of
! which are applicants for a re-charter. The
j Whig candidate, Johnson , was pledged to sign
| an\* bill to this effect. The Democratic can
j didate, Longslreth, (like the late Gov. Shunk)
j was known to be opposed to an indiscriminate
| re-charter of the paper shops. It i s plain
where the help came from, and who are the
“ patriotic opponents” of the Whig editor, to
whom he returns his thanks. It was not
“ spontaneous Taylorism,” then, that did the
business ! — Columbus Times.
Is it not Strange ?— lf Gen. Taylor is the
true Southern man that he is represented to
be, is it not strange that he should have allow
ed botlU friends and enemies to misrepresent
him for so long a time, upon the vital ques
tion of slavery ? He seems determined not
to be misunderstood upon the other political
questions of the day, (vide the Allison Letter
No. 2,) and yet upon this “ paramount ques
tion,” he manifests no anxiety whatever, and
suffers Tom Corwin to show a manuscript let
ter, which he says was written by Gen. T.,
declaring himself in favor of the Pro
viso! Can this be the man for the South? Nous
Verons. — Palmetto State Banner.
( From the New Orleans pit amine, 2~d inst.)
A nival of the British Steamer Forth.
Five Days Later from Mexico.
The British steamer Forth, Edwin Sturdee,
i Esq., commander, arrived at Ship Island early
i in the afternoon of Friday, the 20th inst. She
' left Tampico on the 14th and Vera Cruz the
16th inst., and was at Ship Island one day
I ahead of her time. Her passengers came up
|up to town last night. A list of them and
! statement of specie brought are given in a
| nother column. Our dates by this arrival are
|to the 14th from the city of Mexico—a week
; later than we received by the Titi.
We have accounts from an intelligent Mexi
j can that the 9th of this month was fixed upon
1 for a revolutionary outbreak in the city of
■ Mexico, of which the reputed leaders were
j Gens. Basadre, Tornel and Almonte. The
j Government called out the National Guards
1 from their quarters and stationed them in the
| plaza, and artillery was stationed to protect
j the square on which the Palace fronts. The
; attempt was thus thwarted.
Senores D, Augustin Iturbide and D. Man
uel Parteanoyo and many other officers hare
been thrown into prison by the Government.
The object of the conspirators was to bring
back Santa Anna. All the papers allude to
the projects on foot to enable Santa Anna to
resume power, and men still predict that not
two months w ill elapse before he is reinsta
ted. Two of his private secretaries, Senores
i Arrillaga and Gencr, are now in Mexico hav
! ing proceeded thither on the last voyage of
j the Forth.
j We have no new developments in regard to
| the Tampico movement. The papers treat all
the pretexts of Castilla as shallow and con
temptible, regarding his operations as a part
of the Sierra Madrc project, for which some
of the papers would hold Gen. Urrea respon
. sible. Gen. Bustamente is to command the
I troops which arc to attempt to stay thethreat-
I ened dismemben#nt. They will amount in
| a few days to 4000 men it is said.
The news we gave yesterday from Yucatan is
confirmed by a further arrival at Vera Cruz. —.
| Oreat fears are expressed lest the Indians
I -should besiege and retake the towns of Sotuta
i and Tckax.
f A new tariff has been reported intheChmn
j her of Deputies of Mexicopwliich it is thought
: will be adopted. We have a copy of it, but no
time to examine jt before going to press.
The Chamber, acting in their capacity as
grand jurors, have thrown out charges pre
ferred against Gen. Arista, the Secretary of
i War, by a large number of officers.
The war against the Government monopoly
; of the tobacco is still waged with zeal and with
J prospects of success.
j There was a report at Vera Cruz on the 15th,
| that a vessel was ashore near Santiaguillo.—
i Some supposed it to the bark Eugenia. The
U. S. steamer lying at Sacrificios went at once
to her assistance.
We find in the Monitor a letter from Presi
dent Polk to Gen. Herrera, in answer to one
by the latter announcing his election to the
Presidency. There is nothing in it requiring
it to be translated.
The Government is pursuing a course of se
venty towards the press, though by legal
rather than arbitrary measures. Senor Otero,
the Minister of Relations, directs the prosecu
tions. For many years connected with the
press, he was one of the most powerful ad
vocates of its entire freedom.
Senor Arrangotz, .formerly the Mexican
j Consul at this port, has been appointed Secre
j tary of the Mexican Legation at Washinton. •
j This seems to us a judicious selection on the
' part of the Mexicans, and one which must be
j acceptable to Americans.
We have not met in the Mexican papers any
direct imputation upon the good faith of the
Government of the United States in connec
tion with the Sierra Madre projects. -.r.
Cliffard, our Minister, has assured the Mexi
can Government that our own will oppose the
project to the extent of its powers. One pa
-1 per says : “God grant that thesc.repeated pro-
I sessions may be made in good faith !”
We see occasional accounts in the papers of
j atrocious crimes committed, but the number
j of crimes seem smaller than usual.
The Mexican Government has sent a secret
expedition to Tabasco, under command of the
brave D. Thomas Marin, to attempt to wrest
power from the notorious Miguel Bruno.—
Marin is appointed Commandante General of
Tabasco, and sailed from Yera Cruz with a
command of 200 men on the steamer Xep
tuno. The whole affair was kept a profound
secret till the expedition sailed.
We are compelled to cut short our extracts
or delay our paper unduly.
Alphabetical Co.vuxmiuM^.—Why is the
letter A like the meridian? Because it's the
middle of day.
AV hy is the letter B like a hot fire ? Be
cause it makes oil boil.
Why is the letter C like the ocean? Be
cause it makes a sea.
Why is the letter D like a fallen angel ? Be
cause by its association with evil, it becomes a
devil.
\\ hy is the letter E like the end of time : I
i Because it is the beginning of eternitv
Why is the letter F like death ? Because it
i makes all fall.
| . Hy is the letter G like wisdom ? Because
; it is tne beginning ot greatness and goodness. !
jW hy is the let ter H like the dving words of
j Adams r “ Ims is the end of earth.”
W liy is the letter I Ijke the American Kev- >
, olutiou r Because it is the beginning of Inde- |
i pendence.
| \V hy is the letter J like the end of spring ? !
Because it is the beginning of June.
Why is the letter Iv like a pigs tail? Be- j
cause it is the latter end of pork.
Why is the letter L like a young lady giv
ing away her sweetheart to another: Be
cause it makes over a lover.
Why is General Taylor’s pen mightier than
his sword ? Because with his sword he only
defeated his enemies, but with his pen he de
feats himself.
: CONSTITl T TIONA LIST
Augusta, Georgia.
SATURDAY MORNING, OCT. 20.1848.
FOR PRESIDENT
LEWIS* CASS,
OF MICHIGAN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT
WM. O. BUTLER,
OP KENTUCKY.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
W. T. COLQUITT, of Troup.
M. H. McALLISTER, Chatham.
J. W. ANDERSON, Chatham.
L. B. MERCER. Les.
ALLEN COCHRAN, Monroe.
JOHN D. STELL, Fayette.
LEWIS TUMLIN, Cass.
ROBERT McMILLAN, Elbert.
WILLIAM McKINLEY, Oglethorpe.
JAS. GARDNER. JR., Richmond.
Election; Tuesday, 7th November*
Pacts to be Remembered.
Each voter should remember that the Pre
sidential election takes place on Tuesday, the
7th of November.
He should remember that he is entitled to
vote for ten Electors.
He should remember that if the Democratic
Electoral ticket is elected, the Electors will
vote for
Lewis Cass and Wm O. Butler,
and that it the Whig Electoral ticket is elect
ed, the Electors will vote for
Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore.
For the Campaign.
At the request of several friends w’e will fur
nish our Daily paper for one month, at the
| low price of 50 cents. hope our friends
in the interior will avail themselves of this of
fer, and thus disseminate among their neigh
bors the earliest political end commercial in
telligence.
Electoral Tickets,
W e hope our friends will look well to sup
plying their counties with Electoral Tickets.
W r c can furnish them, at 50 cents per 100 for
the first 400, and 40 cents lor each extra hun
dred. All orders must be accompanied with
( the cash. A
The Abolitionist; Millard Fillmore.
IBs popularity among his Fellow Abolitionists.
This man has enjoyed a high degree of pop
ularity with the Abolitionists. Unless his
recent efforts to conciliate Southern support,
by recanting some of his former abolition
opinions have disgusted them, he is doubtless
a favorite with them still. The most casual
glances at the Gayle letter, and one or two
others which this thorough paced abolitionist
has written since his nomination for Vice
President, will discover that his most obnox
ious sentiments on the slavery question are
entertained by him still. He has written no
thing that Giddings could not with equal con
; sistency write—nothing which Giddings
would not promptly write, were he a candi
| date for Vice President. These two men hold
identically the same opinions on the slavery
question. If there is any difference between
them, we should like to see it pointed out.
No Southern apologist for Fillmore has at
tempted this task as yet, that we have seen.
In Congress those men spoke together, voted
: together, and acted with each other, whenever
slaveiy and l ‘ihe aggressions of the slave power"
were topics for discussion. When Giddings,
by his atrocious Creole resolutions, brought
down upon himself the indignant rebuke of the
House, Fillmore was found voting against the
resolution of censure—thus sympathising
j with, and approving the vile and fiendish
sentiments of this/ellow abolitionist,
j * There is nothing in the career of this man
1 Fillmore, or in his recent recantations, to ren
der him less objectionable to a Southern man
than Joshua R. Giddings. There is nothing
more to be said in his defence, when denoun
ced, as %ve denounce him, as an abolitionist,
•i than could be said with equal truth in defence
j of Joshua R. Gidding, swere he a candid ate for
Vice President.
In 1838, Fillmore wrote the letter which
we have for some time kept before our readers,
surrounded by black lines. It seems that he
j has never since thought proper to say a word,
showing any modification of these opinions,
in Congress, or elsewhere, until this summer.
But what does he say now? In his Gayle
! letter he says he does not advocate any inter-?
ference with slavery in the States. Giddings
| takes the same position. In another letter, he
says that the Supreme Court has decided that
the internal slave trade between the States
j cannot constitutionally be interferred with by
Congress. Therefore , he, Millard Fillmore, will
not insist on this measure. Insist is the word
this man uses. As the Supreme Court is a
gainst his favorite measure, therefore he will
not insist upon it. Remarkable concession
this ! How grateful Southern men shoqld he
to this magnanimous fellow.
We could takeoff our hats with about the
same degree of thanks to Giddings, for he j
does not insist on this measure either, in the
face of a decision’against him and Fillmore by
the Supreme Court.
Now as to the popularity of this man Fill
j more among the abolitionists.
I It was the boast of his particular, personal
and political friend and neighbor, the Buffalo
editor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel,*
some time last winter, that Fillmore had so
I much popularity in New York, that when he
| was run for Comptroller General last year, by
i the Whig 'party, he got some twenty thous
and votes iqore than the votes of h ; s party.—
■ Where did these additional votes oorae from ?
; Not from the Democratic party, of course.—
; They came t en from the abolitionists and
anti-slavery men. Among them were, doubt
less, those fifteen thousand and odd “sack cloth
and ashes” gentry, who repented so bitterly
’that they did not vote for Henry Clay in 1844.
instead of throwing their votes away on Bir- ]
ney. Popular ! To be sure, Fillmore was pop- i 1
ular beyond his party. He had an abolition i
strength beyond his Whig strength, as the re
sult of the vote proved. j .
Why should not the author of the letter in , ;
1838, to the anti-slavery society, be
with abolitionists—be a favorire with them.
But we have more than the evidence of the
editor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel
to the popularity of Millard Fillmore beyond (
his party.
We annex below, some more Buffalo author- !
ity. It may not be written by a personal and
political friend. But it is writ ten and printed
immediately under the nose of Fillmore and 1
hU iriends, Whigs and Abolitionists, and | 1
where his position is thoroughly understood. |
This article gives an exposition of Fillmore’s
course, and of the objects, tendencies and es- i
sects of his letter in 1838. If he was not an j
abolitionist till then, or there was any doubt
on the subject, all doubt was dispelled from j
that time. In the language of the Buffalo
Courier : “ These sentiments me satisfactory to
the society which he addressed , and to the B hiy ,
Abolition party of the North. Mr. Fillmore took
■ his stand upon the there his politi- I
I cal career commenced.”
There let the South leave him, and there I
j let him be welcome to end a car eer commenced
i under auspices so hostile to her best interest,
and so repugnant to the feelings of her people,
1 jealous as they are of all interference with her
peculiar institution.
f From the Buffalo Courier .]
Mr. Fillmore’s Abolition Platform.
Since the nomination of Mr. Fillmore for
Vice President, there has been among the
Southern journals of both parties, a deal of \
discussion as to his position on the Abolition !
question. The strictly Taylor Whig press
es, both at the North and the South, have
i made) great exertions to convince the pub-
I lie that his views on this question are so
| moderate, as to entitled him to Southern support. ,
Os late, something clear and positive has been
1 ascertained on this point. It will be seen by ,
! the following letter originally published in
I the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser on the 30th
day of October, 1888, that as early as that date,
Mr. Fillmore, in a correspondence with the
Erie County Anti-Slavery Society,placed him- j
self distinctly on the Abolition platform then
in existence, and that he unconditional!}' a
vowed himself in favor of the immediate abo
lition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
The step taken by Mr. Fillmore at that time,
■ was absolutely necessary to gain political in
fluence and secure public favor in Western
1 New York. Having taken it, his position was
| strengthened, and he became chiefly in con- j
sequence of the avowals in his letter, (he “fore
most man” in ascction of country where the fell
spirit of Abolitionism was them and is now all
powerful at the ballot-box. To tlxat avowal
i of his sentiments we attribute the popularity
which he is said to enjoy among! tho Abolition
ists and whigs here and in other Northern
States, especially Ohio ; for we know nothing
in his public life or services calculated alone
and aside from the efforts of warm and perti
nacious friends, to raise him to the eminence
which he has been so fortunate’ as to
reach. We are willing to concede to him the
paternity of the Black Tariff of 1842, but his
sincere friends claim for him no merit now, as
the author of that abomination, and desire the
people to believe that the Philadelphia Con
vention has not by any means put him forth
as a high Tariff candidate.
No ! it was Mr. Fillmore’s avowal of Aboli
tion sentiments as long ago as 1838, his de
claration that he was in favor of the immedi
ate abolition of slavery in the District ot Co- j
lumbia, his course in Congress whenever the 1
subject of slavery came before that body and
his tierce opposition to the annexation of Texas,
that gave him consequence, and enlisted in
his support those who have at last succeeded in
•placing him before the people as a candidate for
the Vice Presidency. Having dene so, they dis
cover the necessity which exists of conciliating *
their fellow-citizens and voters of the south, ,
who like Gen. Taylor, happen to hold a few |
slaves and are notoriously cautious in bes
towing their share of the honors and trusts of
government.
So obvious is this necessity, that the South
ern friends of Mr. Fillmore call the attention
of the people of the South to the fact, and beg
them to remember, that in his correspondence
with the Erie County Anti-Slavery Society in
1838, Mr. Fillmore “gave no pledges?” But
no one asked him to give pledges. He gave his j
opinion—honest convictions, no doubt, ad-. |
ding thereto “I seek no disguises ; but freely
give my sentiments on any sufy.ect of interest
to those for whose suffrages X am a candidate.”
These sentiments are satisfactory to the socie
ty which he addressed and to the whole Aboli- j
tion party of the North. Mr. Fillmore took his
stand upon the platform , and then his political
career commenced. He has now become
prominent as a politician, but will fall shmt ;
of the high mark at which he ai'US, if the con
fidence of the South is withheld which we can
not doubt, judging from the sentiments he
avowed in 1838.
[communicated.]
Mr. Editor—Will you please publish th,s I
following:
Stations of Ministers of the Methodist Pro- I
testant Church in the Georgia District, for the
ensuing Conference year,
Dr. B. R, Bray, President of the Confer- j
ence. *
Columbia Circuit. —Leßoy P. McCutchen,
superintendent.
Twiggs ct. —lsaac G. Mitchell, s*pt., R. A.
Blount, ass’t.
Hall ct, —lsaac Roper, supt.
Cherokee ct. —Superintendent to be supplied.
P. Lingo, A. Smith, W. G. Norten, J. H.ut
sell, and Y. Mann, assistants.
Atlanta cf.—J. Thurman, supt., A. W.
Mitchell, ass’t.
Henry ct. —R. p. Biggers, supt,,, W. Griffin,
S. Robinson and S. Moore, ass’ts..
Meriweather et. —Isaiah C. Wallace, sup'*.,
P. Ogletree, W. W.
Harlan, ass’ts.
Randolph ct.— Supt. to be supplied. W.
Haisten, E. Smith and J. R. Swain, ass’ts.
Columbus et. —W. N. Snell, supt-, W. My
ers, ass’t. •
Newton ct.r-rz M. Tucker, supt., W, M. Big
gers and L. Bates, ass’ts.
Penticost ct. —To he supplied.
Savanntth Mission. —Thos. C. Benning, supt.
Sonven Mission. —John Wesley Davis, supt.
Madison Mission.—J. O’KelJey, supt. j
Walker Mission.— W. Mitchell, supt.
Thomas Hutchings left in the hands of the. f I
I
What extraordinary paradox will be present- I
ed in the Presidentgl race of 1848 ? The Van I
wi[l be in the rear. *
i
Thirtt-first Congress.—Sixty seven mem -
bers of the thirty first Congress have been al
ready elected as follows:
New Congress. Old Congress.
Whig. Dem. Whig. Deni.
Illinois !••••’.• 6 1 g
Missouri o 5
Arkansas 1 1
lowa , 2 2
Vermont 2 -* 2
Maine 2 5 1 G
Pennsylvania’.. 15 9 17 7
Ohio / ..10.f 11 11 10
Florida 11
S. Carolina 7 7
31 48 33 44
We compare with the delegations in the old
Congress as they stood at the date of the elec
tions, not regarding changes which have since
been caused by death or otherwise. Showing
a net democratic gain of two members. In
Vermont, there was and still is two vacancies.
Mr. Holmes, one of the members elect from
South Carolina calls himself a Taylor Demo
crat.
Omo Election*.—The Baltimore Sun of tho
25th inst. says:—Nothing positive is yet
known as to the result of the Gubernatorial
election, though the general supposition and
belief appears to be that Ford, the whig candi
date, is elected by a small majority.
The Ohio Statesman, of tho 21st inst,, claims
the election of 38 Democrats, 28 Whigs, and
6 free-soil Van Bureu men to the House. The
Cincinnati Gazette, of the same date, contains
the following paragraph:
“The Clerk yesterday issued a certificate of
the due election of Spencer and Runyan, the
whig members of the House from the city.
One of these we have seen. This secures the
whig majority in the House.”
It will, therefore, be seen that the Governor
and Legislature are somewhat in doubt,—or
rather both are still claimed by each of the
contending parties. The Cincinnati Atlas, of
the 21st, also says with regard to the Legisla
ture : •
“The Senate is a tie, and the House stands,
as decided by the people, 38 Whigs to 34 Dem
ocrats —majority of 4.”
Josiah Root, one of the Ohio electors outlie
Van Buren ticket, has declined, and declared
in favor of Taylor and Fillmore, upon the
ground that it is impossible to elect Mr. Van.
Buren, and that “it is a matter of vital impor
tance to the non-slaveholding interest to se
cure the Vice Presidency, on whomAnay dc-
I volve the casting vote, on slave questions in
the Senate. A. W. Elliott, another fvee soil
j whig of Ohio, has published his adHasiou to
Taylor, relying, as he says, o n Taylor's
“pledge” to carry out the will of a majority of
Congress “upon the subject of the extension
of slavery.”
Col Lewis Tumlin.
The Athens Banner of the 26th inst. says
“We learn that rumors have been in circulation
of the death of Col. Lewis Tumlin, of Cass,
one of the democratic candidates for electoj
of President and Vice President. We are
authorized by a gentleman, in whom the u.t
--i m °st confidence can. be placed, to say that he
saw Col. Tumlin in fine health at Dalton, ok
the 18th inst. Long may he live, and soon mav
he have the pleasure of casting a vote in the
electoral college of Georgia, for Cass and But
ler!”
I Letter of the Hon*. Louis McLane.— Sin -e
his resignation of the office of President of the
‘Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, Mr.
has been address by a number of gentlemen
! of Delaware, soliciting him to address the
people of that State upon the political issues
in contest, in the present campaign. Mr.
McLane replies in a letter, occupying some
four columns of the Delaware Gazette, and
declines the invitation in consequence of the
pressure of duties, but reviews, in In’s
peculiarly caustic style the policy of the
Vvhigs, and urges with strenuous earnestness
the claims of the Democratic nominees unon
the support of the people. He argues that
the bank question is confessedly gone j that
“ a revenue tariff, so arranged that any protec
tion it may incidentally afford to home, shall
be equally and alike in favor of every class and
department Oi industry,is generally acquiesced
in that the Whigs have, discarded their
eminent statesman, whose ambition and fame
have been so long identified with the partv
and its policy, lest they should be even sus
pected of a design to raise any of the former is
sues i and Ihcy have finally selected a candi
date, he adds, “whose position necessarily in
volves an utter abandonment, of the (other
and) only remaining topic of their ancient
policy—the dread of a military chieftain, and
of the union of the purse and the sword.”
Mr. McLane expresses his objection tf> +j ie .
elevation of a military chieftain to the P resi
dency, but remarks that he regards the tern
“ military chieftain” as applied to Gen. J u v
son, only as a “ figure of speech.” \\ o ra _
ther suspect that the British at N G w Orleans
considered it somewhat more as » matter of
fHC than a rhetorical ficti-ju or technical
so An 'i . r »“ P“ rt ' we incline
to the opinion that the old hero was nothing
more nox less than a “military chieftain,” in
the amplest sense of the term .-Baltimore Sun,
loth mst.
for the Vice Presidency.
Buffalo, Oct. 17, 1838. Li
oin: four communication of the 15th v
mst as chairman of a committee appoint- B
ed by “ The Anti-Slavery Society of the *4
County of Erie,” has. just come to hand. |
ion solicit my answer to the followin'-- H*
interrogatories; 0
Ist. Ltfj you believe that petitions to 1
Congress On the subject of slavery and t’a C I
slave trade ought to be received,'read and 9
respectfully considered by the representa- S
tives at the people r
Are you opposed to the annexation I
* Texas to this liuon, under any cir-J
therein*? 068 ’ S ° long as slavcs are h eld i
3d. Are you in favor of Congress cxer- fi
cismg all the Constitutional power it pos- I
sesses to abolish the internal slave trade I
between the States ? » B
A re > r ° u in favor of the immediate E
tlle hbolitipu of slavery in 9
the District of Columbia r I
am much emraged and have no time 9
CO enter \&t>o argument, or to explain at I
en ? tn my reasons for my opinion. l|
I '-nail theretore content myself, for the I
present by answering ALL your intterm- |
gatonos in the AFFIRMATIVE, ami I
leave for some future occasion a more ex- I
tended discussion on the subject.
MILLARD FILLMORE. E