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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
Tames Gardner, jr.
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(From the Southern Press.)
New York, March 21, 1851.
To John Ritchie , D. D., chairman of a meeting
of the inhabitants of Edinburgh , assembled in
Bristol street church , the of Novetnber,
1850, and who signed an address to the people
I of the U. States, denouncing the Fugitive slave
I law as unconstitutional , Ssc. qc.
1 Reverend Sir: As it is probable the people
United States will not collectively re-
W id to your address, I, as a humble indivi
, one of the most insignificant of that body,
''silvering only for myself, and representing
myself alone, take leave to express my senti
ments in regard to your strange, unwarranta
ble interference with the domestic institutions,
wind public laws of a distant and foreign na
’.v tion.
You cannot pretend, sir, that these institu
tions, or these laws, in any way, in the slight
est degree, affect the rights, the interests, or
the happiness of the good peojle of Edin
burgh, or any other portion of the Scottish na
tion. They are local institutions, exclusively
appertaining to cocal interests, and you have
no more right to interfere with them than with
the internal regulations of the Chinese, or
Rushan empires. If they do not chance to
accord with your delicate sympathies, or if
they outrage any of your nice scruples of phil
anthropy, that I conceive is ao j ustification for
your intermeddling with matters in which you
have no concern, and for which you are not
responsible. You, sir, and your reverend breth
ren, are the pastors of your own flocks, and
your duties as faithful shepherds, are, I pre
sume, if properly attended to, ceiled into am
r* pie exercise at home. Your moral responsi-
E biiities can hardly be said to extend beyond
the sphere of your parishes, unless it should
Igp so happen that your flocks, through the in
fluence of our precepts and example, hare be
come so exemplary and so perfect that there
is no longer any necessity for either one or the
other. If this should be the case, I sincerely
congratulate you on the success of your pious
efforts. If not, I would respectfully recom
mend you to look at home and pluck the beam
from your own eyes, before you meddle with
the moat in that of your distant neighbor.
You commence with declaring “We have
heard with feelings of astonishment and pain
that the Congress ot the United States of
America has lately passed a la v in relation to
fugitive slaves, which, in many of its provisi
ons as we read them, violates the rights, and
outrages the feelings of humanity.” You then
proceed to comment on the Declaration of In
dependence, and the Constitution of the U.
States, following the lead of the Abolitionists
of this country, in substituting the annuncia
tion of an abstract principle in the one, for a
direct practical provision in the other.
The Declaration of Independence, was a de
claration of the rights of free white American
citizens, in opposition to the claims of the
mother country, and had not the slightest re
ference to African slaves. If it had been for
a moment supposed, or suspected, that these
were comprehended in the assertion of the
doctrine that “all men are bom free and
equal,” can it be presumed that the repre
sentatives of the Southern. States would have
unanimously concurred in what would have
at once divested themselves, and their con
stituents, of a great portion of their property?
No one except ignorant foreigners, or those of
our own citizens, who are playing into their
hands, ever supposed that the declaration of
Independence was of equal authority in re
gulating the powers of the government or the
duties of citizens with the Constitution of t he
U. States, and the laws enacted in conformity
with its provisions. Nor, if it could be prov
ed that either one or the other were in ciiiect
contradiction to a principle asserted in the De
claration, would it furnish the least justifiable
pretext for refusing to obey them.
Had it been a text of Scripture, instead of a
constitutional principle, or a temporal law, on
which you assumed the prerogative of decid
ing, I should have paid a respectful deference
to your authority. But 1 doubt whether the
laws of Moses are eminently calculated to
initate us into the niceties ot common law or
constitutional construction; or whether a mere
assertion of a meeting cf a small portion of the
inhabitants of a foreign city—though it may
be styed the modem Athens—that a certain
law of the Congress of the United States “vio
lates the rights and outrages the feelings of
our common humanity,” irrevocably settles a
principle of morals, or a maxim of law. I
sometimes read the 014 and the New Tes
tament, and if it will not be considered pre
sumptuous in a humble layman, would com-
mend to your atten.ion the 25th chapter of
Leviticus, and the example of the Apostle
P..ul.
A few words, Reverend Sir, as to the asser
tion that the Fugitive law “outrages the
feelings of our common humanity.” The meet
ing which you represent, and whose organ
you are, was convened in “Bristol street
church;” of course it could only have consist-
ed of a very small portion otthe inhabitants of
the city ot Edinburgh. What right had they
to assume to be the representative of the
“feelings of our common humanity?” Who
made them so, or who them as
such? In the United States are millions of
" people, as moral, as religious, and as enlight
ened as any in Scotland, or elsewhere, who
X do not believe that the Fugitive Blave law
I “violates the feelings of our common humani
: ty.” In every age, and in every country, there
| have existed millions of human being*; from
| the Patriarch Abraham, to the orthodox Queen
fa anne of England—who was one of the whole-
I gale dealer® in the slave trade* —who differed
1 not o nly in theory but practice, with the re
doubtable meeting i a “Bristol street church,”
•which assumes to be the representative of “our
iibmmon humanity,” and to give lessons of re-
VgL aac i morality to twenty millions ofpeo
fiJSfe Are these chosen saints, are these select
I * -ee the A e»ie»to contract.
!| " * * i
few, consisting of a hundred thousandth part f
of the human race, to sit thus in judgment on l
all past generations, and condemn a cotempo- j
rary nation as utterly destitute of common
humanity? Let me tell you, Reverend kir, !
that such a course bespeaks a degree of arro- j
gant presumption, unbecoming the
humility of a priest, and the forbearance of a
Christian.
After this sweeping denunciation, you pro
ceed to say, in reference to the Fugitive slave
bill: “ The law in question being, as your
own good and eminent Judge William Jay,
says, a probab’e violation of the Constitution,
as it certainly is of the principles of justice,
the rights of humanity and the obligations i
of the religion of Jesus Christ, &c.” Now,
Reverend Sir, permit me to ask again, by what
right, and under what sanction, does the
meeting in “ Bristol street Church " presume
to decide on what is, or what is not in accord
ance with the Constitution of the United
States, as recognized by the representatives of
the States, and the people of the United
States, and sanctioned by the Executive, as
well as the judges of our highest tribunals, all
of whom are sworn to support that Constitu
tion before they are admitted to the exercise
of their functions ? Is it on the authority of
that “eminent Judge William Jay,” late of
the county court of Westchester ? It may be
well for them to learn that this gentleman is
not held altogether infallible here although j
among orthodox Muselmen he would be con- j
sidered inspired. A great majority of Ameri- j
cans do not, however, pay such respect to j
these oracles, and usually think they are
best disposed of by being in a strait-waistcoat.
The “eminent Judge” won't do sir. The
people of the United States, whom you have
honored with your exposition of the “ feel
ings of common humanity ” and the princi
ples of the Constitution, are not accustomed
to mistake madness for inspiration, or asser
tion for argument. They have an idea that
Congress is rather better qualified to expound
the Constitution than this “eminent Judge,”
or the meeting in “ Bristol street chuich ” in
the good city of “ Auld Reekie.”
But this remarkable meeting does not stop
here, Reverend Sir. It does not content iteeif
with defining the feelings of coalmen human
ity, and expounding tne Constitution for the
benighted people ot the United States. It
goes much beyond this. It employs the most
exciting and inflammatory language to stimu
late them to an opposition to this law. It
does not in so many words incite the runaway
negroes to use the bowie knife and revolver,
or the fanatical whiteman to imitate the law
abiding people of Boston in an open opposi
tion to its execution ; but by arrogating to
iiself the sanction of God, and the precepts of
the Savior of mankind in support of its princi
ples, it not only justifies, but enforces every
species of violence and bloodshed in resisting
this law. While verbally recommending the
people of the United States to “be peacable
and lawful,” in their endeavers to accomplish
the repeal of this law, it places before them
duties and obligations, which if imperative,
will justify every species of violence and
atrocity, under pretence of assertiug the rights
es the fugitive slave. It administers fuel to
fires that already threaten to consume us; it
incites fanaticism to new and more strenuous
exertions, it arrays the different members of
this once happy confederacy, hitner-to united
in bonds of fraternal brotherhood, in deadly,
irreconcilable opposition,and prepares the way
for the bloody struggle between whiteman
and whiteman, and whiteman and blackman,
in the attainments of an object equailyimprac
ticable, equally fatal to all parties if it could
be accomplished.
Y'ou, sir, are a minister of the gospel of
peace and having assumed the privilege of
admonishing the people of the United States,
on a subject with which you have no busi
ness to inteifere must not, therefore, take it
hard if I, in the name of my country, avail
myself of the sanction of your example. Let
me exhort the meeting at the Bristol street
church, and their reverned mbuth-piece, to
turn a little of their attention to people nearer
home, and for whose morals and happiness
they are somewhat more responsible than you
and those you represent, are for those of the
people of the United States. Let me exhort
you, as you hope to escape the fate of those to
whom it was said, “Woe unto ye scribes and
pharisees—hypocrit !” for ye compass sea
and land to find objects for your pretended
sympathy, while your own countrymen and
neighbors are left to starve by inches,or perish
in the midst of corruption and depravity.
Every day “we the people of the United
States,” to whom you have addressed your
lessons of humanity, read from your own
books and your own newspapers, how the
inhabitants of the Highlands of Scotland are
suffering every privation that can wring the
soul of man; how the operators and iaborers
in your manufactories and on your farms can
scarcely, by the exercise of the most faithful
labor and the most rigid economy, keep them
selves and their families alive; how in your
sister Ireland there is, to u.e the memorable
words of Butke, “a nation in beggary—a
whole people lilting up their hands for bread;’
how in yoursister England; the operatives are
daily lapsing into the slough of despondency
and misery, while the tenants of the farms,
that once happy rural population, are throw
ing up iheir leases and abandoning their
homes, because they no longer have the means
of paying their rents and taxes, and keeping
soul and body together; how in London,
Manchester, Birmingham, Glasgow, and ail
those places where laboring men congregate,
illicit conexions are everyday becaming more
common, and bastards so numerous that at
least one-half the children are illegitimate;
how excess or suffering and privation have
generated an unchristian and inhuman selfish
ness, dissolved all feeling of good neighbor
hood, and severed the holy ties ol parents and
children,insomuch that one can no longer look
down on their offspring as the support of their
agej-npr the other up to the lather for com
fort and'wupport; and how in all the great
cities of thenmited kingdom, as is proved by
undoubted testimony, thousands, of young
women are drived to prostitution, not from
idleness or vicious propensities, but because
with all their labors t%ty cannot earn their
daily bread. >,
Let me tell you, sir—j'ou, and those in
whose behalf you address people of the
United States with such an effervescence ot
humanity—you had better direcWour moral
responsibilities towards your countermen and
neighbors, and dispose of some of super
fluous sympathies for the benefit of X'your
white brethern, instead of wasting them Lon
our black slaves, not one of whom is in darner
of starving, except he runs away; and ndi
one of whom is obliged to seek her bread by ;
prostitution. Instead of invoking the wrath
of Heaven on the new worid.it would better
become you to look to the old, which is plum
ing itself on its philanthropy, and apparently*
seeking to avert the curses of oppressed whi Jte
slaves, by a mawkish hypocritical sympathy
for black ones.
In conclusion, sir, permit me, in the name
of the people of the United States, to express
my deep sympathy in behalf of the white
slaves of the United Kingdom, in yoiar own
eloquent emphatic words; “A little while,
and the dark uloud that is now over you will
be dispelled, and the dawn of a happier day
will break upon you. The power of the op
pressor must come to an end, and you shall
have liberty. We commend youjto God, and
his great saving kindness. He care for
you, and in his own good time will give you
deliverance."
I am,Reverend Sir, with the highes respect,
Your grateful and humble servant,
One op the People op
The United States.
thYconstitptiqnalist,
Georgia.
SUNDAY MORNING. APRIL 6
A Rebuke to Foreign Interference and
Fanaticism*
We publish, by request, a well written re
buke, addressed to a distinguished clergyman
of Scotland, of the fanatical class of Aboli
tionists, who has taken upon himself a vast
deal of superfluous trouble about people, and
affairs, with which he has no business to con
cern himself.
What a pity that the Aminadab Sleeks, of the
present day, with such a superabundance of
philanthropy, cannot confine its overflowings
to the legitimate sphere of its influence, and
give the wretched objects of commiseration
at their own doors, a modicum of sympathy
in the shape of good works—of practical
kindness. This would be far better for the
cause of true humanity than all the fine
words and glowing metaphors that the bright
est intellect can pour forth over the imagina
ry ills, moral and physical, of a distant
people.
The same remark may be applied to the po
litical enthusiasts, who, in their professed,
perhaps real, anxiety for the moral purity of
our Republican institutions, and the consis
tency of our practices with our declared
principles of liberty, overlook the scandalous
defects of their own systems. One would
suppose there was enough of squalid poverty,
of brutal ignorance, ot mental, moral and
physical debasement, a bare allusion to which
makes the humane of this country shudder
with horror, existing among the British peo
ple, to monopolize all the sympathies of the
patriots and philanthropists of that Empire.
Ireland, especially, should tax all the eapacity
of the politico philanthropists of that ill-fated
i island, to find political and social remedies and
alleviations. But we were handed a few days
ago, a copy of the Northern Whig, a paper
published in Belfast, (Ireland,) in which a
long and ridiculous jeremiad is indulged in
i at the depravity of the American people, in
tolerating slavery and enacting fugitive-slave
laws.
The following i 9 a specimen of the ranting
style of this Hibernian enthusiast. He has
evidently more zeal than knowledge on the
subject of which he treats :
“ Yet, in this very nation it is that the eye
of the Christian and the philanthropist is of
fended by the unconcealed existence of a gross
and offensive monstrosity. In this free State
flourishes, in unreproved boldness, a system
that has deeply polluted and corrupted the
social morality of the people : a loathsome
sore on the fair bosom of the commonwealth ;
a dark stain on the proud banner of the na
tion ; a desperate disgrace; a loud-tongued
reproach on the se'f-eulogistic enlightenment
of the community. Yes, it is a humiliating
truth to be handed down to future ages—that,
in the very heart of the United States of
North America, which noisily boast of their
power, their progress, and their unparalleled
freedom, still flourishes, in all its disgusting
grossness, the disgraceful and damning insti
tution of human slavery.”
* * * * *
“ It is now some twenty years since Eng
land, inspired with a noble zeal, destroyed, at
one blow, the slavery system in her posses
ions, and lavished a vast amount of taeasure
in its extinction. And it is now the glorious
boast of Englishman that—no matter what be
his colour or his clime—as soon as the slave
plants his foot upon the sacred soil of Britain,
the fetters of servitude drop from his emanci
pated limbs. But America, the child of
British liberty, who boasts that she has far
surpassed her parent in the development of
freedom, still retains the loathsome burden
that the healthier mind of England had flung
away for ever. And at this hour, flowing
through every channel of the social system,
tainting and corrupting the whole body, the
effects of that moral cowardice which shrunk
from the geneosity of raising the black mad
to a level with his white brethren, work with
undiminished force. We need not point to
the facts which will be found detailed else
where, as proof—more telling evidence is
found in the degradation, even in those States
where slavery is banned, of the free coloured
citizen. He is the Pariah of American life—
shunned as the leper—scoffed at, beaten, de
graded; and the tinge of his blood, colouring
the whitest skin, is more fatal in that free
land the plague spot on the victim’s check.
The gentleness and loveliness of woman are
no safeguards against, where the faintest trace
of negro blood is ever suspected—education,
intellect, the might of genius itself, cannot
atone for it in the eyes of the free and en
lightened citizens of George Washington’s
free Republic."
While all this fine rhetoric and romantic
affluence of indignation, are wasted upon a
people thousands of miles off, and who cer
tainly have no need to go to Ireland to have
a better system of political or social govern
ment, millions of countrymen of the writer of
the above, victims of a false system, and an
oppressive Government, are grovelling in ab
ject misery, and pitiable want, and brutal ig
norance.
Ireland, like Scotland and England, has no
philanthropy to spare, however ample may be
its stock. Its political sagacity has, at home,
a yet unexplored field in which to display its
prowess in the cause of human rights and
human happiness.
Under the patriarchal system of African
slavery in the Southern States, we ..have no
starvation, no awful famines, no houseless
outcasts. There is labor and bread for all,
and care and kindness in sickness and old age
lor all. We have the light of Gospel instruc
tion for bond and free, teaching the slave
eheerful obedience to the authority of the
master, which pretecta while it controls, and
to the latter the reciprocal duties of justice,
and kindness and mercy te those whom Provi
dence, in its infinite wisdom, has made de
pendent upon him, and placed under his pro
tection. Superadded to this, we have human
laws to enforoe these Scriptural injunctions,
and the all-po ent law of public opinion,
which so inexorably exacts justice for the
slave as it does for the freeman.
The worst enemy of the slave is he who
seeks to imbue his mind with a spirit of dis
content with his lot, while he cannot even sug
gest the possibility of ©hanging it for the bet
ter.
The picture of the treatment bestowed on
the free negroes in the Northern States, if of
any value any where, is only so to shew up
the folly of the Northern Abolitionists, who
would disturb the present order of things at
the South.
These people, in both hemispheres, have
been mischief-makers and destructives, in
seeking to uproot an institution as old as the
Bible. The condition of the Southern slave
is infinitely better than that of the free negro,
either in the Northern States, or in the Brit
ish We3t Indies.
This is a fact too plain and too notorious
among all who are really informed on the
subject, to need amplification. And yet the
utmost that British and American negro
philism can promise itself by the continuance
of its labors, is to reduce the Southern States
to the condition of San Domingo and Ja
maica.
In those two islands, is a more suitable
field for their efforts, if they must travel
abroad both among the whites and blacks, for
their objects of philanthropy.
Theatre—Concert Hall-
A large and fashionable audience assembled,
Thursday evening, at the Theatre, it being the
second appearance of Sir Wm. Don in this city.
There was a very good caste for the evening,
in the Comedy of the “ Jacobite," the “ Se
rious Family" and the laughable farce ol
“ Box & Cox.” Sir William Don, as “ John
Duck " in the “ Jacobite ” called forth much
admiration, especially in the Tavern Scene,
when he changes the character of waiter for
that of a commercial traveller. The interest
he excited in this piece was quite equalled in
the farce of “ Box & Cox,” in whioh he kept
the audience in the utmost good humor.
The Comedy of the “ Serious Family,”
was repeated with unequivocal success. Mr.
Walcott, as “ Capt. Murphy McGuire," play
ing his part to perfection, and being well
sustained by Mr. Weaver, and by Miss Clarke,
Miss Sinclair and Mrs. Brown, who added
additional eclat to her part, by the difficulty
with which she preserved her countenances
as one of the Serious Family." We are sorry
to be compelled to complain of the very imper
fect manner in which the parts “ Major Mur
ray," in the “Jacobite," and “Frank Vin
cent," in the “ Serious Family," were ren
dered. We trust that these performers may
improve, or others be substituted, as they ef
fectually mar the representations, and em
barrass the really deserving artist.
To-morrow evening a very attractive bill is
offered, and we hope that the anxious wish of
the worthy Stage Manager, and excellent act
or, Mr. Mason, to cater for every taste, at the
same time maintaining the utmost propriety
in selection, may be amply responded to.
S3F*Raving published the letter of Mr.
Arms, in reference to the management of the
State Road, we give this morning the reply
of Captain Fulton, Superintendent of the
State Road.
OTWe are requested to state that Vito Viti’s
sale will be continued at the Masonic Hall on
Monday next at 3 and 7£ P. M. to which the
Ladies are particularly invited.
Madame Anna Bishop. — This lady and dis
tinguished vocalist will give her first Concert
in this city, at Masonic Hall, on Friday Even
ing next, 11th inst.
Great Ship Load. —The packet ship Wash
ington arrived at New York from Liverpool,
on Sunday, with five cabin and 956 steerage
passengers, making a grand total, including
officers and crew, of 1,010 souls. The only
death was that of a seaman lost overboard.
Cast Iron Pavement.— Mr. Thomas A Da
vies, of the city of New York, has published a
pamphlet, in which he proposes cast-iron
plates with rough surfaces, as a substitute for
all other kinds, which some think that they
excel both in cheapness and durability.
A troupe of Equestrains is now in N. York*
attracting the most crowded and enthusiastic
audience ever known there. The Morning
Star thus speaks of the principal female per
former, M’lle Caroline Loyo :
‘•We do not wonder that crowds rush to
Niblo’s to see and applaud this peerless rider.
Terpsichore herself, mounted on the winged
horse of the muses, could not convey a more
vivid idea of what is meant by the “poetry
of motion” than M’lle. Loyo and her magni
ficent barb. Whether the steed is couchant,
rampant or volant, it is all the same to this
wonderful horsewoman, whom no bound, or
kick or other equine demonstration can shake
in her saddle.”
Deaths in, New York.— There were 394
deaths in New York last week; of consump
ton 40; small pox 13; inflammations 77; apo
plexy 21; measles 12; convulsions 32.
Naval. —Commodore Geisinger is appoint
ed Governor of the U. S. Naval Asylum at
Philadelphia, to take command on the Ist of
May. Edward C. Ward (Lieut. U. S. N.) has
been cashiered.
Kentucky.— Hon.Jjß. H. Stanton announ
ces himself as a candidate for re-election to
Congress in the Maysville district. E. M.
Covington, whig, is a candidate in the Bow
ling Green district.
Steamboat Collision.—We learn from the
Norf»lk Herald, that the steamboats Osceola
and Herald, while on their passage down the
Bay on Sunday morning, came in collision,
and both sustained considerable damage.
The stem of the Herald was shattered, and
the atauncons, waist and starborrd side of the
hurricane deck of the Osceola were carried
away. The hull of neither boat was injured,
and the damage was repaired sufficiently to
enable them to make their run. There w; s
a dense fog at the time of the accident, and
no blame is attached to the excellent captains
of these fine steamers
Lewis F. Robertson, esq. has been appoint
ed, by the Governer of the State of Mississip
pi, Commissioner of Deeds for South Caro
[COMMUNICATED. j
Transportation Office, W. §A. R. R- f 1
Atlanta, April 2, 1851. >
Mr. Editor :—The great injustice done the
Western & Atlantic Rail-Road in a communi
cation republished by you on the 22d March,
from the Rome Courier, written by F. C.
Arms, Esq., Superintendent of the Georgia
Rail-Road, makes a reply from me necessary.
Mr. Arms compares his business on a Road
of 214 miles, of fine heavy iron, comparative
ly straight, equipped, except in Cars, to pro
fusion, with ours of 140, exceedingly crook
ed, and 50 miles of it the poorest flat bar,
with a most deficient equipment. He takes
his entire business, and compares it with our
single item of through freight, to and from
the Georgia Rail-Road, omitting our heavy
way business.* He makes his comparisons in
the month of February, during which month
his entire Road was in full blast, whilst ours
was stopped six days out of twenty-eight, or
twenty-two per cent, of the time above Oos
tanaula River, on account of the destruction
of a portion of the trestle across the River, by
a freshet, and all business on the Rome branch
suspended for nine days, or thirty-three per
cent, of the time from the same cause—all
the Cars lor its use being charged to us the
whole time; this stoppage acting doubly
upon the comparison, diminishing our tonnage
and increasing the number of Cars charged to
us.
In estimating his Cars, he excludes the dis
abled ones, while we are charged with those
on our Road, and he omits his Cars use# in
hauling wood and material, while we are
charged with those used thus by us. He
makes no allowance for the want of connec
tion between the Rome branch Freight Trains
and ours, whereby, unless the Rome Train s
make extra trips, these Cars lose one day
going up, and one day coming down, and
stand charged to us all the while. He gives
us no credit for the detention of the Cars with
which we brought down.most of the Cotton
from Chattanooga, at Dalton, always one day
and generally more, to distribute the iron for
the East Tennessee & Georgia Rail-Road.
When proper allowance i 3 made for all
these things, I do not think the comparison
will show so badly for the State Road.
That our Engine may have had to abandon
its Train at the Chattahoochie Turn-out, and
return to Atlanta for repairs, is not impossi
ble; no dates being given, however, I cannot
explain the cause of the Cars being left at that
place referred to as seen by Judge King.
[ One Train to Rome, and one from Rome,
may always be seen at Kingston, from causes
above mentioned.
That our Conductors, finding two or more
Cars with but little freight in them, may have
transferred the freight to one of the Cars, and
left the other to be used at some point where
needed, is not at all unlikely. It i 9 an every
day occurrence, and their duty, without in
structions to the contrary ; but had Mr. Arms
informed me that he wished any designated
Cars conveyed to R ome, they should have
gone without the trouble of attempting to
force them. This thing, however, could not
have occurred to such an extent as to have
affected seriously the transportation.
Up to the date of my communication to the
Rome Courier, from the Ist of January, there
had scarcely been a day when we could not
have carried more cars; since then, owing to
accidents to some of our Freight Machines,
we have been some times hard pressed for mo
tive power.
Circumstances may have enabled others to
accomplish more than those engaged on the
State Road, but I am sure none of them have
labored harder.
I have neither leisure nor inclination to
continue this correspondence, and hope I may
not be forced again to trouble you.
Very respectfully,
W. D. Fullton,
Supt. Trans.
*The allowance ol 25 per cent, made by Mr.
Arms, for use of Cars on the Rome Branch, way
freight and disabled Cars, would not more than
cover the first of tljese items.
(communicated.)
EATONTON, April 1, 1851.
According to a previous call for the Demo*
•ratic party to assemble and select delegates
to a Convention, to be holden in Milledgeville
for the purpose of nominating a candidate for
Governor, a goodly number of “ the unterri
fied" met in the Court House.
The meeting was organized by calling Gen.
Robert Bledsoe to the Chair, and B. F. Adams
to act as Secretary.
The following Resolutions were introduced
by J. A. Turner, and after pertinent remarks
from several gentlemen, all advocating the ne
cessity of Democrats adherring to their an
cient faith, were unanimously and heartily
adopted.
Resolved , That the principles of the Demo
cratic party have proven themselves by the
past, as well as present prosperity of our gov
ernment, and believing that they are still ade
quate to secure us our equal rights under the
Constitution, when successfully carried out,
we are determined to adhere to them with
steady and untiring devotion.
Resolved , That as the past history of the
country most clearly shows our party always
contending for a strict construction of the
Constitution, and equal rights, and for the
Union isith the Constitution , we see no sufficient
cause tor dissolving our present organization,
and uniting with our opponents under the il
lusory name of the Constitutional Union Tarty.
Resolved , therefore, I hat we recommend our
friends throughout the State to send delegates
to a Convention for the purpose of nomina
ting a Democratic candidate for Governor.
Resolved, I hat we recommend said Conven
tion to be h«ld at Milledgeville on the fourth
Monday in May.
Alter the adoption of the Resolutions, the
meeting proceeded to ballot for delegates, and
the following gentlemen were chosen .
Allen A. Beil, Nehemiab Stanford, Merida
Kendrick, and J. A. Turner.
On motion, it was
Resolved, That should any vacancy occur in
the delegation, the delegates should have
power to fill it.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meet
ing be published in the Federal Union and
Constitutionalist.
The meeting adjourned sine die ,
ROBERT BLEDSOE, Chairman, |
B. F. Adams, Secretary.
[communicated.
Mr. Editor I atn one of those who be
lieve that moral justice, with common eenae,
will prevail in the end if persevered in, over
all the intrigues and chicanery that ambitious
tnen, assisted by the power of money, may be
capable of inventing. I will refer to an event
in my own life. Some few days since, I gave
an expose of a final and amicable settlement
between Col. John McKinne, of Augusta,
Ga , and myself, of a forty years bussiness
connection, in which our fate was sad and
gloomy. It was occasioned partly by an un
foreseen misfortune, on the one side, and on
the other, by ambitious men, regardless of law
or justice, depriving us of our valuable pro
perty, viz: the Augusta Bridge. ,■)
It is a remarkable fact, that every one of
those lawless men, who so boldly acted in de
fiance of law and justice, have sunk into their
graves, while John McKinne and myself are
in good health and spirits, warring for our
right and defending our property. The fol
lowing article may be regarded as another
evidence of the truth of my belief.
It will be seen by the document of the pro
ceedings of the Legislature of the state of
South Carolina, at its last session 1850, has
fully protected our vested rights in that pro
perty, the Augusta Bridge, in defiance of an
application by nearly the whole Town of
Hamburg, with the Town Council and the
Bank of Hamburg at the head, to deprive
McKinne and mj self of that property.
Tire memorial was referred to two cemmit
tee6; the one declined to act on the subject
at all, the other reported against it. This
shows in what light I am held by that pub
lic body, and that my acts and services
through life to the State of South Carloina,
and the public generally, are appreciated.—
The Legislature looked upon justice, and ac
cordingly it was meted out.
After the result above named, what pros
pect can the Honorable City Council of Au
gusta promise themselves, as regards the
building of their contemplated Bridge, in
open defiance to the laws of South Carolina ?
Will they act with an arbitrary power, re
gardless of consequences ? If so, should they
not expect for me to have as much resolution
to defend my vested rights in my own Sta e,
aa they have to violate them ? And should
that Honorable Body dare violate my vested
rights in the State of South Carolina, may I
not dare to invade their vested rights in the
State of Georgia, on the same grounds ?
I shall refer to the subject again.
Henry Shultz.
Park Hill, near Hamburg, S. C. Aprils, 1851,
Memorial of the Town Council of Hamburg,
praying for a Charter for. a Bridge across
the Savannah River.
The above memorial was referred to the
Committee on Incorporations, which Commit
tee was discharged from the consideration
thereof, on the 11th December, 1850, and the
memorial was ordered to lie on the table.
On the 16th December, 1850, the memori&i
was taken up and referred to the Committee
on Roads, Bridges, and Ferries, which Com
mittee made the following R- port:
The Committee of Roads, Bridges, and Fer
ries, to which was referred the Memorial of the
Town Council of Hamburg, praying for a Char
ter of a Bridge across the Savannah River, re
spectfully ask leave to Report: That they
have had the same under consideration, and
recommend that the Prayer of the Peti
tioners be not granted,
The above is correctly stated from the pro
ceedings of the House of Representatives at
the annual session of 1850.
Thomas W. Glover. )
Clerk H. R. 5
Columbia, December 21, 1850.
The Rush for the World’s FAiß.—Xhe
Philadelphia Inquirer says that a gentleman
and hu son who desired to go rut to England
in the mail steamer Africa, now at Liverpool,
sent to New York to obtain berths, but all
were taken. I hey then sent for places in
some packet ship to sail between the middle
and end of April, but every berth was taken.
On trying in Philadelphia, they found the
Liverpool April packet of the Missrs, Cope
also fully engaged, but were at length fortu
nate enough to obtain berths in a fine ship
belonging to the packet line of Messrs. Rich
ardson & Watson of that port, to sail on the
15th inst.
The Crevasse at Lacoste’s.— This break in
the L»vee is widening fast. ' No attempt has
thus far been made to stop it,, On Friday
night it had increased in width twenty-five
feet, making the crevasse altogether a hun
dred feet wide. Should it not be stopped, or
the abrasion ot the Levee checked, great dam
age must be caused to the beautiful planta
tions on the peninsula formed by the bend of
the river at that point.— N. O. True Delta, 30 th
ult.
{Telegraphedfor the Charleston CouHer)
New-Orleans, April 1,
The Market. —Cotton is dull, and prices are
somewhat easier only 1500 bales sold this
morning. is declining, and now
quoted at 18£ to 18|.
The brig Tartar, Booker, from your port ar
rived on Sunday last.
{Telegraphedfor the Baltimore Clipper.)
Boston, April 2—lo P. M.
Massachusetts Senatorial Election. —The 20th
ballot lor U. States Senator has just been an
nounced, and Sumner lacks 12 votes of an
election. After a protracted discussion, the
election has been laid over for three weeks
Mr. Stone, democrat, declared during the de
bate that the coalition had now terminated.
Richard R. Churchill, of Georgetown, D.
C., has sued the proprietor of the Common
wealth newspaper for lib »1, and has laid the
damages at SSOOO.
married.
mnF°WT th ,'Monroe county, on the 27th ultbv
Ihe ltev. Mr. Atkinson, Mr. Wm. Phh.ip, of tbi's
city, to Miss Monkmale E. Harris, of the
to mer place.
°n Saturday evening, 21st ult. by the Rev. Mr
Hard, Mr. John Mead, of New York, and. Mis*
Martha Mortimer, of England .
On the 3d inst., by the Rev. C. B. Jen.Gett at the
residence ol her mother, Miss Vermelle Herrin
and Mr. Isaac Smith, of Hamburg , y, C.
In this city, on the Ist inst. by the Rev. ft B
Jeunett, Mr. Robinson Roberts and Miss Fran
ces Aj.drich.
On the 20th ult. by the Rev. S. H. Brown Caot
Stuart Hakkison to Miss Frances Richard,
son, all of Edgefield District.
' 5
a i At h> fi. r€ 9R*i DC ? n o &r Giennville, Barbour Co.
Aia. on the 26th ult. Rev James E. Glenn, aged
between sixty and seventy years. His death re
horse/ lUJUneS recei7ed t>y the dodging of bis
At the residence of Thomas Moore, Esq., near
Athens, on the 27th ult. Col. Oliver P. Shaw
for many years a respectable citizen ol Athens *
He was buried with Masonic honors,
p olu “J, ua Ga *> , at quarter past eleven, on the
nrXl ?oJ ch , 3i ' Sara « Anwah Chapman,
• fid ot Charles and Susan Chapman, aged
eight years, seven months, and fire days She
died ci scarlet lever after an illness of little over
two days. But the Savior said, “Suffer littlie ehil
come unto me.”
GREEN APPEES,
<•}!'} BUSHELS Green APPLES, just re
&\J ceived and for sale bv
»P I T. VV, FLEMING & CU