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—iwr jw.»—- «mm ' • , THE (O\s'mmo\Af.Kl . iiv <;t ill & ju'nce. rr - TKRMS—I or the tsmi-wctkJy jv:per, j liblish'-d 1 r.very lu€ “day and Friday morning, £>3 fu r a: num ; and lor lie weekly $3, all p y:ib!t i;i advance. [ V Al)\ ERTISEMENTS are •!.<( rt. d weekly for fl 2 I 2 cent? per square ; ?cnii-*.v* ckly (!2 1-2 -nr • for f >»• fir?*!, ami 43 3-4 con»“ for < ach eub.-cqnent m. rtivn, and in ..‘.hly !• r& I. 0!) jut square,for each insert!* I <>r yearly advcrtiseiiiente private arrangement.- arc J to 1,-< if. inn A d luct. >n i- inane on the adveri i - merit ox public officers. ■j / Postage must be paid yn letter? of busine??. lu jm' Fijow New. York, July 3. By tin; arrival yesterday of liio packet ship" 'lias Richurds, Capt. Holdredoe, from Liver- i pool, whence she sailed on the 21th May, the, Editors of the Mercantile Advertiser have re ■ ivcrl their regular files of London papers to trio 221, Liverpool lo 21th, and Glasgow to the '.2d May, al! inclusive. The most important nows brought Ly this ar ’•.val is the proceedings in the British Parlia ment, which explains tie: resignafion and recall of the Grey Adminis,ration, cud the part the I hike of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst took in relation thereto. I* will ho remembered that “ii i ues lay, the loth .May, Parham- nt adjourn. f i till Thursday tiic IT■ h. <»n tiiat day the j I hake of Wellington, i: i presetting a petition I from Cambridge against the lie-form Bill, said— i “ My lor is. his .Majesty was graciously pleas • I, on that day, in which In- was left eu ir ly a ) ae by his Min’s'ers, to send foi a noble friend o! mine—and his Maps'v did inquire from him whether he was aware of any i., tans of form- i ing an Administration on the principle of car rying into execution un extensive reform of the rap res -n a’ioti of the people. It appears, by , ti»e nature of that command, that his M.*jes ; y j h id been without any communication with those j who were qualified to afford him information, j r n i that be was very imperfectly advised of the J .state* and of the feelings of the conntrv. Mv I friend, having obtained his Majesty’s p emission t to counsel with others on the subject, did com- J municuto with me, and, in a couti teirial man- * ner, informed me of his Majesty’s situation, and I immediately took means, fueling,—perhaps, that 1 was equally deficient in the needful infor mation with his Majesty—to make myself ac quainted with the disposition of those whom I thought best calculated to s-rve the coun ry and support the Crown in so peculiar an emergency, an I, on inquiry, I foun i that a great number of persons were not unwilling to give their aid to a Government formed, on such principles as 1 tho’t j were sound and cons ifudonal. Under these J circumstances 1 waited on his Majes you Satur day, and 1 humbly tendered my advice to his ! Majesty nut to re-appoint the Ministers who had ! resigned, but to look for an Administration in 1 other quarters. My lords, in so doing, I did not ; look forward for any objects of ambition for my. seV; but I thought it proper to assure his Ma jesty, which i did from a desire to make the as -0 s auce of o;h -r persons more accessible in the ox raorJinary situation of the country, that 1 was willing to give his Majesty every assistance in my power, whether in oihee or out. of office, to enable his Majes'y to resist the advice given him for the creation of peers. [Here follows some remarks on the manner yf Earl Grey’s resignation, which we pass by.j “ Now, my Lords, it is not necessary for mo to state, that a creation of peers, sufficient to! force that bill by compulsion through this house,' is subversive of its rights, and contrary to the principles and practice of this constitution. It is only necessary fbi me lo say what the propo sition is, to show you that it is an illegal and un constitutional mode of proceeding; and that, if it is at any time to be resorted to by a Minister — who is disappointed in bis plans—with impunity, there is no safely for ihe constitution of the country, A: that this house, this important branch of the legislature, is at an end. My Lords, I have alluded lo a threat, and, I must say, that, tiie threat to carry into execution a measure brought forward as this has boon, if it induces a number of persons to abstain from vo ing upon jt, or attending the house, or hiking any part in ♦(•our proceedings, is nearly as bad as if it wore actually carried into execution. It does, by means which some may call indirect, but which 1 say are direct, violations of the freedom of our debates, violently force a determination on your lordships which otherwise you would not have' Consented to. My lords, 1 trust you will agree with me, that under those circumstances, there, was no course of proceeding worthy of me, and of those with whom I have the honor to be con i nected, but to advise the King to resist the creu- 1 tion of peers if he could tin 1 the means of car rying on the government,” “ The natural and just exercise of the prero gative of the Crown docs not permit of Ministers carrying objectionable measures in this way. Under these circumstances I hope your lord-' ships will think, that, in the situation 1 s*ood, I ! was bound to assis* bis Majes yin resisting that j lid vice ; but when 1 found, in consequence of the! I debate which had taken place in another house ! on Monday, that it was the opinion of a greater j number of men that peers should be created, and j when 1 found the impossibility of forming a go. I vermnent out of that house sufficient to secure ' the confidence of the country, 1 waited on his i Majesty, and informed him that I could not ful- j ill the tusk he had honored me with.—The Duke concluded by staling, that lie had taken the liber ty of recommending to his Majt s*v that he should open a communication with his former Minis tors.” Lord Lyndhurst then rose, and sj>oke to the same otlect as Wellington, admitting that it was to him Wellington referred. In the course of his remarks, Lyndhurst spoke against the Eng lish press, and alluded to the proceedings in the House of Commons, when he was called to or der, by the Enid of Smlbik ; an explanation was made, and Lyndhurst proceeded in a simi lar strain. Earl Grey spoke at some length in answer to the two preceding Lords, in vindication of his cause, in favour of Reform, and concluded v\ith the following sentence: —“ There ought to be no coucealm at on the part of one standing in the situation winch 1 liII as to ihe motives of his < conduct, and the views on which he thinks it right to act: ali that I can s‘atc, then, is, that. I mv continuance in bfiicc mus depend on mv a. 1 bility to carry into effect the bill on your Lord ship's tab!**. as I have often before stated, un- < impaired in aii its principles, and uninjured in all its essential provisions.” London, June 22. i The foreign letters received in the city this 1 day, do not convey any news of public import- t tine-', with the exception «f a oommuaication, i T orn Holland, in which it is stated, that had the j Duke of Wellington succeeded in forming an, . Administration, p, hostile movement would have; ’been immediately made against the Belgians,! and that a hostile proclamation had be- n pre-| pared, but the announcement that Earl Greyj Bind been sent for, marred the intended Coup (T \ Et:'(. Change of Costume. —Most of the Bishops hn- -• abandoned bo*h their wigs and silk aprons,! ami are no longer disjaguishablein appearance- UVein the rest of the clergy. CHOLMHA. .TV -m the Frir-York Mercantile Advertiser. July 4. The health of the city as far as wc can learn on particular enquiry, never was belt* r at this; season of year than it is at present. This ■ may, in a measure, be ascribed to the unusual, cleanliness of the streets, and the particular {caution observed hv citizens in exercise and: diet. At present there is nothing to excite un usual alarm in the mind of any one. We believe that our Board of Heal'h are active and industrious, and proceed with candor aud j caution. Vv edo not be lie-vo that there is, or has been a case of Asiatic Cholera in this city ; no, nor. in the United States. That we may be visited■ by this pi s ih-nee is possible, but while we are j fret- from it, do not let us excite live public mind,; and j analyze the business of the city, and bring i j injury, if not ruin on our commercial and trad ling men. Let no one run from the city, and, let strangers come hither, without fear, us here-' Itofbre, till official notice of danger is given. Ac/c lied lord Whale Trade. —A correspon- i d'-nt of the New tlaven Herald states that in tin* :tov/n of New Bcdfor ’, one hundred and lorty-six {ships and live brigs are engaged in the single branch of whaling bus ness, making an aggre gate of over 45,000 tons, mi l furnishing cm iployinent tor over 3500 men. This single state-| l merit cannot fail to create a strong impression of it ho importance of the trade. 4’he total amount iof oil, the produce of the fishery, in 1831, was 1 ; 101,810 barrels, the amount of whale bong was ! 115,200 lbs. | * | - COAOifJESSIOiVAL. HO VSE OF R EPR ESEFT AIT YES, Monday, July 2, 1832. rXITED STATES BAXK. The bill to alter and extend the act chartering the Bank of the United States was taken up. Mr. J. Thomson moved an amendment to the 7:h section, providing, in effect, that the Bank pay a tax no exceeding 8 per cent, upon the an nual mnoutV of its profits to be paid info the {Treasury of each State, in proportion to the a- I mount of profits received from the branches in • such State. Mr. Dearborn moved the previous question, which was sustained. j Ihe question—-Shall the main question be now put ?—was carried, Ayes <JO, Noes 82. The question was then stated on the third reading of the bill. Mr. Root demanded the yeas and nays, u Inch were oidured. Mr. Rkncher moved a call of the House, which was agreed to—lßG members answered. The call was then suspended. The question “Shall the amendment be cn grossed and the bill be read a third time,” was put and carried. Yeas 103, Nays 84. Mr. M'Duffie moved the suspension of the rules of the House to enable the bill to be read a third time forthwith. Mr. Arnold said, he was as entirely devoted to the Bank as any man in the House, hut lie wished the question might not he pressed. Mr. M‘Diffie withdrew the motion—which! was immediately renewed by Mr. Beardsley, who said he wished the ques tion to be disposed of. Tiie motion to suspend the rules was carried— Ayes, 124—Noes, 60. Mr. Dearborn then immediately moved the previous question, on which Mr. Bovluin de manded the yeas and nays, which were ordered. Mr. Mar shall enquired what the main ques. j tion would be? The Speaker replied It would bo on the pas-jj sage of the bill. Mr. Marshall asked whether the bill would be read ? The Speaker said the bill would bo read be-' lore the question was put on its passage. Mr. Archer enquired whether the previous! question was in order before tiie bill was read ? i The Speaker said it was. | The previous question was carried, ayes 109, nocs 7(3. The bill was then read a third time. Mr. Polk demanded the ayes and nocs on its passage, which were ordered. The bill was passed by the following vote : YEAS—Messrs. Adams, *C. Allan, 11. Allen, Allison, Appleton, Armstrong, Arnold, Ashley, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, Barringer, Ban-tow, 1. C. Bates, Boon,; Briggs, Bucher, Bullard. Burd, Burges, Choate, Collier, L. Condict, S. Condit, E. Cooke, B. Cooke, Cooper,' Corwin, Coulter, Craig, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, i Daniel, John Davis, Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Dod idndgs, Drayton, Ellsworth, Geo. Evans, J. Evans, E Jw. ; | Everett, H. Everett, Ford, Gilmore, Grennell, Hodges, I i flcistcr, II orn, Hughes, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoil,;| | Irvin, Isacks, Jenifer. Kendall, Henry King, Kerr,; j Letcher, Mann, Marshall, Maxwell, R. McCoy. Mc j Duffic, McKonnan, Mercer, Milligan, Muhlenberg,! j Newton. Fearer, Pendleton, Pitcher, Potts, Randolph, j ;J. Reed, Root. Russel, Senimcs, XV. B. Shepard, A. H. { Shepperd, Slade, Smith, Southard, Spence, Stauberv, Stephens, Stewart, Storrs, Sutherland, Taylor, P.; Thomas, Tompkins, Tracy, Vance, Verplanck, Vinton,! Washington, Watmough, Wilkin, E. Whittlesey, F. Whittlesey, E. D. \\ hitc, Wickliilo, Williams, Young. —lO7. i NAYS—Messrs. Adair, Alexander. Anderson. Archer,' Barnwell, Jas. Bates. Beardsley, Bell. Bergen, Bethune. I James Blair. John Blair, Bouck, Bouldin. Branch, J. C. Brodhead, Cambreleng, Carr, Chandler, Claiborne, Chinn, Clay, Clayton, Connor, Davenport, Duvan, Doubleday, Felder, Fitzgerald. Foster, Gaither, Gordon, Grtiha, T. H.Hail, W.Hall,Hammons. Harper, Hawes, Hawkins, Hoffman. Hogan, Holland, Howard, Hubbard, I Jarvis. C. Johnson, Kavanaugh, Kennon, A. King, J.j Kmg, Lamar, Lansing, Leavitt, Leconipte, Lewis, Lvon, .Marais, Mason, McCarty. Mdntire, McKay, T. R. Mitchell, Newnan, Nuckolls, Patton. Pierson, Plummer, i Polk. E. C. Reed, Rencher, Roane, Soule. Speight, Sfemdifsr, F. Thomas, W. Thompson, John Thomson, \> ard, Wardwcll, Wayne, XVccks, Wheeler, C. P. ■ White. Wilde. Worthington.—So. [A few minutes afterwards, the Secretary of the Senate made h:s appearance with a message,! announcing to the House that tiie Senate liad con curred in the amendment to tiie bill.] The bill from the Senate, to regulate the dis-j; tributiou of the proceeds of the sales of the Pub li * Lands, was read a firs: and second time. Mr. Wickliffe- moved its reference to the!l Committee on Public Lands. j{ The motion was opposed by Messrs. Vinton, ij Mercer, E. Everett, Jenifer, and Root, and ad- j vocated by Messrs. Irvin and Polk, when Mr. 1 Wilde n»oved to postpone the further considera- i tion ol the bill to the first Monday ol December!! nexi,- | Upon this motion aw animated debate arose, in which Messrs. Carr, J. Reed, Mercer, Mar dis, Vance, Burst s, Barringer, V\ ickln-e, Dear :;born, E. Whittlesey, Fouldin, Bell, Stewart, || Doddridge, Clay, Coulter, Taylor, P. Thomas, | Boon, Ashley, and Plummer, took part, when j the question of postponement was taken an 1 car j; ried. ayes, 92, noes, 89. The House then ad journed. * I, '.ri the \\ ashi/iton Globe. THE BANK. It will be seen from our congressional columns 'j that the Bank Bijl lias passed. Every amend *l n nt was rejected, we believe, except one pro pos <1 by Mr. McDuffie, which was intended to {cure an oversight in the Senate, which, by lim iting the number of Branches to two in each iStute, would have deprived New-h oik of one of 'the (h t at present located there. ! There has never been a measure so complete ly carried through Congress vi ct Armis. No debate was permitted. Mr. McDuffie proposed ; ! ins amendment, and amendments were tendered dto the amcndi> -at, else no attempt to amend would have been tolerated The effort was . - 'I j; made to cut oil’ all propositions ot the sort, by the i previous question on the first day, lest the conn jtry should see how every attempt ta guard its 1 i rights an ! interes's were voted down bv its re jpresentatives. If the previous question had sue- ; j ceeded in the first stage, it would have cut off | Mr.. McDuffie’s amendment, calculated for the 1 ‘meridian of New-York, and this was thought of j i too much importance. Mr. Sutherland, there- j 'fore, proposed to get rid of the rules of the House i |jfor the special occasion, and moved a resolution ; |] providing that “the previous question should not, ii when order' J ny the House upon any amend : merit, apply to cut oil’ other amendments previ '■\ousltj made,” iwc, Mr. McDuffie urged this pro- \ j position to give las amendment the advantage, i j end then the design was to cut otfall the rest by i j| be gag-law of the previous question. The or- ;i {biers ors the day however intervened and prevent- 1 ed this mode of effecting the design of the Bank | 1 1 majority. But although amendments were thus intro duced by being attached to Mr. McDuffie’s pro dposition to amend, they were all in succession i| voted down. Members were not even permit ted to offer the reasons on which they proposed jitheir amendments. The cry of “question” li“ question” “ question was raised the moment J| a inomher opened his mouth, and he was thus I j compelled to give up the explanation which he j j wished to utter, injustice to himself and his con-, j s itueats, whose wishes he consulted in present ing the modification of the charter submitted by { j him. It was all in vain that such considerations • l were suggested—and it was found that the cor- ; ! poration is as destitute of ears as it is of a soul. The proposition to put the stock of the indivi-; dual stockholders of the United States upon the footing of other State Bank stock, or similar property, in regard to taxation, was negatived, j The proposition to put foreign stockholders in j the Bank, upon the footing of others was also ! negatived. The effort made by Mr. Clayton | to induce the House, while thus giving the con-'j Irol of the currency to this corrupt institution, | to reserve the right of resuming the regulation of tine national circulating medium, if necessary, by the establishment of another Bank, also failed. Congress has resigned, for fifteen years, | to the Bank directors and stockholders, the pow- ! er of regulating the currency which, the friends of the measure assort, was confided to the re- : presentatives of the people by the Constitution.! They claimed the power, it shews, merely to; divest themselves of it. Me expected that Mr. Wick litre would havc'l proposed the amendment which he suggested j in his speech last year at Louisville, after the ; August election. He had been hard pressed in | his election by Mr. Thruston, whose voters | polled with the Bank badges on their hats. Mr. U ickliffe however, succeeded, through profes sions of devotion to the President, and he then said, that when the Bank Charter came up he would submit a proviso that the Bank should NEVER HE A CANDIDATE FOR CcNT.RKSS. Mr. j Wickliffe bus, nevertheless, swallowed the Bank; unconditionally , unless perhaps, there should j I be some private understanding that lie is him-d { self hereafter to be the Bank’s candidate for | j Congress. ■ —- _ : T - ' I Extract from the speech of Mr. Drayton , on the \ I Tariff , delivered in the House of Represents- 1 fives of the United States, June 5. | My colleague (Mr. McDuffie) has asserted, that the majority have no right to govern the! i minori y : and if the majority pass an unconsti [ futional law, the minority have the constitu- i tional right to arrest its execution. As these though they have not a | direct, may be held to have an indirect con- ! ncction, with the question before us, I will make j! a few observations upon them. As they are laid down and commented upon by my collca } gue, I altogether dissent from them. To de termine questions, under the constitution, that compact must be our guide.' By it, the powers of Congress arc not general, but limited to the execution of the powers which are, specially,! | granted them. Within the scope of these grant. ed powers, the constitution declares, that “ the j laws of the I nited States shall be the supreme ; law of the land.” When an act has been pass i ed by a majority of Congress, and has been j signed by the President, it is presumed to have been constitutionally passed, and constitutional ly sinned, and to be “ the law of the land.” This is the general rule. But the framers of the constitution, aware of the impossibility so to convey their meaning by any language which! i they could use, as to prevent different conclu sions being drawn from it, were fully impressed with the necessity of devising some arbiter to prevent the distracting consequences, which these conflicting conclusions would, unavoida bly, produce. Had they devolved upon Con- • gross the right of deciding these controversies, they would have exonerated the Federal Le gislature, from the limitations which had been imposed ujKjn it, and converted it into a despo tic assembly, uncontrolled excepting by its own discretion. Had they vested this right in the parties differing, they would have organized a i system of confusion and anarchy, which would , soon have resolved society into its original ele-1 meats. To avoid, therefore, the evils of despotism or anarchy, they established a federal judiciary,' constituted it a separate and independent De partment of the Government, and extended its! 1 powers “to all cases in law, or equitv, arising' hinder the constitution, the laws of the United ptates;" A’c. If then, the federal judiciarv de ! cidc that an act of Congress is unconstitutional, |it becomes inoperative and void : if thev decide {that it is constitutional, it becomes “ the su- I ; preme law ot the land,” and is binding upon all {the People of the United States. There is but . !one constitutional mode, by which a law thus!{• pronounced ta be constitutional, cm be annull ed. and that is an amendment to the constiiu ition, by which the power to pass such a law may be abrogated. The States which felt them- isolves aggrieved by a law which had been sanc tioned by the judiciary, or individuals laboring under similar feelings, by remonstrances, by 'protests, bv appeals to Congress or to the press ; or the people of the aggrieved States, by chang ing their representatives, might endeavor to ob tain the repeal of the obnoxious law. Chose ;means arc all constitutional, and they may or •may not be effectual. But when a law has been pronounced to bo cons' national by the federal judiciary, i*’ the mean which I have mentioned of procuring its annulment, or o! j j obtaining its repeal, bo unavailing, thecxecu-j Mon of the law cannot, constitutionally, be re-[ sfeted. It can only be resisted by physical j ij three, which is civil war, or by asserting a right ■’which is paramount to all constitutions —the, ! right of revolution. [ Should either of these desperate alternatives be resorted to, wo should be broken into s ’pa- j rate States or separate confederacies, internally \ I weak, external! v powerless, and distracted by • the deadly feuds which would rage among us •from the excitements of sectional interests and prejudices, and resentments: and our example • would convey the withering - conviction to the diigh-minded and the brave, in every clime, who seek for freedom from oppression, that man, un der whatever favorable circumstances he may be iplac-fd, is incapable of self-government. The I liberty of this country was achieved by its ; Union—by the rupture of that Union, its liberty would be destroyed, and these now sovereign and United States would be subjected to a for eign yoke, rendered more galling and intolera ble, bv tlie thoughts of glory past, contrasted I with present humiliation. Let us not flatter ourselves, should wo experience the evils ol {separation, that we could remedy them, by re jtracing our steps. Thisisavain delusion ; for should tills L nion be once dissolved, the spirit {which created and animated it, would depart from us, never to return. From the Rural Cabinet. XILLIFK'ATIOX. V, e do not know in what manner we can ren der a more valuable service to the people of Georgia, than by warning them against com. mitting themselves to the delusions of South Carolina Nullification.—We say delusions, be cause we cannot in good conscience ascribe to her people, a premeditated attack upon the peace, the union, and happiness of our country I —Bur in their zeal to arrest the operation of an j odious act ot the Federal Government, wo think they' have overlooked the great fundamental principles of the republic—we mean, the wisdom and virtue of the people. Our government is one of reason and opinion, and whenever force shall usurp these important functions, it loses at its republican charac ter, and becomes an aristocracy, a monarchy, or a despotism. It is upon the faith of these princi ples, that we are now “on the tide ofexperi j merit,” and it is the duty of wisdom and patriot - :ism, to give them a fair trial; and happily we arc not without examples of their efficacy, in times of the greatest danger and difficulty. The civil revolution of 1800 “ is confirmation, strong ■ as proofs from holy writ,” of the intelligence and patriotism of the people. What power destroy ed the alien and sedition laws ? The moral force of the people. What repealed the stamp act and direct taxes of the elder Adams 1 Public opinion. Is the Tariff more odious than the sedition law ? Is it more burdensome than the direct taxes {imposed under John Adams’ administration? j Bad as it is, it is not more unconstitutional or {oppressive: and y'ct their good sense and integ rity were strong enough to overthrow them, by - proper exercise of that reason, which will ere Jong, bury the Tariff in the same grave. It is to tliis great fountain of power and patriotism, and to no other, tLoft we must look for a redress ot public grievances, and we rely upon it to the utmost. We would implore the people of South Caro lina, to suspend their operations, until time and | effort shall prove beyond all doubt, that the pco ; pie-arc not adequate to correct the errors which {find their way into the government. If that must | come, which may God in his mercy avert, neith jer Nullification or anti-nullification can save the | republic; its foundations will he rooted up, and {anarchy' and despotism must follow. But South Carolina thinks the argument is exhausted; Georgia does not think so, but be lieves that with weapons of reason, every thing \ may be accomplished; and we are very sure. I j that had the talent of South Carolina been as! {zealously and industriously exercised for the last! I two years, in driving home to the understanding! of the great body of consumers, the injustice! and oppression of the Tariff, as it has been in I proclaiming the doctrine of Nullification and; seeking proselytes to its cause, it would by tin’s ; time have found itself much nearer the consum motion of its wishes. We beg them to remember, that the doctrine I of free trade is comparatively' new, and that the j protecting sy'stem is founded upon principles a- ' dopted and acted upon by the commercial na- | tions of Europe, for centuries. That the pre- 1 judices of the whole civilized world, with the ; sanction of ages for their support, are not to be overturned in a day—lt is as great an innovation ‘ Upon the long established principles of political' economy’, as the American revolution was upon { European principles of government. It there- ’ tore requires time and exertion to enlighten the ! public mind, to convince it of the great superiori- { ty ot free trade, over the partial and monopoliz- ' ing effects of the present system; but this can be done, and done effectually. Let the whole Southern Country bring its talent into the field— let its moral energy go forth in its majesty’—let us spread our arguments before the people, in- ; •stead of exciting their passions with inflammatory ! speeches and political essays about raw-head 1 and bloody-bones. Tell them how much tax they pay on every’ article of consumption, one by one, and tor what purpose it is paid—inform them that with a free and unfettered commerce, their labor will be more productive—teach them, • that it is their interest to cast off the Tariff, and there is every thing to hope. We should send our arguments to the Last and to the West; in deed we should literally’ shingle New England with documents upon the question, because it is there the people want light; and it is there, the peculiar interest of the monopolis s, to keep them j In darkness. This done, and we believe all will come to rights, and we believe it, because, our lai'h remains unshaken, both in the power and the will ot the people to sustain a free and up right government. It, however, time and experience shall prove |the fallacy of eur opinion if the people shall prove themselves deficient in those exalted attri bates ot government, which we, in common with our lathers, have awarded them, we shudder for .the day, which announces this melancholy Sen ftence. upon the moral character of our race, j But we will not despair of the republic—and lif South-Carolina plunges herself into a conflict 1 with the General Government, against the en- Itreatics and admonitions of her best friends, Jhe be upon her head—ls she sutlers in the strife, it will be of her own seeking. As !faithful sentinels, wo warn our citizens against (embarking their fortunes in this reckless enter ■prize ; which, so far as wo are able to compre head it, has no settled system ot operations—-No intelligible, definite mode, by which if is to bo conducted. Ask lor the modus opera ndi, and no one can answer you, and all that you can learn from the nulliflers themselves is, that they are going to nullify. It is not war, and yet is not peace—it is not exactly union, but if is not disunion, and indeed it has so many definitions, that scarcely any two nulliflers would agree in j defining it. In one thing however, they all agree jj— that Nullification, is Nullification. Just mon ition disunion, and the nulliflers are upon you— ■speak of nullification, and the unionists are ready !to devour you. One party charges t#e other ! with disunion, and the other throws back the I charge of revolution; so that upon the whole, Iwe can make neither head nor tail of it. All !parties agree that they are suffering great and j distressing privations under the Tariff, that ruin Ijis staring them in the face, and yet they are the ! merriest people olive. They have more social ineetings, more good eating, drinking, ami re joicing, than all her neighbors put together— Indeed they present a singular case of extremes —of oppression and liberty—-of privation and ! plenty—-of sorrow and rejoicing, of order and j confusion—of union and disunion, of fasting and ; foasfing, of hope & despair, and so on, and so on. There is however, another reason, which to i the mind of a Georgian, in the present crisis,! should outweigh all other considerations.—lt is j the great importance of General Jackson’s re election. We support him, and South-Carolina opposes him ; and while her people disclaim all i intention of supporting Mr. CG v, they are do ling it ns effectually as they could do by openly | espousing his cause.—We should consider the !success of Air. Clay, as equivalent to a nation. |al calamity, and yet the Vice-President and their Senators in Congress, are marching in the ranks of Mr. Clay, m opposing ihe measures of the present administration.—Henry Clay is the champion of the Tariff—South-Carolina is on the eve of going to war to put down the Tariff, and yet she is exerting herself to des-roy Gen. Jackson, the inevitable consequence of which will be, to elect Mr. Clay. How these contra dictions are to be reconciled, we leave to those who arc acting the scenes. With those facts before tlicir eves, will the i people of Georgia commit themselves to (he ha zard of a party ; the elements, and objects of which, are so contradictory and heterogene ous ? The nulliflers have entrenched themselves behind the opinions of Mr. Jefferson, and claim him as the father of their creed ; but they would give to those opinions an interpretation foreign to what he intended, as wc shall pre sently shew from the same authority ; and that Mr. Jefferson himself, thought it better to trust the repeal of the alien and sedition laws, the direct taxes and all the odious measures of John Adams’ administration* to the good sense and patriotism of the people, than to hazard a separation of the union.—But let him speak for himself. “In every free and deliberating so ciety, there must, from the nature of man, be op posite parties, and violent dissentions and dis cords ; and one of these, for the most part, must prevail over the other, for a longer or shorter time. Perhaps this party disunion is necessary 1 ; to induce each to watch and dcvelope to the peo- 1 pie the proceedings of the other. But if on a! temporary superiority of the one party, the | other is to resort to a scission of the union, no federal government can ever exist. If to ridj ourselves of the present rule of Massachusetts j and Connecticut, we break the union, will the evil j stop there ? Suppose the New. England states! alone cutoff, will our natures be changed ? Are! we not men still to the South of that, and with nil the passions of men ? Immediately, wc shall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary confederacy, and the public mind will be distracted with the same party spirit. What a game too will the one party have in their hands, by eternally threatening the other, that unless (hey do so and so, they will join their northern neighbors ? If we reduce 'our union to Virginia and North-Carolina, imme diately the conflict will be established between j the representatives of these two States, and! they will end by breaking into their simple | j units. Seeing therefore, that an association of; jmen who will not quarrel with one another, is! a thing which never yet existed, from the great-; est confederacy of nations down to a town meet, ing or vestry ; seeing that we must have some body to quarrel with, I had rather keep our; New. England associates for that purpose, than' Ito see our bickerings transferred to others.” | Again he says, « A little patience, and wo shall : I see the reign of witches pass over, their spells I dissolved, and the people recovering their true j sight, restoring their government to its true' i principles. It is true, that in the mean time, I j'vc are suffering deeply in spirit, and incur-; | ring the horrors of a war, and long oppres-i ■sions of an enormous public debt. But who cant say wnat would be the evils of scission, and, | when and where they would mi ? Better keep! , together as we are, haul off from Europe as'! . soon as we can, and from all attachment to any j | portions of it : and if they shew their powers just. ! sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the' j happiest situation in which we can exist. If | the game runs sometimes against us at home,' |we must have patience till luck turns, and then! ;we shall have an opportunity of winning back | the principles we have lost.” Thus spoke the ■ great apostle of democracy, and the wisest i statesman who ever awakened mankind to a sense of their political importance—a states man whose whole histor}', practically illustrates the true philosophy of patriotism. It was spok en too, at a tune when our people were suffer-! ing under the accumulating wrongs of a tyran- ! nical administration, the manifest object of; which, was, to destroy the principles of the con stitution. V hat he predicted at that day, is now matter ot history, and should be regarded as aii instructive lesson, by the statesmen of our' time. M e have already written more than we in tended at tne outset; but believing the crisis demands our best exertions, we make no fur ther apology. In conclusion, wo appeal to the wisdom, the (patriotism, and discretion of South-Carolina, to j step forward and save their country from the (dangers which threaten her.—We call upon her .chivalry to restrain its ardor, un’il reason has jtime to exert its power.—We invoke the shades! iof her departed heroes, to come up from their - •:immortal deatn hods, i *a • I from violation —and wo implore the mercy 0 ; 1 (Almighty God, to save our country from ih 0 t j horrors of disunion, and the calamiues of t -. ; . J war ! ! If [ i'sc s J vij i*a a, i* :i "I FOil PR EM DENT. ■ : AA2MIEW JACKSON. I VICE-PRESIDENT, MARTI* VA\ m iSEN. MEMBERS OF CONGRESS, !| HENRY BRANHAM, ofPutnaw t : i AUG I STS NS.(. L A YTO\, «/ ( THOMAS F. FOSTER, o/«rrr«e, ROGER E. GAMBLE, Os Jefferson, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Offiah^-, (■1! ARLES E. HAY AES, of Uanc, ,* SEABORN JONES. oj Muscogee, JAMES M. WAYNE, of Chatham ■ RICHARD 11. WILDE, of Rirhn c-a •ET M. B. LAMAR, Esq. of Muscogee County, ;>• candidate for the Representative Branch <-f Congrcr , the election in October next. PEXMAXSIIIP AM* BOOK-KEEPING. Mr. Carpevtier, as will be seen in our silver;.. ,n* \ L> columns, offers his services to the citizens of Aagu.-- i who are desirous to improve themselves in such ursid | branches of the sciences as Penmanship and I? . i - - , . j Keeping. The comnierciul part of the community par, ticularly should avail themselves of* the cnporfa.ky .-.j. 1 torded them, which may not shortly occur. Mr. C ! j comes among its so well recommended from almost eve, 1 | ry section of the Union, aa well by those who did not J t ike lessons from him, but who were able to judge of hie qualifications to teach, as by those who received lessor 1 and became proficient in penmanship and book-kccjiiy, 1 The- gentlemanly deportment ol Mr. C. wherever h\ has been, and tire high encomiums bestowed upon hint 1 by those who became acquainted with him, ought to k. i sure to him in Augusta, the same reception, and th» ! aame success, he met within everyplace he has visit J J PUBLIC LANDS. If the Bank Bill has passed both houses of Congre q i the bill for the distribution of the proceeds of the v i!,,c < of the public lands, which passed the Senate, by 26 a. • gainst 18 votes, received its quietus in the. House. Tic t motion of .Mr. Wilde, to postpone the further consider:. t tion of the Bill to the first Monday of December ns;.*, r was carried, ayes 92, noes 83. This bill provides n, I the distribution of the proceeds of the sale of the pub... £ lands among the States, after paying over 12 1-2 pa « cent, to the States, where the lands respectively li<- t The distribution to be made on the principle of federal representation, and to be applied by the Stales to oh. ' jects ol education, internal improvement, colonization of i persons of colour, or re.imburscmcnt of any exi.-tinj e debt contracted for internal improvements. r t UNITED STATES BANK. * Aa will be seen by the Congressional proceedings, in. -j; serted in this day’s paper, the bill for renewing the chat. ter of this institution, has passed both houses of Cua. q gross, and requires but the approval of the President to t| become a law. Will he approve it ? This is the quea- r tion. It wc wore to be guided only by our own sense vs j, the constitutionality and expediency of thus institution, and to consider flic public feelings in Georgia, as ex- t i pressed by the legislature and the public prints, we would c certainly recommend the rejection of the bill by the. Pi a sident. We believe the charter to be unconstitutional, c and the powers granted to such an institution dance row. n We believe that the operations of this Bank, if not w n gihmtly watched, and kept constantly w ithin their sphere d of action, may exercise a baneful influence over the eh • a five franchise, and over the fiscal concerns of the cow;. tl try. And we believe that there should be no cotnpr r mi sc, when the Constitution is palpably violated. Cut ll considerations of an imperious nature may induce t!.e President to sanction the bill. The northern and middle w states, and a majority of the western states believe the t« charter of the Bank to be constitutional,* and the not:.. a; tions of the institution of great utility in incintaiaingt tr sound currency, and in establishing a circulating m; k q, am of more credit than there would exist should the f- in S. Bank be dissolved. These are propositions wc do at not maintain, and which we believe to be erroneous. II . ‘ n. what is the President to do ? Sacrifice himself for tl. »r Constitution ? Would not his re-election be endanger- pj. ed by withholding his sanction to tiie bill? And -would • a his defeat produce less injury to the country, than there- ab jection of this bill, at this particular time ? Would ir ar the charter be renewed, notwithstanding his reject; * th at this session oi Congress, by the next Congress, an: In another President ? These are momentous questions. It eh is our opinion, that the defeat of General Jackson wouk is at this critical situation of otlr affairs, lead to more dread ua ful Consequences, than his sanction of the bill wodi dc prove injurious to the states opposed to the mcasuri lh for if the institution transcends its powers, there is i t- »n innately a provision in the now charter which author';; m,- Congress to interfere, and correct any injurious cli* - ofl the Bank may produce. Considering the subject undti no the point of view just stated, w€ are under the iniprrs- J-a sion that the President would be justified in giving k- as. sanction to the bill. At any other time, we wouid ;•"> advise the adoption of the policy we recommend, b wo firmly believe, that the defeat of General JacK 5 -- tn would endanger the Union, if disunion die not actui. an ensue. en That the reader may knowthe circumstances cttenl;.'! to the passage of this bill, we publish, besides the Cong" tit sional proceedings, an article taken from the Gleet th relation to those proceedings. The citizens of Gcorr jg will perceive with pleasure among the nays, the s-f h.; members from our state. b-P M c have made the following statement to iUustr:' . our remarks : VOTES ON TIIE PASSAGE OP THE BILL. C r ' YEAS. NAYS «)( Maine, 1 R New-Hampshirc, () 5 ■ k:. Massachusetts, JJ p Rhode-Island, 2 0 6 i Connecticut, G C Vermont, 2 (( p e „ New-York, 12 Ifi New. Jersey, G 0 !" Pennsylvania, 25 1 ■ e Delaware, J R ar ' Maryland, 6 t fre Virginia, 7 11 'he North-Carolina, 4 8 j South-Carolina, 2 6 Georgia, 0 7 *f r - Tennessee, 2 7 Louisiana, 3 0 tm Mississippi, 1 0 co- Alabama, 0 9 Kentucky, 5 6 Ohio, 9 S iat j 2 tin Missouri, i 0 an Illinois gave no vote, 0 0 CVI 107 65 lif* 1 be 6 Northern States, 22 11 an 5 Middle “ 50 21 ’ try 4 Southern, “ 13 32 he 4 Southwestern, “ 6 10 4 Western, “ 16 11 th< — mtTa 107 85