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Till: I O\*TITl TIO\AM*T. Mir mtJMKWJ # mtrjrcjE. I (’ TERM'' —For the eemi-weekljr paper, published cv«-ry TursHny arid Friday mommjr, S>‘> per annum and for the weekly A!?, all payable in a Ivanec. 1 /* AUVHRTIS’KMENTS ar>- inns rf<:d weekly for 02 1-2 cents p< r j-quarc ; ih mi-w*.ckly G 2 1-2 cent? t« r the fir-t, and 411 3-4 cents for each subsequent insertion, and monthly for S 1, 00 per square for each insertion. 1 or yearly advert.»emcnt» private arrangement* arc, to be made. A deduction i“ made on the advertise-j' inenta of public officers. XT' Postage must be paid on letters of business. to TUB PI Hi.K'. Fdloir-('Hizens : —For the last three months, rnv name hns been l»cf«rc the j 1 |! *l "as tt candi date to represent this State m Congress. our- : ing that titnc, I have not learned that any ob jections have been urged against me on the score ! of my political principles. Indeed, 1 may ven ture to say, that rny political charaeti r has been j so distinctly marked, and my attachment and , /idelitv to the republican party of this State, so well known as to defv misn-pn sentatiou. From privab- source s, however, I have ascertained, that by some individuals, it has been urged a- . gainst me in a tone of reproach, that my name has not he< n presented to the people, through the medium of the late Caucus. I folding the pro ceedings of that body to lie a fair subject ot ex amination, i propose to offer s ich comments in relation to them, as seem to me to be founded m truth. 1 shall avail myself of this privilege,; however, onlv so lar as its exorcise is rendered, necessary to vindicate my.s h from unjust ccn sure. With the independent and considerate ; portion or the public, 1 have no fears that the • want of the qualifying mark and broad, of the } caucus will at .ill a I feet my interest; but ns there may possibly be some, who, mingling in;j liieir jsditics, other cou-iderations than the pub lic good, would give t<-» th<“ matter a factitious' importance, in order that i f maybe urged a-j gainst me with undue force ; 1 invite my fellow- 1 citizens to go along with me in a few observa-1 lions, by which 1 hope to expose the irnpotency of the objection, and disabuse such as may wrongly suppose me capable of stan ling in the ' way of the best interests of my country, or off the party to which I am attached. With regard to the policy of holding caucu ses, the people of this state are divided in opin- 1 ion. It is not known that a majority of the party with whom 1 act would hd willing to adopt the system, even under its least exceptionable organization. Hut confident I uni that the most, j n , 1 of those who would be in favour of a caucus m ; which the whole party would be fairly repre- ; seated, are not disposed to submit to the deci sions of one, wholly-sclf constituted —in which i the washes of a considerable portion of the par- ji tv can never be made known—w hose proceed- ij mgs are based upon no delegated authority— whose own will bits only law, and which speaks;{ not the language of the party, -but its own. Such was the character of the legislative caucus j hel<J lust winter nt Millpdgevillc. As it was; destitute of every attribute upon which a claim j to obedience could be founded, it is clear that 1 have violated no duty, and abandoned no prin ciple of republicanism in not bowing to what, in:' one point of view, may be called its dictation. — It cannot be contested that it was deficient in two of the essential principles of freedom andj justice—authority from the "party, and equality; of representation. 1 have not heard that any; of its members had received instructions from! their constit t u‘s to-bold such meeting ; and e ven if they had been so instructed, the insur mountable objection would still remain, that the representation of the party was partial and un equal. That portion of it only could have a voice who had been able to send to the legisla ture, representatives of their ow n political faith. All others were excluded. W ho, for example, l represented the Troup partv of Jones countv ? No one. Though numerous and respectable, ;( they had no agency in forming the ticket now j before the public, and of consequence cun bej under no obligation to receive it against their j will. This is the condition of every county, situated as Jones county was, in respect to thej party character of ns representation in the leg-' islature. And because the members of tliei party residing in such counties, were unable to} elect delegates of their own creed, shall they ' therefore.be disfranchised ! Shall they be cut off from all participation in discussing and de-1 tiding the important question, who shall repre sent the Stale upon the floor of Congress ? Jus tice would answer, no. Yet such are the prin-| ciples upon which that caucus was based, whose decrees are to bo obligatory, and not to be ques tioned or reversed by the high tribunal of the people ! But there is another feature of that caucus' Worthy of" special notice. Not con ent with en-; joying i T s high privileges during its own exist-j ence, it must bequeath its pow ers to o.hers.: Having settled down upon their ticket, the tho't struck them, that vacancies might possibly oc cur : and that it was also probable the state would become entitled to additional members by •a act of the present Congress. In cither event how shall the selections be made ? By a major ity of tite party I No. A special committee must be apjioiired to suit the case. According-; Iv seven gentlemen of tueir own body were! singled out, and invested with full authority to make all the necessary appointments. To their labors the public are indebted for a portion of} the ticket now before them, and I presume they still hold themselves in readiness to make fur-, ther selections, in the event of the death or’ withdrawal of any of the present candidates.— : Believing in the doctrine that the people arej competent to think and act for themselves, I can perceive no necessity for the appointment of such committee. If, however, it really were ; indispensable that such a step should be taken,l in order that the people might be relieved in eve- ! rv contingency from the burthen of choosing their own servants, 1 can sec no absolute uoces-, Bity that such committee should have been se lected exclusively from the caucus itself. Was it impossible to find, out of the limits of their; own body, any qualified for the important trust ? And if not, upon what principle was the exclu. sion placed ? This circumstance may probabh excite surprise in tho minds of some, but can not in those who have reflected upon the tenden cy of all power, whether legal or usurped, to prolong its duration and enlarge its bounds.— The apology for tho whole proceeding is the concentration of party force ; bat if it is admis sible to accomplish this end without regard to j principle, it can be effected more promptly and ! efficiently by making the voice of one man su preme instead of seven. Why then not have a;j single dictatorship ? I make no argument on ' the ground of the liability of small bodies, to "the influences of -flattery, partiality, corruption!! j and ambition, f<*r the consideration naturally.: MM*"e<sts itself to every mind. Indeed, the ooc-,j trine that the members of the Legislature may firs* assume to themselves and afierw ards trans fer to a few individuals of their own selection, the exclusive control in oar Congressional dec.. ! tions, is too absurd and neretical, too much at, war with the nature of our Government and de istructive of those sacred principles ot freedom} which we ail hold to be true, and by which weij are willing tube governed, to require any re futation by argument or exposure by ridicule, j it is radically and self evidently wrong; and the people cannot fail to see and feel it to be so. Who that have the least spark of independence or love of liberty, arc prepared to surrender the ! right of self government to seven men, (nay to ■ four, for a majority of the committee must rule,), i and those men not chosen by the public voice.! And yet are not the people invited to make thisj |surrender, when they are advised to vum a-q I gainst their own wishes and convictions, to suit the views of the Committee of seven ? And bow much more insulting would such advice be come, if it should have the gentle accompani ment of denunciation against the refractory xvlio may not accept the counsel ! —I he intelligence iof the people is certainly much underrated by the advocates of this, principle. —-The plain est minds in the community cannot lad t<» per ceive very clearly, that if I am to be rejected in the coming election merely because these se ven gentlemen have not recommended me, it; will be (heir voice alone that will control the c-, (lection. —And suppose that the people prefer] me to some ou the present ticket, but for fear ot the displeasure of the committee or denuncia tion of the caucus, I should decline being a can- ■ didate—would it not be manifest to all, that it would be the terror of their assumed power, in stead of the voice of the people that would pre vail ? I design no personal disrespect to the gentlemen of the committee in questioning their authority to govern. I know them to bo men of intelligence and probity ; but considerations of private esteem can never reconcile me to a dangerous precedent. To no seven individuals, however gifted in mind and devoted to their* country, would I be willing to yield the exclu-. sivo direction of our congressional elections.} Those who claim this high privilege for thepre-1 sent committee, may w ear, unenvied by me, all the honors which may be reaped from it in the; ensuing contest. If my political bark cannot j stiil upon the seu of correct principles, let it! I founder —it shall never float upon the waves of triumphant error. I have applied the term dictation to the pro. ccedings of the caucus. Ido not intend thereby jto impugn the motives of the individuals ot whom} jit was cofnposed. I frankly admit that they werejj | a patriotic body of men, who were aiming 'o ad-|| vance the interests of their party and country, ji Hut if it was intended by them, that their pro-'I ‘(‘Codings should have such force and obiiga.ioni }as to make it censurable fir any one, not inclu-! decl in their ticket, to present himself to his indc-j I pendent fellow-citizens, for their free and iinbi-j assed suffrages, then the term dictation, howcv-jj ever unpalatable it may be, is, ol all others, ting; most characteristic of the movement. It \sdic- \ tat/on, because the persons who constituted thej caucus were never-clothed with any authority, ei-j ther express or implied, from the great body of the : Troup party (of which they were but a small frac-| tion) to form a congressional ticket at ail, much!} less to form one that should be endued with such destructive energy, as to bring down withering.} denunciations upon the head, A; a cureless blight 1 upon tho fame of any one who should have -he | amazing temerity to seek favor of his feilow-citi- ■ zens in despite of the promulgated fiat. But itlj may be said that the nomination was intended to be on'y an unauchoritativc “recommendation” in favor of the selected individuals. If this bej true, then the right of every man in the coni-1 j munity to be governed by it or not, according tolj his own volition, remains w holly unrestricted; J and not the slightest reproach can attach either}} to the voter who may bestow his suffrage, or to the candidate who may seek it in disregard of the recommendation. The true character of the measure, liowever, will be fully developed by the course its authors and friends may pursue! toward me. If they shall oppose my electioni from an honest beliefthat lam not morally orj intellectually qualified to fill the station for > which lam a candidate, or that my qualifica-j 'ions are inferior to those ol each ot the Caucus nominees, 1 will have no right to complain of the} preference given to the latter, however much 1, might regret the existence of opinions unfavora-j hie tome. But if they assail me upon the ground, that 1 have disobeyed the declared will of the; Caucus, then it will be manifest, that the mild appellative, “ recommendation was adopted only! to conciliate public favor, w hen the act, to which i it is applied, was in fact designed to have the, force and effect of a Papal bull, and for disobedi ence to w hich, political excommunication should be the penalty. But among tiie enlightened, citizens of Georgia, the thunders of a self-consti-! tuted caucus, will be as little heeded as thethun-: ders of the Hope. What degree of respect is due to such a tribu nal, and how far the people arc bound by its} mandate, arc enquiries which naturally present themselves. To me, it appears, that inasmuch; as the power under which the members of that! bodv acted, was an assumed one entirely, they cannot claim for their proceedings, the binding! efficacy of a staiutary enactment. They are j fairly entitled to that regard only, which arises out of their separate and individual characters. | Being all intelligent and patriotic, their opin ions must necessarily have much weight; but, the people can be under no obligation to receive these opinions as law, and conform thereto, in ■ opposition to their judgment, and conviction of what is the better policy of the country. Let; the acts of such a body be recognized as obliga-j tory, and the people are at once effectually dis-j franchised. Instead of choosing their own mcm-j bers to Congress, the choice will be made by: such persons, us may have the boldness to arro-i gate the power to themselves. I know very' well, that any individuals have a right to organ ize themselves into a club, and dubbing or digni-} lying it with whatever name they please, may! present candidates to the consideration of the public, and throw‘the full weight of their sepa-: rate and associated character into the scale of; their selected favorites; but when they attempt to give to their proceedings the stamp of author-, ity, and to threaten punishment to those who 1 may not think,and act as they direct, then do! they assume the insulting attitude of dictators,! and justly forfeit, by such effort at usurpation, all the respect to which they might otherwise bej, entitled. And I would ask, what greater right! to dictate can one unauthorized body have, than another? I Tone set of men, acting without au-; thority, claim the privilege of putting up and pulling down whomsoever they please, may not another as rightfully do the same ? Why should;! the decree of the late Caucus be more obligato- !i rv than the decree of anv other caucus ot equal i respectability ? The Commencement at Athens; is nigh at hand, where will be assembled, fronq various sections of the state, men oi the first ol der of talents and integrity; and suppose the} ; were to erect themselves into a nominating tri bunal, and present a Congressional ticket, dit ferent from the one before the public, which ot the two Caucuses shall be obeyed, the one at Milledgcville, or the one ot Athens ? 1 would answer, neither. Doubtless one would hn\e quite as good a claim upon the absolute obedi ence of their partv as the other; but the claim itselfwould.be an outrage upon the understand ins of the people, on insult to their independence, and an unwarrantable invasion ot the elective privilege. The proceedings of each would be entitled fairly to that respectful consideration j which is due to recommendations emanating j from gentlemen of unblemished characters and, undoubted patriotism; but all beyond this would: be arrogance and presumption, and tiie most in-; !sufferable dictation. Any attempt to rule with-: out authority, and by the terror oi usurped pow-j er, to extort’homage and enforce unwillingobedi ence, would be a violation of the spirit ot oui government —an encroachment upon the princi ples of our free institutions, which ought to be met bv the people with prompt and indignant ■ • repulsion. It falls not within the scope of a short address like this, to discuss the policy of the Caucus sys tem. Much might be said both for and against it. When based upon proper principles, it is favorable to party organization and discipline, but not unmixed with the evil of occasionally j placing too much power in the hands ol a lew •! Every institution is defective and dangerous, in proportion as it diminishes the direct and imme diate influence of the people upon the political concerns and movements ot the country. A Caucus will he more or less objectionable, as it partakes of ibis tendency. Acting independent ly of the people, it will prove a banc to liberty; but against one which speaks only the language of flic people, 1 have no argument to urge, i hey have a right to make known their wishes thro’ whatever medium they may prefer; and to their will, distinctly communicated, either by Caucus or otherwise,”it is the duty of every patriot to conform; and none, I am SVirc, will evei icndci more cheerful and willing obedience than my - self. But because gentlemen fancy that they perceive great advantages in caucusing, they will not be justified in adopting the system a gainst the will ofthe people, and still less excusa ble in any endeavors to tic them down to a tick et that may not be acceptable to them. I appre hend that when the people become satisfied ot the propriety or policy of this system, they will adopt it of their own accord, without the neces sity' of being kicked in'o it by the gentle vio lence of friendship. And whenever they shall think proper to go into it, I would advise it to be on a plan different from that recommended by the example ofthe late caucus. 1 would say that it ought to be so arranged, that the whole party’ might be fairly represented, their opinions con-j suited and their wishes obeyed. If, for example,! the Troup party should be desirous, by means of a caucus, to bring into public service, their a blest men, and to settle rival claims to favor, prior to going into election, let the members of the party in each county appoint delegates to! convene at any designated place, and form a| ticket in accordance with the known wishes of] those they represent. If uninstructed in the] matter by'their constituents, they would ofcourse] be guided by their own judgment in making the I selections. The trust would probably not often bo abused, for aware of immediate accountabili ty fur their acts, they could have no strong temp tation to do this, hut every inducement to secure the approbation of their people by' bringing for-! ward the most worthy', to the exclusion ot the, selfish and designing. If, however, the latter] description of men, by any corrupt machinations, | should prevail with the caucus to place them in nomination, to the manifest dissatisfaction and] disgust of the party —the party would be under no obligation to submit to such treachery' and infidelity to their interests, but should proceed to place before the public, candidates worthy' ot confidence. This seems to me to be the most democratic, and of consequence the less objec tionable organization of a caucus. And if either or both ofthe great political parties of this state shall find it necessary' to adopt the system, they'j will have to do it upon some such republican] plan; otherwise the people, deprived of the free dom of choosing their own servants, will find, themselves in a short time, ruled by clubs and! plotting cabals, in which ambition, cupidity' and: revenge will be the governing principles. Now, 1 wish my fellow-citizens to bear inj mind, that the Caucus iu Milledgcville was not j such an one as above described. Nor w'as it] one of their ordering. The gentleman com-; posintr the body were never deputed to the task] iof forming a ticket. I doubt whether there was a voter in the stare who believed that when he bestowed bis suffrage for members to the Legis lature, he was clothing them with power, not only of making laws hut also to determine who should and should not represent the state of, Georgia in Congress. And if such power was never designed to be conferred, let it not be u-j surped—let no one claim it, but leave the peo-i pie free to choose for themselves. They are fully competent to make wise and judicious se lections —at least it is their privilege to please themselves, and who would restrict them in the! exercise of a rightful prerogative ? If the lib-: erty of choosing their own representatives can not be safely' confided to their hands, let politi-i cians entertaining this opinion, take the power! from them and transfer it to the Legislature; but so long as it remains a constitutional right, how presumptuous in any one to attempt to steal' it from them, or bully them out of it! That which no one dare attempt by open legislation, should not be accomplished by a different kind of process, let no one therefore say, “ true it is, that the people have the right of selecting their] own members of Congress, but all those who} vote at variance with the will ofthe Caucus shall! be insulted and reproached ; and the in iividual; receiving their suffrages, shall be remembered! only to be condemned.” To a denunciation so' al»surd and preposterous, I cannot suppose that' the gentlemen who composed the Caucus arc! willing to give utterance. It would place then; in the unpleasant dilemma of proving themselves! to be more zealous than wise, or more despotic! than just. Whoever may adopt such a high.j handed course of conduct, with an expectation of thereby advancing the principles of freedom and the interest of the country, will betray minds! 100 contracted and uniform for statesmen ; and if any shall pursue it from jealousy, revenge, or! selfish ambition, their readiness to sacrifice jus-’ tice and the public weal to an ignoble passion J will effectually exclude them from the rank of patriots. From whatever spirit it may proceed, j such denunciation cannot fail to have the good ! effect of awakening the people to the necessity ! of a closer and more tenacious adherence to * particular privilege endangered, effmt] of the kind to restrain their freedom m thecom- ; in- election will serve only to make them go in tcMt with higher feelings of independence; andj I have no doubt that those Who Would contiol them bv an arbitrary policy, will be tattght mj the end’, that though the people may sometimes be undermined in their rights by cunning, they can never ho terrified out of them by threats.., \s for myself, I can only inform those (it any there be)’who may indulge m such anti-repub i can menaces, that the sound of proscription tails very lightly on the ear of him whose happiness is not centred in promotion, but whose highest ambition is to serve the cause ot truth and jus- j tice. This I can do whether doomed to public or private life. 1 have not heretofore been lured ], bv interest nor driven by fear from the post ot. duty, and I hope I never may. As no promises of future favor shall seduce me into the support, of a false principle, so shall no denunciation de-j ter me from the defence of a sound one. it it be a fault to refuse homage to arrogated powei —if it be a'fault to insist upon the unfettered exercise bv the people of a legitimate right—it it be a fault to say that ibe decrees ot a few in dividuals ought not to be held paramount to the constitution, and that it would be wrong in them to proscribe all such as cannot acknowledge | their right to rule exclusively in our Congrcs- Isional elections; then have I most grievously offended in offering my services to my fellow'- citizens without first having obtained permission to do so from the late caucus. The fault is one however for which I have no apology olfci, and cannot promise future amendment. -To ie volt at usurpation and resist every encroach ment upon constitutional liberty, is among the strongest feelings of my nature, and was the ear liest lesson in my political education. I cannot depart from it now. I detest the exercise of un-, delegated power —I disclaim all allegiance to it I how to no dictation. Such were the feel ings of him from whom I received my first in struction; and the humble pupil, who catching the spirit of his master’s principles, is animated, by it in all his political conduct, may be justly, held a truer disciple than him, w’ho from selfish, or a slavish principle would silently witness a | body of men, whether legal or self-constituted, march lawlessly over any' of the acknowledged rights of his fellow-citizens. Very little reflection will serve to satisfy a mind conversant with the inst.tLility oi liberty, how very dangerous it is to suffer any infringe ment upon the freedom of elections. The evil] is apparent. The great conservative principle of our government, is the dependence of public; men upon popular favor. This is the strong hold ; upon their fidelity, and the only cure for misrule' and oppression. Every measure, therefore, should bo viewed with distrust and jealousy, [which tends to lessen this dependence. Dimin ish it, and the security ot rights is weakened ;, destroy it, and the country is enslaved. There] is no truth plainer and more indisputable, than, j that public men are emphatically, the ‘*scr-| vants” of those by whom they arc elevated —iff by the people, they will serve the people—it by, caucus, they' will serve that caucus. Let it be understood that the road to promotion lies through the smiles of a few dictatorial men, and not through the approbation ot the people, andj to whom is it likely that the aspirants fur office I will pay their devotions and take tne oath ot al legiance ? Not to the people surely. And, when placed in power and anxious to retain it, who will probably receive their loyalty —whose interests will they consider, and whose com mandsobey ? Certainly not the people’s. Feel ing no obligation or responsibility to them, their smiles and frowns will be alike unheeded and contemned.—But to the influential body of gen tlemen, whose work is law and whose displea sure is political death, these seekers ot emolu ments and honors would be all humility and obedience —ready to sing hosannahs to their praise—to walk in the path of their bidding andj to deal defamation and ruin to all those who will not sink to the like debasement. Under; such a dynasty, where would be the bulwark! of liberty—what security for rights—what re-] dress of wrongs ? There would he none. ! From the dignity of freemen, the people would] sink into ignominous servitude—“ ceasing to, be rulers, they would become slaves.” The i truth is, their only safety is in the freedom of, elections. Take this from them, and they arc; despoiled of every protection, except the unccr- j tain and sanguinary one of the sword. Hoi who would stab the vitals of liberty, let him] strike at the elective franchise. To enslave: this country, the surest and readiest way is to es-1 tablish the practice on a permanent footing, cither by law or by precedent, of having public} servants chosen for the people instead of by the! people. It matters not by what process it may i be brought about, whether by legislation or by | the potency of caucus denunciation, the effect | will be the same. The work is accomplished so soon as the principle is settled, that a self. ] constituted tribunal ma} issue its orders and punish disobedience by political proscription, i Now to my mind, it is as obvious as the noou.j day sun, that those individuals, who under a] misguided zeal, shall claim for the late Caucus at Milledgcville, the high and imperial preroga-j live of electing our next delegation to Congress,] and branding with odium, those who may cx-i press dissatisfaction at the measure, arc making] a dangerous incursion upon the freedom of] elections, and are laying the foundation of an ar bitrary system, which, ifnot arrested by the peo pie, will lead to their disfranchisement and to the final subversion of the democratic character of our institutions. I know that evil conse- . quences arc not present to their minds. With an eye fixed upon the great advantages of party concentration, they do not perceive that they are marching to the object with a reckless tread over the invaluable rights. This is a natural fault with ardent minds in the pursuit of real or imaginary good, when unrestrained by reflec tion and experience; but it should be remem bered, that it is possible that greater evils may! flow from a high-handed accomplishment of a! [good purpose than the very evils which were intended to be remedied. The first acts of arbi-} j trary power are seldom alarming.—The ruin ous consequences which may spring from them are often unforeseen, alike by those who make the infraction as by those whose rights are in fringed. Lis not until they swell into a magni tude which threatens the less of life, liberty or property, that they become obvious to all, and 1 then perhaps they are cureless and irremedia ble. A small disease, despised at first, may ter minate in death ; and so may a small infraction ofthe people’s privileges proven political can cer—a little unheeded speck—but still “ A young disease that must subdue at length.” The fact will not escape my fellow-citizens, that my name was announced to the public, I when there was yet a vacancy in the Troup I Ticket. J did not come out subsequently to its completion, but prior to it. The state had be come entitled to nine representatives in C on „ress-j-ciirfit candidates had been selected by the Caucus, and the appearance of my name made the ninth. Ido not say that the matter ought to have “ hero, but most cer.ah.ly if .he had been no further nomination there would, have been no supernumerary candidate on the. Troup side of the question. But the committee, of seven, appointed by the Caucus, to manage ; all these matters to their own liking was not, satisfied with my coming forward, and accord lingly brought into the held a candidate ot their own. This was the reason ot there being at I this time ten Troup men before the public. 1 make the statement, because ah impression has i o-one abroad, that it was/, who had comcouf j after there was a full Troup ticket. I did Mo. such thing. But I cast no censure upon the committe for preferring any other person to m> - 'self, or for placing any one in the nomination at 1 the time they did, for this they had as perfect a 'rffiht to do, as any other seven gentlemen ; but if there be any blame for having a supcrnumC [rv candidate, I can only say, that I had no agen cy in bringing him out. 1 brought forward no one but myself, and that at a time when the tick-} et of my party was not yet tilled. l>ehe\ing that I might not bo unacceptable to the party, whose interest I had so long and steadily con sulted, (consulted too from no motives ot inter jest, for I have neither sought nor received favor |from their hands.) my services were tendered ]to their acceptance, as well as to the public at j large. Some time had elapsed, and I saw no] j evidence of disapprobation on the part ot the | people, but on the contrary, had strong reasons Ito believe that there was a willingness not only j with my own party, hut also with a number ot mv political opponents, to see me as their repre-j jsentative on the floor of Congress. I saw no j reason to withdraw before the committee acted, land can see none now. If the people prefer each and all the Caucus nominees to me, it is their right to choose, and not mine to complain. At the time that my name was announced, I was not aware that I was trespassing upon the rights of others, or was assuming any that was fairly my own. It was my impression, that an individual, who might choose to exercise it, had the privilege of tendering himself to the public, and that it was with the people to accept or re ject the preferred services. I sec nothing in this, inconsistent 111111 the republican doctrine; and 1 have yet to learn, that it is not in accor-. dance with the spirit ot this people. But it ap pears now, that in presenting myself to the pub lie, I have sinned beyond redemption against the dignity of the Caucus, and the adopted heir ol its power. It ii'said, if not by themselves, at least by the advocates of their authority, that, though the privilege was mine, I ought not to exercise it without permission to do so Irom the Caucus or Committee of seven. I have had compliments paid to my fidelity aud patriotism: hut what are these, without the smiles of the Caucus or the Committee of seven ! Mho shall aspire without the consent ofthe Caucus or] Committee of seven ! Have I not forfeited all character for not worshipping the Caucus and, Comimtttee of seven ! My triends must “ keep ' dark f for what will become of them if they: vote against the Caucus or Committee of seven! The aspirants for office, let them damn the truths in this address and court favor from the Caucus; and Committee of seven —and probably what I 'lose by independence, they may gain by servili ty from some future Caucus or Committee of se- ; veil. And thus, my fellow citizens, tins Caucus! and Committee of seven is the only road at pre sent, that leads to a seat in the hall of Congress. | The old public high-way, through the people’s! approbation and voice, is fenced out and aban doned, and the public must now pay his toll on this new invented turnpike. I prefer travelling the old route if possible, or in plain parlance, I pre fer going to Congress with the free and unbias ed consent of my fellow-citizens, than to be sent there against their will, by the steam engine of a Caucus, or the percussion power of a committee. I Now the'*great fully and danger of all efforts at’ withdrawing power from the people, and con- ] centrating it in the hands of a few individuals, it has been my object in the foregoing observa tions to expose, not for the mere sorry gratifica tion of disturbing the Committee in the enjoy ment of their prerogative, nor with a view of snatching from any individual those honors that • c - might vegetate from him in the sunshine of their favor ; but for the solitary purpose of justify, ing myself against all censure and reproach for not acting with others, in the sanction and sup-, port of a dynasty, founded on such principles.! If six individuals and myself, making seven, were to set up a government for the republican! party of this state, I know not what argument we should resort to in defence of our preten sions, except the old one, common to all such cases, that the exigency of the times required it. After seating ourselves in power, however, there would be no difficulty of punishing with] every appearance of justice, the rebellious, who | not perceiving this exigency, might be disposed! to throw olf the government—government, it is 1 known, necessarily implies the right of punish-j ing. But, instead of playing a part in a Sep- ' temvirate of this kind, I find myself, in common! with the whole of the republican party, the] subjects of one ; and how this, my feeble effort at emancipation will be received, whether as the' zeal of a patriot, or the folly of a Quixotic,' will depend upon the temper of’the people, as iU inclines either to freedom or to submission. In a review of the ground I have thus far travelled over, I can see no departure from the path which I first prescribed to myself. My only purpose in addressing the public, was the vindi cation of myself from all censure for not “ bow ing to what, iu one point of view, may bo called the dictation of the late Caucus.” To do this, 1 have been compelled to exhibit the unsound prin-1 ciples upon which it was based, and the extrava gant absurdity of claiming for such a tribunal, the right of absolute rule. Ido not know that I have introduced matter that is not closely allied to the subject, although if I had been captious and ill-natured, I might have said much more, and much to the purpose. Cherishing no un pleasant sentiment to any, and asking of others nothing but a fair chance and even-handed jus tice, I consider the present contest as an hono-. rable competition for public favor, in which prin ciples are involved and not personal feeling. In exposing those doctrines, which duty has led to condemn, I have avoided all individual allusion, jand have directed my arguments and occasional | ridicule against the doctrines themselves and never against the advocates. That I may not ibe misunderstood, and that I may be saved the ] trouble ofcorrccting any misrepresentation or perversion of my meaning, I will here distinctly state, that I feel no disposition to detract from the merits of any ofthe candidates presented by the Caucus, or Committee; that I do not impugn the motives of either of the latter, or deny to them the right of doing what they have done — it is their privilege as it is that ot any Other ):> : demon to place in nomination whoever they may prefer as candidates; but if they deny this right to any body else, and attempt to give to their proceedings any other force, than that of a re commendation, by censuring those who may not think it proper to obey them —then no hey act dictatorial!}', and instead of being the servants of the people, they become their rulers. All this | may be done, either by themselves or their friends i from the most patriotic motive, yet it will not be the less dangerous to the freedom of elections, or | less insulting to the independence of the people. :[ insist that the people are accountable lo them. !selves only for their conduct, and not amenable to seven men or seven hundred. It belongs to i themselves to choose their own representatives, 'and they should not be insulted for doing it with the spirit of freemen. I ask not the suffrages of { mv fellow-citizens against their will. I wish Lone of my friends to attempt to drive them into m y support. If I were forced into Congress by such means, I should boa very unsuitable re, presentative, for I should oppose there the very principles upon which I was elected. The peo. I pie of the State of Georgia know my political principles and character, and as these are ap. proved or condemned, I know that I shall be ac cepted or rejected. 1 his is all tba' I ask. Lot me stand upon my own merit or fall upon my demerit. Who is not willing to do the same ? If my political course has boon equivocal or treach erous, warm when honors were to be distributed, but cool if not bestowed upon me—if 1 have either in public or private life been more cun ning than candid, more selfish than st rviceablc, or more illiberable than just—-it i have made patriotism subordinate to u love ot promotion; demanding much, but performing little; fatten ing upon offices, yet with a cormorant appetite still asking for more, and threatening desertion if more is not given—.in a word, if 1 have bee n one of those hollow-hearted kind of politicians, who hold with the hare and run with the hound; who follow error when she is popular, and de fend truth only when she requires no defence whose fidelitv is secured by reward ; and who whilst they affect to worship in the temple of liberty, still offer up their idolatrous prayers to the “legion fiend of glory and ol gold •—it any of these trails stand like black spots- upon my po lineal character, then arc the people bound in duty to themse ves and their country, by every consideration of equity and patriotism, and by the high obligation to distinguish between virtue and vice, to discard me from their confidence, and by withholding their suffrages, administer a just rebuke to that insolence which would seek unmerited favor. But on the other hand, if my fellow-citizens have discovered in the past histo ry of my life, that which meets their approbation, and entitles me ton share of their confidence and good feelings, I know that they will not be wanting in the necessary firmness and indepen dence to manifest it. If I have been “ Steadfast and constant to my country’s cause, “Unmoved alike I>y censure or applause— ” if my general politics have been consistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, and my local politics uniformly in accordance with thn rights of the state and the policy of the party with whom 1 act —if I have been zealous in de fence of what 1 hold to be truth —foe to its foe, and friend to its friend —opposing the former with a constancy that never tired, and support iug the latter with an ardor that never cooled —if I have mingled deeply in political conflict without reward —partaking of its toils, but not its profits—sharing its responsibilities, hut not its honors —indeed, if J have by a course more patriotic than selfish, manifested a motive of ac tion higher than (he love of wealth or pow< r ; I cannot believe, I will not believe, that 1 shall be forsaken in the coining contest, by those whom I never forsook —and abandoned too, not for the want of admitted claims to confidence and favor, but because I have not the seal and certificate—the earmark and the brand of a sell constituted tribunal. But whether I am elected or defeated, there can be on my part no abandonment of princi pie. Whatever may be the course of others,- fidelity is mine. lam the same to-day, 'hat I was yesterday, and shall be the same to-mor row. As my conduct has never been influen ced by the love of political honors, the with holding of them can neither weaken my attach ment to correct principles nor diminish my el forts in their defence. MIRABEAU B. LAMAR. From the Washington Globe. REMARKS OF JAMES BLAIR, Os Sontb-Carolina. The amendments of the Senate increasing (he duty on woollens from 50 to 57 per cent, be ing under consideration. Mr. BLAIR, ofSouth-Carolina, said lie hoped the amendment of the Senate increasing the duty on certain descriptions of woollen manufactures would be disagreed to by the House, lie hoped that not only' that particular amendment would be disagreed to but that the House would refuse to concur with the Senate in all their amendments obnoxious to Southern interest, and which were calculated to render the bill still more unaccepta ble to the South. The bill, as it left the House, and in the shape it was when first sent to the Senate, could hardly be regarded as a boon to the South. Although he considered it then as some mitigation of the system —as some amelio ration of the oppression complained of by the South —yet it was not such ti modification of the Tariff as the Southern people had a right to ex pect; and although he voted for the biff, he did it with some decree of hesitation and indifference. • * —- . He did not vote for it as a compromise of the sub ject, or as a quietus of the complaints of the South. Ho did not embrace it as a measure that should abate the zeal of the efforts of the South ern people against the “protective policy.” The bill in truth, was a tough pill for any Southern man to swallow—and he had only voted for it on the principle of reduction, and as choosing the least of two evils. —He had been reduced to the necessity of choosing between the present bill and the Tariff law of 1828. Both embodied principles incompatible with the spirit of the Constitution. But the bill now before the House was less odious and oppressive in its provisions than the hill of 1828. By voting for the pre sent bill he could not be regarded as pledged to the system, or as sanctioning the principle ot protection; because, by voting against the pre sent bill, he might be considered as virtually voting jbr the bill of 1828 ; and as acquiescing in the continuation of the present tariff law. A law violating more flagrantly the spirit of the Constitution, and certainly more injurious in its details to the Southern interests, than the bill before the House.—He, therefore, had not con sidered himself authorized to vote against, or to reject the relief (small as it might be) which the bill extended to the fifty thousand freemen he had the honor to represent. Believing, as he did. that the bill as it passed the House afforded some mitigation of an oppressive Tariff, he had beer