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Tl KSOAY, SEPTEMBER 11. Is:{2 for president. ANDREW JA( liSO\. V K • E-PRKSI DENT, MARTI \ VIA BI'REA. IT*Thr proceedings of the public tnc< - iug in Wd.es t'ci! tty, were received too l,.te for this Jay’s paper; they .“hall appear in otir next. We have placed on our fii -t pi»c, the cotninu >i * i of Dr. M. Vttony to th- NT foal R>nr;l of Augusta. Tf!E SOUTHER V H.A.MP't. We have received the first number of tins periodical. We cannot show the net;* s.-ity of s - t -h a work more for. eibly than it lias been done, ia a;i article published under <ur Avricuitural head. W refer the reader to it. Jr we had room. we wntM copy from the Southern l*lan -11 r. a few art tel* . ns hit. resting as they are useful. We ): pe that vi ry shortly, win a poiei , with :lu weather, w dl fall below fevc r h< at, w- will lie able to give a ;rrca ti r van* ty to our columns, IMl*olt rA A i DKCisio;,. Wi -opy from line Sir. email Georgian of lb tji!i instant, tiio following inform ■ffo'’. “ We understand tliat t!ie great ease of the Corpora. • in of .Savannah vs. the )’m:, of ii»e State o! Georgia, I ■ « been decided a" a net (lie C rporation. The opiu: m v..li he published hereafter, and vve arc informed that v. p!i a single exception, tlm .1 tdg< -• in (’invention, six . i linin') r (indep« u-*< it!• nf J .1 re i.aw, who r. 1 1• i< red *'ie opinion) agreed s:j the decision. “ The follow •; g are ::a o;a lading wolds of the opin ion— “ Ccloo iug t!ie NT ..rat I A! !i rm. :i es ie C ' of Savannah ar< net anrhoriz'-d by any »t<■ ■ o| the I.< -gi da tura to pass tax. Jt is ordere 1 that the certiorari be sustained und tin: j rii i edinpr below ho eel OF THE TIMKH. We will an»wer our old friend .lon vs, that wc are not wrong. In letJS, wc denounced the tariff as unconsti tutional and unjust, ai.,l auticipat-d ii< oppressive < 111 cts upon tin- best inter* its <>l the south. In September, Ih.‘>o i we denounce the tariff as unconsiiintiontii, unjust, end oppress vv in rs tdle< is upon the best interests of the south. In lfo2B, we recommended a convention of. the nr,: i t *• fst;.'- s, to take into con.sid ration the griev ances ol the south, the unconstitutional assumption of powers by the federal government, und the moans of' re pairing the injury which the constitution had received, bv a palpable violation of iis letter and spiri*. In 1x32, wc rccoiiuncnd a convention ot (he southern staters, for th*-purpose of ascertaining the views and sentiments of each south'-m suite, and establishing a.unity of action rgai i»t the “ American System.” In this recommen- ! datioii wc are ;it issue with our friend Jones. lie bc lu-ves that t* .southern convention, as recommended in 1 -'Jr', would not note produce the resell I hen tmticipaf , (1. lie wishes a convention to be assembled, to adopt means lor immediate resistance, because a red rove of our grievances can now he obtained hut by force. We will as!; our friend, whether lie wishes a violation of the constitution to he repaired, and a redress ol eriov-l ariics obtained", by uncoils)ltuii.mal means ? If in 1828' w< wi re for constitutional resistance, certainly ia, 1832 wc mu tt wish cither <<* preserve the Union and the in violability of the federal constitution—which cannot be done hut with means Mifotly within tlie pale of that in. Mrumcut —or wc must wish to dissolve the Union, and i discard the constitution, if we adopt means of resist ance. which will produce the one, and render the other a nullity. This is the dilemma in which our friend lias placed himself. Wc all say that the Union should be i preserved, because it has rendered the confederacy powerful in wealth and population, and that the consti tution should be kept inviolate, because it is the bond 1 which keeps the states united. We cry aloud that the i Union is in danger, that the constitution has been in fringed, and th it the southern st iles should unite in the : adoption of measures which will preserve the Union, and compel the federal government to abandon the un-i constitutional powers it has assumed. And yet some of u-> are recommending tm asun s, which are as unconsti tutional as the pow ers we are lamenting have been as- Miiued by Congress, and which, if adopted, would de stroy that Union, which wc appear so anxious to pre serve. If we wish to preserve the Union; and if we have such an attachment and veneration for the federal constitution, consistency, prudence, wisdom, patriotism, and, above all, our own interest, should lead ns to dis regard any measure, rash and unconstitutional in itself, which may produce what wc wish to avoid. In 1828, ve recommended constitutional measures of resistance. Oar opinion is not changed in 183:2 ; we recommend still constitutional measures of resistance : for when ever we shall recommend other measures than such, which the federal constitution approve, we shall he for u dissolution of the Union. Our friend is right, w hen he says, that wc “ should not frill out and cull names “ that we are in the south weak enough without our citizens quarrelling among tltcm hi Ives, and grow ing weaker by divisions.” Whose fault v* it If we are divided ; if our citizens arc quarrelling among tin mselvcs ; and if an excitement, in the highest degree unbecoming a sober and enlighten* d people, pre vails at this tint", whose fault is It ? Reforc the meeting at Athens, there was but one voice in Georgia against the Tariff, and that voice was for constitutional resis tance, alone, or in conjunction with the an!i-tariff states. The measures to be adopted were to be left to the w is. dom of our legislature, and to the legislatures of the other anti-tariff states. Peaceably and constitutionally w e would have resisted, and wc would hare obtained a redress of all our grievances, in due time. In this state ol tilings, the Athens meeting takes place, and a firc brand is throw n among the people, which inflames minds already excited to the highest degree by the partial, un just and pernicious policy adopted by the federal gov ernment. Men of distinction and influence, arc seen carrying the torch in every county of the state, and en deavouring to produce a general blaze. Men of distinc t’.on and influence, guided, we must believe, by motives es ambition, raise a storm among us, under the expectation no doubt of riding it, and directing it as they pleased. N\ hy this political madness—why excite the people, al ready sore with repeated injuries ? Why inflame their passions. T*v misrepresentations and artful insinuations ’ Why tin sc appeals to their feelings, already aroused hy wguessing their remonstrances contemned, their rights ’vaded, and their interests neglected and disregarded 1 We ask again, why ? Cannot the people reflect* Are they not intelligent and clear-sighted Can they not feel, when they arc injured, and can they not calculate the a niount of the injury inflicted Must they have teachers, to teach them what they ought !o do, what they ought to say, and how they mould act ’ Why then, these appeals, these speeches, these' letters, artfully and cunningly w ritten, tent to every comer of the slate * Fortunately political excitement, raised tor sinister objects, is : s; subsiding; and we hope that too authors of it will not derive that benefit which they anticipated from it. M ithout this uproar, our October elections won.d have terminated without political strife among the members <>t the same partv, and in the legislature, all parties would have united in adopting energetic n-ul decisive measures, to relieve us from the oppressions ot the ta riii. <> ir friend is not one ot those who raised t.nis storm; but his sanction to it subjects him to blame, tfro ■n acting as he did, we must render him the justice to i-ay, tliat we believe him disinterested. Our friend complains of our taking down the Con gressional ticket. We have heretofore given our rea sons at large for this act of ours. VN «* shall merely add, that vve could not consistently with the respect which was due to a vast majority of the people ot Geor gia, who are partial to the re-election of General Jack sou ; who are determined to support the I. nion, as lone as it can be done with honour, and as long es it main, inns our rights and liberties, and it is not destructive of ' i our a,.:: mi. rests; and who are u. mdtdly opposed to j t .c mud ambition and pernicious principles of Mr. C*L £ i ‘ friends ; it was ia consideration of that r i , r „ S^eCt ls l ° t ' lC f >eo P’°» that wc took down the ticket, (j J o', conduct of on of the candidates, in the very focus i ot nu.liti ..iion, a,*d among the decided enemies ol Gen. Jackson Hint his administration, led «s to believe tliat it mould be tx;>o«ed, and that the people should be ap. ; :i«cd o! i?. NV e did so, by taking down the Congrcs. f-.W'i t. . We c .ukl hav. discnmin-iied, and made s n ®* •’ on dh ticket. Rut ; we could not assume to ourselves the right of making t.nis distinction, for which, nr the time, we were not pre pared to striad the responsibility. Wc thonght best to i a ..- v. d... uidto h ave the people to choose among the c.'aid,d;.ti - whom they piensed to represent them in C .Tigress, iiii ler the firm belief that, in a very short . *• • i!f ‘ 1 "d prineipl. sos I lac candidates would be in-.kn-i •••.•! to the public. tfr r trivii-i expat-ates on tuc poskion wc have taken, 1 i ! ' lat tVPr >' G r i» not lost, and trial with a moderate . c : '* ■' * part oft!;- south, combine i with an enm- peal to th* •j\ ■ • - ••, . . ami pat , 11 fr'*- 1 ,J ‘ our northern brethren, a redr< ; s of our griev . aaces euui:l and Would be obtained, the constitution lite- 1 r. lly construed, and the Union pr< - rveri. He is of the v inion t-int ev* ry thing is lost, save honour, and that 4 i'j in ni no our I.bertb.-s, we must now use force. He tlo i appeais ty us to show how the Union can he pre.: ' ! * 1 ;i > Hu.! the —mtli lully satisfied in in r demands for- to violent measures. We shall | ! be iui-'-f in i>nr answer. t \N e b- r uur Jriend to look around him—to the north,) . tic south, tin east and the west of tin- Union, and he will find in th*- intelligence, ju-*li(*•:, sind good feeling of fumy ol the c tizens m tlie s-ates, abundant cause for not tb-p-dUng of the republic, notwithstanding what the: rmliificrs may say to the contrary. He will find, ii is (rue. in the northern and middle states, tlie capitalists! end m mu ft tarers intent on establishing the protective j system as the permanent policy of the errantly; he will! 1 •* :i =• desperate politicians*anabitiouß and de-|i si. m .g, w orking on tiie minds of the people, and endca d vourir.g to make them believe that trie best int-rcsts of j j the Union depend on (ho maintenance of the restrictive jj “b v. .i all its deleterious ramifications. Rut, ati; due same time, let us turn to the oilier side of the picture. Ur. ns took at Maine. That state has supported Geor ; i.i in Inn - defines of state riglits; a majority of tlie ; ■ »ph ai in favour of a Ktera! consfitrction of the fed- \ in a! cojisiitutiori; and some o! the most intelligent of the I citizens, are using the influence they possess, on the side : ol lies trade, ami endeavouring to prevail on the people ! ("send representatives to Congress who are animated i'vith the principles of the Jefferson school. In New- Hump-mire the same spirit prevails, and to a greater ex ten;. A majority of the citizens are opposed to the j j“ American Sytcm,” and to a latitudinarian construction [ i'd die constitution—the people of that state are essenti inly denuu r.-tic. In Vermont, Vfassuchusetts, Rhode.j ; Isinnd. and ( onn.-cti.-ut, the minority is powerful and in- i creasing. In Boston, the very centre of Mr. Webster’?! power, a minority is to be found, composed ol men dis. tinguished alike tor talents, influence and patriotism, who are incessantly exerting themselves in convincing • lifir fellow citizens ol the injurious effects of the ro?tric-| i five system, and of the evil consequences which must j ensue, by the adoption anil permanency of a policy un. just, partial, and tending to a dissolution of those friend- ! ly feelings which should exist between the several mem- | hers of this great confederacy of sovereign and indepen- i dent fit ate s. In the middle states, a more libera! spirit is ; rising; A- there can ho no doubt that, with the re-election ol Gen. Jackson, that spirit will extend, and be felt in the choice of representatives to the 23d Congress; for it ! i must be acknowledged, that New. York and Ponnsyl j vunia have been, and are still, democratic in principles. If, then, the majority of the citizens of those states en-1 i tertam tnose democratic principles, cannot they be made | sensible of the danger to be apprehended for the great i j ‘(. , t j republican family of the Union, by following a system I; which must ultimately destroy the very principles thevj now so fondly cherish I Cannot they be made to believe, j tliat the restrictive system is incompatible with freedom, j : and tliat tlie policy which is attempted to be made per | manent, must destroy the Union ? If ihe principles of the i citizens of those states are essentially republican, it will I not require much labour to convince them of the error! they entertain, and to induce them to abandon a policy [j which, by ruining the south, will hasten the annihilation 11 of all republican principles. In the western states, as I' soon as Mr. Clay will find that he can never he President! of the United States, a more liberal policy will be pur. i sued towards the south, and the intercourse which for-)! merly existed between these two sections of the country, 1 1 vill again acquire that importance which was so bene-! iicial to the citizens of the west. Why then should wc despair, when we have reason to) hope for better times? With a little delay, we can ini-j ■ press on tin minds of the people of the other states, the I necessity of abandoning the “ American System,” and, . of adhering strictly to the letter and spirit of the federal I constitution. Why should wo despair, when wc have in; our own hands the last resort —when we can tell our i northern and western brethren, abandon a policy, which j is unconstitutional, and ruinous to the south, or we a-j bamlon the Union. We have this remedy in our own | hands, and why should we despair ? Is not the Union I worth preserving—is not the Constitution worth another . struggle, to preserve it in its pristine purity ? \V 1 \ V ETT COl XTI . ' Extract of a letter to tke Editors , dated LntrrencrriUe,' September 4, 1832. j “To J.iy we had at this place a meeting on the subject! ' lof the tariff, at which assembled about twelve hundred persons. .Viler the meeting was called to order, Mr. Mounger explained the object of the meeting. After which Col. Foster, onr Representative, being called on, ) delivered his views at length against the American Sys um. A ter him followed Mr. Mounger, who read a letter from A. S. Clayton, on the subject, and introduced i | a preamble and resolutions of the character of those a ■ idopted at Athens. Mr. Williams replied, and offered a • substitute, which had been prepared by Mr. Park, in prin : ! ciple the same as those adopted at Au gusta. When con. sidorablc discussion took placet Mr. Mounger, Mr. J. • C. W inn. and others, advocating the former and nullifi-i j cation, and Messrs. Williams, Park, Hutchins, and o r ; there, the latter, and a convention, and reprobating nulli ’ ticatio:;. When the question was taken, the substitute ■ was received by a large majority, and was subsequently s adopted by an increased majority. From the appear ’ i puces of the day. I should suppose that three-fourths, if • not more, arc opposed to nullification here; but the peo ple are nearly unanimous in their determination to rc - sis! the tariff, by some other means. They will elect . ‘delegates to :lio convention, reserving the right of rati -1 fie Man or rejection. As you will soon see the proceed . fogs, ami I have but little time, I will only add, that Gwin nett w ill do her duty to herself and our common coun try.” ‘ XEWTO.V cor XT V. ‘ As we publish letters giving information .of the state, ’ of pith’.;** feeling in various sections of the country, we' ' : consider it onr duty, as public and independent journal- 1 ' isrs, not to withhold such which do not coincide with our views of the present excitement. Wc therefore give an e ' extract of a letter from a friend, who, though differing 1 ‘ from us in the manner Georgia should act, in order to •“ obtain an abandonment fcy the federal government of the' " nrotecUvo tvsiem, wc believe honest and sincerely at. ■ inched to republican principles. Wo hope the time is not far distant, when he. other friends we have in Newton County, and us, will bo found supporting as • ’heretofore the same measures, an*! endeavouring to pre y s , rvc t ] u Union fro i dissolution, and the federal consti t tu r-,a;i from the false construction of all latitudinariau po ' iiticians. - Extract of a lefU rto the Editors, acted Covington, Sep. L r- tember 3,1832. •• \bout 800 persons attended our tariff meeting, held f in Ovs on Friday lasi ; and after four or five hours 'v:ir:n «ii«cu£!>iou of the tariff' policy geoeft-ily, Kuwto: .' County spoke with a voice not to be mistaken. Tiu ! main question for determination, was resistance or sub i mission. Yes, resistance at haxards, cost what i • may, was the almost unanimous voice of all present ?■! Newton County spoke on this occasion, in my opinion s.s southern freemen should speak. t 'v e adopted at our meeting resolution! similar to those adopted at Athens and Lczuistou. V.’e intend as a small portion of thefreemen of (Georgia, t? contribute our mite-—yes, our all, in defence ot southern grievances t-?id southern wrongs, conic weal, come wo. In the trv. t * n ? times of 182.», we had a political saviour, who saved r u _ s trom federal encroachments, and that saviour yet lives to give good and wholesome instruction to those "'ho believe in him. Our cause is a good one ; it is one • upon which the rights and liberty of this country depend ; and it is a duty we owe not only to ourselves but to pos terity, to leave them that rich inheritance left us by a n o! - ancestry, anil God forbid that we should bequeath a legacy of slavery instead of freedom. And it doc? seem to me, tnat a man who will r dmly fold his arms, under present circumstances, and sav submission ! ;>eace ! peace! all is well, resist no:, fear not. look to Congress (forrelief; might as well say that I care not for southern tree-men, I care not for liberty, I prefer slavery and peace to liberty, if it has to be obtained at so great a hazafd. 1 have expressed my feelings freely ; it may be that , yon ditler with me in some things; my zeal perhaps I jcarries me farther than you are willing to go. To be candid, and I hope y m will pardon me if I speak so frcc -1 ly. some of your old friends in this county do complain. They say you are too mild, you do not go far enough in ; this matter.” Ciikstmt-Ridge, Carroll County, Awg. Id, 1832. I’.C. Glim;. Esq. ji dear Sir, —Will yon permit an old friend to say to )| you, that yon are wrong. In 1828, you and 1, as editors jot the Southron, first broke ground against the tariff of | i that year. Wc then believed, that unity of action by ,j the whole south, would induce the tariff states to halt, to ;j retrace the ground they had gone over, and to balance i fairly the money which could he possibly made by a pro tective tariff’, against tire probability of a dissolution of ■ the Union. Wc then believed, that a Congress of the anti-tariff states, was the only measure capable of pro ijducing that unity of action which to us seemed so ininer !tanf. Believing so, we feared not to recommend it to 1 | j the consideration of the southern people. For such a I j recommendation we were then branded as disuilionists land traitors, and were suffered by the republican family ■to perish for want of support. I believe now, that we {were then right; that a southern Congress would at that [time have presented to the corrupt combination majority |in Congress, so imposing a front, as must have brought I them to a sense of their danger, if not to a sense of jus. dice, and that the Union would have been preserved. 1 j believe that now, the disease has arrived at such a crisis, that such a measure cannot avail any thing with our op ponents, but that they are determined to force us to choose between slavery and submission ; and although I do not not believe every one who dallies is a dastard, 1 [think I know, if wc doubt much longer, we will be damn jed. Still I would gladly see a southern convention, but j for a very different purpose than the one for which we 1 recommended it in 1828. Then we supposed it would | originate united constitutional measures, to defeat the j farin'. Now I wish it to produce unity in resistance to j its operation, and to devise the means of giving that re sistance force and effect. Depend upon it, the remedy i which would have been effectual, if adopted when we at j first recommended it, would now be of no avail. The j remonstrance of a congress in which nine states should !|>e represented by the very best men they can produce, [would be deferred to the petition of one weaver or salt maker. I see by your paper of the 3d and Tih instant, you dif fer with me on this subject, and t expect some of our ' i fellow citizens side with each of us. But why should i |i we fall out and call names? Why should I brand von as ! |j a coward, when 1 do not believe you arc, only because! ! i you are unwilling to go as far as J-think right ? Or why ! !j should you denounce me ns a traitor, when you know I 1 | j am not, only because I believe the crisis demands earlier j; action, and more energetic measures than you approve? In the name of patriotism, is not the south weak enough 11. ° ji without our citizens quarrelling among themselves, and j growing still w eaker by divisions? Let us rather use ar. I gument than vituperation, and instead of abusing each j other, let us try and convince. In this spirit, and this spirit only, permit me to ex- j : amine your editorials of the dates referred to. On the j |j 3d you declined publishing the ticket nominated by the i 1 [ republican convention, until yon arc assured of their in-1 i i tended course. Recollect, my dear sir, yours is a public | journal, patronized, supported, and adopted by the repub.! lican party, and although the press, types, paper and ink are yours, yet as a channel of communication, that par.; ty, or your subscribers of that party, have a qualified j property in your columns, and have a right to know,! through them, the movements of the party, if not from i the promise of your prospectus, which I do not recollect. 1 at least upon every principle of justice. Then by all 1 ; means publish the ticket j and if you nan convince the j I candidates of their errors, do so ; if you cannot, convince j ; the people they should not support them. In your paper of the 7th, the Crisis, 4th paragraph, ; you ask, what do we behold in the South? You answer, j | a party (your own party,-) disregarding all patriotic ties; i S all interest which every citizen should feel in the preset-! ; vation of the Union, &c. Then you establish in your 1 I mind a parallel between the nullifiers of 1832, and the i tones of 1776, and endeavour to induce the belief that i the former are without exception as had in action and ! motive as the latter. My dear sir, you should recollect | ■ that dislogistic expressions prove nothing ; that vitupefa tion is not argument; and that a dozen denunciations are j of less worth than one good reason ; and that from you | it is both unusual, unexpected, and unbecoming. More : over, little chance is there that our poor country shall obtain justice, if the wisest heads and best hearts permit the temple to be destroyed by the flames, rather than yield a little as to the very best method of extinguishing* them, and all exerting themselves to the utmost in what way the majority prefer. For my part I have grown careless how we resist or defeat the usurpations of the I Congress of manufacturers. All I ask is resist, by con vention; by nullification ; anyway, every way resist; unanimously resist]: For I do believe, whatever may have been done four years ago, by strong measures in coun cil, now the only choice left us is, resistance to redress, l or unconditional submission. Fifth paragraph, you admit, “ the federal government,” (I suppose you mean the manufacturers’ congress,) ‘-have pursued a policy incompatible with the best interests of the south.” “ That it has deviated from the plain tenor of the constitution.” And you ask, is there no remedy but nullification ? None that I know of, but nullification, direct, or indirect ; between them I have no choice. I will take either; but one I must have. “Is every thing lost ?” Yes, all, hut honour, and that will be soon, if we longer submit. “Cannot the federal government be brought hack to a wise and constitutional course ?” No ; not by southern remonstrance or congressional speeches. The manufacturers would never give up the spoil, to the voice of the charmer, charm he ever so sweetly. “ But j if every thing is not lost; it there is a chance yet remain ing to bring Congress back to the constitution ; if by a lit tle delay, we can succeed in opening the eyes of the people of the north, to the machinations of their leaders, and to the injurious and ruinous effects of the protective system upon the vital interests of the south ; if by a moderate course wc can induce all the states to join in mutual concessions, in order to preserve the Union: ,;whv should v.-o sacrifice well grounded anticipations of better davs and better feelings, for secession, and possi bly, desolation and civil war ?” But. sir, every- filing but honour is lost. The capital ist and the manufacturer are intent on subduing the south into submission to what their leaders in Congress tell us is now the settled policy of the government, to be carried out as occasion may require, by- laws, uncon stitutional laws, if they can; by- a million of muskets (says Mr. Niles’’ if they mast. They say so in words; ihev say so in their actions; and we are forced to be lieve them- Dis useless to apply to Congress for re ! 1 lief- Then let us resist, and alter, if you wall, call a ,a southern convention to detise means to maintain that rc | sistance, if the million of muskets should conic. Wi ~ have no good grounds to anticipate better davs. \V< t. have no grounds for such anticipations. If we have 1, show them to us. The. acts of the last session of Con gress, so tar from affording such, seals our fates, rivet; n our chains. “ f -Sixth paragraph, you say : “We obtained sonic a 4 van -3 jtages.” M hat are they ? The pension bill’ Or the - .internal improvement bill? Or the privilege of paying ! ail the taxes ? I pray God that such advantages ns the * . soutn obtained at the last session of Congress, maybe jthe bitterest curse that shall ever fall on an enemy ol . mine. You will think lam warm ;it it with the subject: . it is with the degradation to which I see my omi state i reduced by aliens, I mean the tariflites; aliens to the ‘ I. oion, tor in violating the constitution, they arc sap c phtt? foundations; aliens to justice; aiieus to us, and !! jour interest. I cannot be warm with you, while I be i ; lieve you honest, and I do believe you so-. ] j He fore God I love the Union as weil as any man ; and 11 would willingly sacrifice my life, to preserve it, and the . that my children might live free. But when : ji look on them, unJ believe that the inheritance of free dom which my father purchased with his blood and suf fering, and transmuted untarnished to me, will not de [ them ; when I see mdhacles forging for their i- ou:l g limbs, which I know will be put on before they are out ol -he gristle; I am ready to sacrifice them before [they shall submit to the degradation; I am willing to l-aci i,kc ah I hold dear; I am willnm m sacrifice the , UNION 7 . ; Your friend. JOHN A. JONES. f j ; lor the Georgia Constitutionalist. AS s WK US TO Til «CI It CVL V li | °J thc Richmond Committee of Vorretpmtdcnec. i Os these, almost all which have been published are . worthy of entire approbation. They concur with vari [ous developements of public opinion, to establish beyond [dispute the cheering fact, that Georgia has said to the ! Evml S l )irit of Nullification—“ Get thee behind me, Sa 'n:l°lla k' vof tiiem, however, we shall offer some ! brief remarks : COL. GAMBLE’S. The Col. savs— “ That charity “ which hopeth all things and ondur clh all things,” it appears to me, with all dtlo deference i and respect tor that meeting, should have induced it to 1 put a more favorable construction on the conduct of others, where they differ, and honestly differ with it in , opinion, as to the means of obtaining the same end, when all are earnestly engaged in the pursuit, and the i object of all is professedly the same, and when it is pos- 1 smle m the nature of things that the meeting itself may have erred.” Now if the Col. will take the trouble, attentively to examine the Resolutions of Richmond, he must per ceive, that the persons who adopted them did not put any “ construction on thc conduct of others,” either “ fa. I vourable” or unfavourable. They simply declared a' certain doctrine to bo pernicious, and that they would not support its advocates. If Col. G. were convinced! that a physician was about to administer to him an ounce : ot ratsbane, would he consider it any violation of chari.! ty, to cal! ratsbane poison, and to toil the doctor that he | had no occasion for his services ? The charity which I “ hopeth," we presume, is not necessarily the charity! which sicalloiccth “all things,” either in physic or po- j litics. COL. JONES’ Fur public is still somewhat in doubt, concerning thc i actual state ol his opinions ; and this is thc less remark-1 able, as tiie Col. appears to be very much in the same i predicament himself. JUDGE CLAYTON’S [ The Judge’s declaration that he is a N ullifier has been 1 generally credited—his arguments are not so much rc- ' ' lied on. They remind us of a passage in Cowper, who J says of thc infidel, as we may say of the Nullifier—He : “ has shot his bolts away, i ’Till his exhausted quiver yielding none, He gleans the blunted shafts that have recoiled, And aims them at the shield of truth again.” The merits of the subject have not absorbed his whole attention. He has not neglected another, and a ■ ; sweeter theme—the merits of himself. He says j “ I hope I have given sufficient proof that the love ; ; of office has not induced mo to shape my opinions to i j conciliate popular favour.” i O certainly, ho has demonstrated that ho never I shapes his opinions, much less his actions, with a view ;to office ! Does any body remember Ids denunciation I of the Troup party, when be lost his Judgeship ? His 1 promise thereupon to support Judge Schley for Con ; gross ?—and the sudden recovery of his Troupism, i \ when he himself was nominated the Troup.candidate, !in opposition to thc same Judge Schley? Will some ■ j moral geometrician inform us, what was the “ shape” of| i his course on thai occasion ? He mm/ he indifferent a | bout office ; but it seems to us that ho begs very hard I for it, and upon grounds far from satisfactory. Ho in | tirnates that whatever may be thought of nullification, a nullifier can do no harm in Congress.—True, Mr. Judge, but a Congressman who is a nullificr-may do a great deal of harm at home, by his official influence—• more than half a dozen members of the Legislature. 1 ! The Tariffites at Washington, for aught we know, might ;be gratified if he were left at home. But it is possible to be tired of a man’s company, without being particu larly afraid of him. A representative may render him self extremely odious to his opponents, without advanc ing either thc interests, or reputation of his state. One symptom which we discern of Mr. C’s disposi- I tion to shape his course Congress.ward, will probably ' be rather more offensive to the nullifiers than to us. ' When in his fiery progress towards Georgia, he fulmin. ated his Laurensburg toast, some persons imagined that he was a real “ word and blow” revolutionist. But : ■ i ® they now perceive, that he is willing to “dally” a little i himself, and consents to let the republic live until some! time in the year 1834. He has discovered, we presume,; that his constituents Kill “ doubt” in spite of him ; and that in the present case, those who doubt are not so I likely to be “ damned,” ns those wh* arc doubted. Some j readers have objected to a certain air and manner in his communication, not easily mistaken for those of Lord Chesterfield. They are unjust. Without that authen. 1 dealing stamp, who would have believed the document to be genuine ? JJ. 1 Answers received by the Richmond Committee of Correspondence on tiie subject of Anililieation. Augusta, 4th September, 1832. Gentlemen , — ln consequence of my absence from the city during the last six weeks, I did not receive your communication of the 20th ult. ; until to-dav. * In reply to your request “ that I will oblige ;; my fellow-citizens of Richmond by communi. eating through you my sentiments in regard to Nullification,” I take great pleasure in saying t to them, and to you, that I am decidedly oppos . ed to that doctrine. I believe it to be neither a . peaceable nor constitutional remedy for the i!jgrievances of which we so justly complain : in , tact, I believe it to be no remedy at all. I view j it as tulse and deceptive in theory, and revolu ■ tionary in practice. And, although I am, and always have been opposed to any and evorv : tariff, for protection, and will use all constitu f tional means to put it down ; yet the evils aris ing from the present protective svstem, are not in my opinion, so great, as to authorise or jus tify the adoption of Nullification, or any other s measure, which will tend to disturb the peace > and harmony of this great republic, or endan > ger the L niou of these states. I am proud of the title of “ Citizen of the ? L nited States.”—The great apostle of the Gen ; tiles found protection under the name of “ Ro - man;” declaring to the Chief Captain that he - was “ born free.” I, too, was “ born free,” and * enjoy honor and protection under the “ Star < <*-|spangh>d banner." lam unwilling to blot ou eg from tin's glorious standard of my native lant e a one single star. Let them all remain. Theij -JI united light sheds a lustre over our country anc M'our liberty, which swells with joy every putri- j ot bosom, Rh sentiments of great respect, I am yotu u |most übi'diciil servant. e ! , WILLIAM SCHLEY. g .'lessen. Camming. King q Slaughter, e— - W vstiiNGTOx, (Wilkes) Ait gust fi, 1832. j Gentlemen, —Thc people of Richmond, hav ; ing exercised the truly democratic right of e [calling upon candidates for their suffrages, to e [declare their sentiments in regard to Nullifica '■ Ition, I Will express mine by adopting the words 1 ot one of their resolutions. 1 believe “ the doc trine. false in theory,' and think, “that nl prac tice, it would prove most disastrous to our coun- J try.” c fcuch wns my conclusion after having atten -11 j nyely read and considered the exposition of the ;j Vice President and all that has been written in - favor of Nullification by other gentlemen in -j South-Carolina, in connection with the Virgiti r ia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798—the re - port ot Mr. Madison in 1799—the writings of 2 M”• Jefferson and such state papers and dcci > stons of our Courts, which have any bearing up » on the subject. It has besn invariably express. ed, as it will continue to be, in strong terms, upon all proper occasions, and 1 will not now forbear from declaring it to be my belief, that if the patriots and sages who are dead, and whose writings have been cited to establish the cor rectness of the doctrine of nullification, were alive, that they would disclaim, as Mr. Madi-j son luts done, that interpretation of their lan-i guage, which has been made to aid the intro duction into our System of government, of a j novel state action, as a redress for unconstitu-| tional legislation, which might result either ini the dissolution of the Union, or in the discomfit iltiire of* a sovereign shite, in its pursuit ofi cotu ! stitutioilal rights, by unconstitutional means. I am gentlemen, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES M. WAVXEi Messrs. Gumming, King Slaughter. | Carxksvili-e, September 4, 1832. Gentlemen : Your communication dated 20th ult. addressed to me in pursuance of a Resolution adopted at a meeting ofithe citizens ofi Richmond I County, on the 18th of August last, requesting | ! me to express to them, through you, my “senti- I incuts in regard to Nullification,” is now before i me. Ido not hesitate to comply with that re- i | quest. 1 have no desire, neither would it be •! justifiable in me, to conceal ray political opin- i I ions. The deep and pervading interest felt j [ throughout the country, in regard to our griev- | ; anccs under the protective tariff system, and i the firm determination of the people of this sec* I tion of our Union, never, quietly, submit to a | measure so unequal and unjust in its operations, j have induced me to devote to the consideration ; of these subjects more than ordinary attention. I | have endeavoured to deliberate calmly, dispas sionately and maturely, upon thern—-that I might be enabled to determine honestly, and satisfac torily, for myself, what would be the best and I most proper course to be pursued under present ! exigencies. That the burdens of the General | Government are not equitably apportioned, ■ seems to me to admit of no doubt. Thc present Tariff Law, contemplating the protection of man ufactures, is not founded in a spirit of constitu tional justice, and operates unequally and op. pressively upon the South. Under this state of : things, these questions present themselves: What I shall be done? To what means shall we resort j for the purpose of freeing ourselves from this I system of injustice and oppression? Are our i grievances so intolerable, our liberties so much infringed, and that constitution which is the basis of our free system of government, so grossly, so dangerously, and so palpably violated and dis ! regarded, as to demand a resort to violent and j forcible means to obtain redress, that might, and | in all probability would, result in a dissolution of this Union ? Tin’s last is, to me, a question of ve ry grave and solemn import. It should bn ma j turely considered, and every matter having the least connexion with it should be deliberately weighed and revolved in the mind of every free man before be ventures a reply. A misstep once taken, from the pride of opinion, common to men, is seldom retraced. I would yet forbear a! resort to any remedy that might tend to a disso-j Union of the Union, and a consequent destruction! of this government. If! do not greatly misap-' prebend thc doctrine of Nullification, it will, if enforced, produce this result. I cannot view it as either a peaceful, or constitutional remedy, and that the enforcement of it “would prove most | disastrous to the country.” I deem it unneces sary, and presume that it is not expected, forme to give at length the reasons that have operated! in bringing rny mind to this conclusion. At thc I same time that I believe this doctrine dangerous, I and that if acted upon, it would prove destruc ; live to the Union and the best interests of the country, 1 know, that among its advocates arc : ranked many, very many highminded and hono rable men, whose attachment to the constitution i and the government, ia pure and unfeigned. But j why need I name its advocates? it is not against them, but their doctrines that 1 war. I believe ! that a State has as much right, as an individual, to investigate for herself the constitutionality of | a law of Congress, and to express her opinion* j accordingly. But Ido not believe that a single j State has a right, consequent upon her declara : tion of the unconstitutionality of a law passed by f Congress, agreeably to the forms of the consti tution, forcibly to resist thc execution of, and toj refuse obedience to that law. 1 have adopted the 1 view taken of this subject, by Mr. Madison, in his report to the Legislature of Virginia, upon' i the Resolutions passed by the General Assam- 1 I bly of that State, on the 21sl December, 1797 :i That “the declarations in such cases, arc ex-1 pressions of opinion unaccompanied with any other effect than what they may produce on j opinion-by exciting reflection.” “ Where can i there be the impropriety of communicating thei declaration to other States and inviting their con-! currence in a like declaration.” It is thus thei minds of the people throughout the Union may be aroused to a knowledge of a constitutional in- ; fraction, and a sense of their danger; thus aj change produced in public opinion, and then by [ the intervention of the control of the people, and. the Stale Legislatures, over the government of; the United States, the obnoxious act be repeal ed, and all is well again. “The Resolutions of Virginia as vindicated in the report on them,; will be found entitled to an exposition, showing a 1 consistency in their parts, and an inconsistency of the whole with the doctrine” of Nullification,! ( Mr. Madison’s letter dated 1830, to the Ed. N. A. Review.) Whenever the oppressions & bur-| dens of the people become so vast and onerous,’ that they cannot, with a due and proper regard; to their rights and liberties, submit to them, till; they can be censtitutionally redressed they have! a right beyond the controul of all constitutions ! to rodr.ess themselves: or in the language of Mr % 1 -Madison-(in the letter before referred to) “in' c— * Aiv e\eul of the failure of every constitutional cl jio&ori and an accumulation of usurpation* and i jnlmst's, rendering passive obedience and non-re . i sisf is . ance , a S r ealcr evil than resistance and revo '*]Tu'l K ' r ° Ca ! l r remain bu * "he resort, the last ot al, an appeal from the cancelled obligations r of the constitutional compact to original rights and sell-preservation. This is the ultima ratie j um *r r ail governments, whether consolidated, contederated or a conijxmnd of both, and it can L not he doubted that a single tntember of the U. ilion, in the extremity supposed, but in that only, - would have a right to make the appeal.” 1 cua f ’not conceive that this extremity has yet arrived, > consequently am opjtoscd to a resort to forcible - and violent means, or to any mode of redress s ‘‘that would endanger the Union, the govern-* - meat, and the liberties of the people.” I fear* - : gentlemen, that 1 have transgressed the limits it - was anticipated 1 ought to occupy. By saying less I could not have done justice to myself; as I . iam fully aware I have not to a subject that so ■ deeply agitates the Country 4 1 Accept, getitlomcn, for yourselves, and thoso citizens whom yon represent, the tender of m s ■ [ highest regard and esteem. cry respectfully, vou fellow-citizen, ■1 JAMES C. TERRELL* •I Messrs. VTm. Camming, John P. King, 4* Slaughter. t ■ —■ ■ 1 ■ ■ Coll mhus, sth September, 1633; Gentlemen, —Inconsequence of absence front honle tor the last two weeks, your communico tioti oi the 20th of last month, in compliaflcd with a duty imposed by the citizens of Rich mond County, requesting my sentiments Upon I the subject of Nullification} has hut this mo -1 ment been received. | I recognise the right of the people td ifttor* ! rogatc those who solicit their suffrage upon all 1 subjects connected with the public interest, con* jjseqnetitly hold myself ready to answer at all |i times freely and frankly. I am opposed to Nullification, believing it td | he, neither a peaceable or constitutional remedy { against the evils Complained of—hut a revolu i tionary measure when reduced to practice. And ' whatever feelings of hostility I may entertain j towards the protective system, or however un | equal in its operations, Unjust and oppressive in its consequences I may consider it, I arri not at tiiis time prepared to join in the support of any ; measure which must inevitably end In tha dis solution of our government. Nor Can I adopt j'the idea that the system has become the settled I policy ot the country. The public debt is near* |ly extinguished, a national change will take { place in Congress, under the late census. Tile I system has commenced a retrogression. The | present administration is avowedly with us up ;on this subject. Those circumstances, together j with a general knowledge of the great difficulty I>n enforcing'-a law contrary to the will of so i large a portion of the country, presents to my j mind cheering considerations in favor of itd speedy repeal. The language of the father of our COuhtry Upon this subject, would sedln to hie, appropri ate, he says, “ we should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to our Na tional Union, accustoming ourselves to think and speak of it, as of the palladium of our political safety and prosperity) watching for its preserva tion with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, he abandoned, and indignant ly frowning upon the first dawning of every at tempt to alienate any portion of our country Irom the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred tiw' which now link together the various parts.” With great respect, your obedient and hum ble servant, JAMES C. WATSON. Messrs. Gumming-, King cj- Slaughter. COMMERCIAL. CHARLESTON, September 8, 1839. COTTON—Upland inferior to choice, 8 to 11. Steak nearly exhausted. NEVV-YORK, Septcnlbter 1. 1832. COTTON.—The import of the week is 974 bale* The sales from 25th to 81st ult. Ate 1800 bales. The demand has been fair, chiefly sos the English market and home Consumption. Stock very small. Prices have Im proved a little. Upland 9$ to 12; New Orleans 10J to LIVERPOOL MARKET. Extract of a letter from Liverpool to a gentleman in iHig city, dated July 24,1832. “ Yesterday there was a better feeling in Our market, the buyers not having found the holders disposed to meet their views, and a good business was done as regards a mount, hut without change in price from last week. It is the opinion of some that our market will improve a little ere very long, the truth of Which We think much dot pends on our receipts from the Gulf, of which we Haro been hitherto so much deceived { and we therefore look with anxiety for further accounts from that quarter. Our consumption is undiniinished.’’ Upland Cotton, front ordinary to fine, Gto 7id TNew Orleans 01 to Bidt Alabama, 5| to 7d. Public meeting'* All persons opposed to the Tariff, and in favour of a Convention of the State to meet at Milledgeville on the 2d Monday in November next, are respectfully invited to attend a ineeth„; G s the people to be held at Spring Hill on SATURDAY, the 22d inst. when the merits of the Tariff question will be fully discussed by several diatia. guished gentlemen—eminent alike, for their patriotism eloquence and legal acquirements. AUCTION SALE* JL, UI JLJL * ~ Tills MORNING, at 10 o’clock, will be sold before my store, GROCERIES, FURNITURE, HARDWARE, fe* AND, WITHIN DOORS, AN ASSORTMENT OP DRY GOODS, CLOTHING, &c. Terms, cash before delivery. Sept. 11 rail r.fjwvi/f, THE Steam-Boat TUGALO, Capt. Wray, will leave on VVed j morning, (12th inst.) Fof Freight, or Passage apply at the Steam-Boat Company’s Office to WM. ROBERTSON, jun. Agent. September 11 It 25 POTATOES AND CHEESE. ‘ Received this day by the Washington, 4F ew barrels of prime Irish POTATOES Also, a few boxes new CHEESE, first quality, at retail by M. NELSON. September 11 2t 25 •Jledical Institute of Oeorgia* TTSAHE Professors in the Medical Institute, have, in §L good faith, issued their Circular ; they cannot} therefore, notice the false statements and insinuations of anonymous writers. They would only add, for the information of Medical Students, that, after one full course of Lectures in the Georgia Institute, they will be eligible candidates for the degree of M. D. on at. tending one full course in any other College of the Uni ted States. By order of the Faculty. L. D. FORD, Sec’ry. Augusta, Sept. 5, 1832 3t t 25 _____ ‘ Georgia, Burke Comity. OUR months after date application will be made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of Burke County, when sitting for ordinary purposes, for leave to sell two hundred and fifty acres of land lying in the County of Burke, adjoining lands of Henry Turner, Henry Dyne, Abel Lewis and others, belonging to the estate of Sarah Beaty, deceased. JAMES ROBINSON, In right of kit miff. 1 September 3, 1832. Imitn 95