The Georgia constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1832-184?, October 19, 1832, Image 2
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THE VIRGINIA DOCTRINES,
Net Nullification —[No. Vl.]
1 The opinions of Mr. Madison ns to the sup-
I boeed analogy, between the Nullification (be
| trines and those maintained in the Virginia Re
iport and R- solutions, w ill appear from the psss-
I; # p,. s Jam about to insert, lu lua letter to the
I Editor of the Review, he says ;
“In favor of the nullify ing claim for the talcs
I individually, it appears, as you observe, that
I the proceedings of the Legislature of Virginia in
if ’9B and ’99, against the ahe-u and sedition acts,
i| arc much dwelt upon.' 1
i “It may often happen, as experience proves,
I that erroneous constructions not anticipated, may
I not be sufficiently guarded against in the langu-
I age used; and it is due to the distinguished indi
viduals who have misconceived the intention ot
f those proceedings, to suppose that the meaning
i| of the Legislature, though well comprehended
at the time, may not now be obvious to those
m unacquainted with the contemporary indications
H and impressions.”
“But it is believed, that by keeping in view
! the distinction between the governin' i.t of the
S Stales, and the States in the sense in which they
■ were parlies to the Constitution ; between
tlic rights of tlic parties in their concur
rent and in their individual capacities; between
the severe! modes and objects of interposition
f. against th<; abuse's ol [tower, and especially be
tween interpositions within the purview of the
H Constitution, and interpositions appealing from
the Constitution to the rights of nature, para-
I mount to all Constitutions; with an attention al
ways of explanatory use, to the views and ar
guments which were combated; the resolutions
of Virginia, ns vindicated in the report on them,
will be found entitled to an exposition, shewing
a consistency in their parts, and an iucons sten
| cv of the whole w ith the doctrine under considc-
I ration.
“That the Legislature coirid not have intend
ed to sanction such a doctrine, is to be inferred
from the Debates in the House of Delegates, and
from the Address of the two Houses to their con
stituents on the subject ol the resolutions. Ihe
tenor of the debates, w hich were ably conduct
ed, and are understood to have been revised for
the press, by most il not all of the speakers, dis
closes no reference whatever to a constitutional
right of an individual Blate, to arrest by force the
operation of a law ol the I nited States. Con
cert among the States for redress against the
alien and sedition laws, ns acts of usurped pow
er, was a leading sentiment; and the attainment
of a concert, the immediate object of the course
by the Legislature, which was that oi inviting
the other States “to concur in declaring the acts
to be unconstitutional, and to co-operate by the
necessary and proper measures, in maintaining
unimpaired, the authorities and rights reserved
to the States respectively and to the people.”
Thai by the necessary and proper measures to
be concurrently and co-operatively taken, wore
meant measures know n to the Constitution, par
ticularly the ordinary control of the people and
the Legislatures of the States over the Govern
ment of lhe United States, cannot be doubted;
and the interposition of this control, as the event
•hewed, was equal to the occasion.
“It is worthy of remark, and explanatory of
the intentions of the Legislature, that the words
“not law, but utterly null, void, and of no force
or effect, ” which had followed in one ol the Re
solutions tho word “unconstitutional,” were
struck out by common consent. —Though tlic
words were in part but synonymous with “un
constitutional” —yet, to guard against ami un
derstanding of this phrase as more than declara
tory of opinion, the word “unconstitutional’
alone was retained, as not liable to that danger.”
In addition to the above passages, 1 will insert
in this number, an extract from n letter from
Mr. Madison, wiitten on the Bth of May, 1630,
to a gentleman of another State, on the subject
now under discussion. It will be found, that in
tho compass of a few sentences, with great force
of intellect, and that logical precision, for w hich
his writings arc remarkable, ho has condensed
the most accurate and profound views ot the
true nature of this nullifying doctrine. The ex
tract is as follow s:
“You have succeeded better in your interpre
tation oflhe Virginia proceedings in ’9B—’99,
than those who have seen in them a coincidence
with the nullifying doctrines so called. The
doctrine is as new to me as it waste you, derives
no support from the best cotemporary elucida
tions of those proceedings, the Debates on the
resolutions, the Address of the Legislature to its
constituents, and tho scope of the objections made
by the Legislatures of other States, whose con
currence in the resolutions was invited and re
fused.”
“ This error in the late comment on tlic Vir
ginia proceedings, has arisen from a failure to
distinguish between w hat is declaratory of opin
ion, and what is ipso facto executory; between
the rights of the parties and a single party; and
between resorts w ithin the purview of the Con
stitution, and the ultima ratio which appeals from
a Constitution cancelled by its abuses, to origin
al right paramount to all Constitutions.”
At the time the Constitution of the U. States
was formed, there was a general conviction of
the incfficacy aud insufficiency of tho Confede
ration to conduct the affairs of a country ofsuch
extent, and of such diversified interests. The
objects and motives for tho adoption of the pre
sent Constitution, are explained iulhe preamble
to it. That preamble, according to the princi
ples of construction applicable to Laws and Con
stitutions, indeed to all w ritten instruments, and
emphatically to a government of limited and
specified powers, cannot be construed to extend
the specific grants of power, and contains in it
•elf (though. the opposite opinion has been most |
erroneously contended for by some.) no grant of
power whatever. It may serve, however, as a
key to open and explain the motives of the fra
mers of the Government: but, lor the carrying
those motives into effect, recourse can, with pro
priety alone, be had to the specific grants of
power themselves. It declares that, “ We, the
People of the United States, in order to form a
more perfect union, establish justice, ensure do
mestic tranquillity, provide for the common de
fence, promote the general welfare, and secure
the blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our
posterity, do ordain and establish tins Constitu
tion for the United States of \morica.” The*
use which w as at one lime attempted to be made
of the w ords “general welfare, by interpola
ting them into the specific grants ol power, has
been long since proved to he untenable, and the
doctrine s ems to have fallen into general disre
pute. In the formation of the Government, the
great difficulty was to reconcile the grant of
powers adequate to the objects which induced
its formation, with the preservation of the State
sovereignties, and the retaining sufficient guards
and securities for the liberties of the people. The
conviction of all who were friendly to institu
tions purely republican, was, that the formation
of one Government, for r. natron so extensive as
would he the United States, w ith their great di
versity of habits, climates, and local interests, it
1 all powers were conceded to such a Govern
ment, would be to r nder it thereby a great con
s< lidated system, w hich would swallow up the
! liberties of the people, by event ually becoming
monarchical, if not despotic. To guard against
this evil, the powers given to the Government of
the United States, were exclusively specific.
No general grunts of power were bestowed upon
it and it would have resulted, as a necessary
consequence, that all powers not so specifically
granted, and such as were necessary and propel
to carrv those specified grunts into effect, (tor
which there was a provision in the instrument,)
would have been retained by the States and the
p- ople. But, so groat solicitude was felt as to
this last object, and to make “assurance doubly
sure,” it was provided in the lUlh article to the
Amendments to the Constitution, that “the pow
i era not delegated to the United States by the
j Cons'ilution, nor prohibited by it to tlic Stales,
I are reserved to the States respectively, or to the
1 people.” As further securities against en
croachments on tho part of the General Govern
ment, there will be found in the Constitution and
the amendments, various restrictive and prohibi
tory clauses, upontheaction of that Government.
Amongst these, are the provisions in tho first ar
ticle of the amendments to tho Constitution,
which declares that “Congress shall make no
laws respecting an establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridg
ing the freedom of speech, or the press, or the
right oflhe people peaceably to assemble, and
to petition fur a redress of grievances.” Ac
cording to the intention of the framers of the
Government, the Constitution gave specified
[•ewers to it, fully adequate to the purpose for
w hich it was ordained. In every question which
can arise as to the extent of these powers, the
enquiry ought to be, has tho power in question
been given ? To answer this, we must see whe
ther there is ti specific grant of the power; if we
can find no such grant, the next enquiry is, is
the power claimed, necessary and proper to car
ry any specified powers into effect ? lo decide
this last question, wo can resort to no powers
not fairly , honestly , and naturally necessary and
proper. We have no right to arrive at such in
cidental power by forced, or latitu Jinous con
struction, or refined or subtle reasoning; but we
tire confined to the use ofsuch incidental means
of executing specified powers, as men in the ex
ercise of good sense and fair reasoning, will al
low to he necessary and proper. Every enlight
ened friend to the Constitution, will support the
Government in the exercise of its constitutional
powers, and will ojipo.se tlic exercise of such us
are not granted to it. Every American patriot
will defend the States and the people, against
every encroachment on the returned powers. The
General Government and tho States, each mov
ing in its appropriate orbit, are essential to the
efficiency, the harmony, and tho symmetry of
the system. The support of tho General Govern
ment in its constitional authorities is essential
to rendering us respectable and powerful as a
nation, and to the perpetuation ot tho Union.
The preservation of tho rights reserved to the
States and the people, is indispensable to the
enjoyment of liberty itself. These arc what I
understand to he the Virginia Doctrines (popu
larly called State Rights) —and the history of
this State, from the year 1798, will prove that
for those rights, Virginia has uniformly and
strenuously contended. In her contests for them,
she has had various success, sometimes opposed
openly and violently by some of her sisier
Stages; by others her invitations for co-opcra
tion, have been received with coldness and dis
trust. But she has never been discouraged, nor
wavered in her course. In the instance of the
Alien and Sedition Acts, her success was as tri
umphant, as her firmness, blended with modera
tion, was conspicuous.
On the subject of the Tariff, her exertions
have been ardent and persevering, and though
she has not vet attained every thing she could
• O
wish, still unprejudiced minds will allow, that
much lias been done ; a deep inroad has been
made in that unjust system, and she will never
cease, or relax her efforts, until that subject
shall be adjusted, on a just and satisfactory ba
sis. These remarks may appear at first sight,
to be irrelevant to tlic part of the main subject
now under discussion ; but it is supposed, it will
be found, to be intimately connected with it ;
because, to shew what tlic Virginia doctrines
were not , it was important to explain what they
really are. When wo speak of the rights of the
States, within the scope of these doctrines ;
when we institute a comparison between the re
medies which have been used in Virginia, or
contended for by her, as appropriate means, and
the nullifying doctrines, it is impossible we can
understand any thing as meant, than those rights,
which, at the formation of the Constitution,
were retained by the States, or the people, as
contra-distinguished from the rights conferred
bv that instrument on the General Government.
To prove this, it will be sufficient to state, that
no advocate for the rights, the most ardent,
would (with us at least) admit, that in his exer
tions fur the defence of them, he was disposed
to destroy the efficiency of that government, or
to rob it of the powers actually conferred on it,
by the Constitution. In confirmation of tho
proof of this assertion, it will be found, that all
the public acts of the General Assembly which
wc have considered, go lo support rights claim
ed under the true construction of the Constitu
tion, as a subsisting and valid charter ; and that
all the remedies suggested, are within the scope ;
and intended not to destroy, but to preserve the
Constitution. To make these remedies effectu
al, tlic breach in the Constitution must bo re
paired, by the abandonment or abolition oflhe
unconstitutional act complained of, as in the
case of the Alien and Sedition Laws. But if
the remedy strikes at the Constitution itself; if
it consists in any measure which goes to destroy
or nullify any essential part of it, or to obstruct
the government in the exercise of any of its
powers, in such away, as to disable it from per
forming any of the important purposes, for
which it was instituted, such remedy is revolu
tionary, and must eventuate, if persisted in, in
the destruction of the Union. Remedies of this
character are the very opposite of those which
are constitutional; for, as the latter to be effec
tual must preserve the Constitution, the success
of the former depends on its destruction. The
act complained of may be gotten rid of, but the
Constitution and Union fall along with it. Mr.
1 Madison has well explained the striking distinc
tioii between the remedies. pursued or justified
by Virginia, and that contended for by the ad
vocates of Nullification. The irginia reme
dy seeks to preserve the rights of the States,
retracting the government to the principles oi
the Constitution. The friends of Nullification
resort to a remedy “ extra and ultra-constitution
al” in its character, and the success ot vhich
can alone be consummated by the overthrow ot
the Constitution. The Virginia remedies appeal
tolhe principles of the Constitution, for its pre
servation ; the advocates for Nullification, must
attempt to justify their act, as a resort to “ tne
ultima ratio which appeals from a Constitution
cancelled bv its abuses, to original right para
mount to all Constitutions. ' Ihe very plea on
which u State could resort to such a remedy is,
that the Constitution is “ cancelled by its abus
es and those who assume this attitude, must
he understood, to pronounce the Constitution at
an end, or that they at least have renounced
“ their fealty to it.” That every State or na
tion may be justified in appealing to original
rights, and the laws of self-preservation, is not
denied. But it must be an extreme case ; it
must be the last resort; and fearful and awful
must be the responsibility ot those who decide
that the case has occurred to justify such a re
sort. Well satisfied should they be, that they
can prove to the world, that a s‘ato of things
has occurred winch justifies the act ? Such an
appeal should not be the result of excited feel
ing, of passion inflamed either by natural or ar
tificial excitements. It should only be decided
on, after the calmest and most deliberate exer
cise of reason, and nut until every other expe
dient had been resorted to and failed ot success.
To dissolve a Government, and to throw a peo
ple back upon their original rights, is always
an event attended with serious consequences.
Where the Government is despotic in its char
acter, such a resort is justifiable and proper.
But, to overturn such a Government and such
an Union as we are blessed with, would seem to
be an act of desperation, which every American
should contemplate with horror.
That Nullification is a resort to the “ ultima
ratio,” spoken of by Mr. Madison, seems to be
clear. That “ ultima ratio” lias generally been
considered as an appeal to force ; but in the
sense in which Mr. Madison uses it, it compre
hends a resort to any measures intended to sub
vert the government, or strip it of its essential
attributes. Besides, who can tell but that this
measure may eventuate in the use of force, and
that, under circumstances the most disastrous ?
Can those who have raised the whirlwind, con
trol its course ? Mr. Madison, whilst he admits
the right to resort to this “ ultima ratio” as a
law of self-preservation, shews, that it can only
be re sorted to in the last extremity. He has
laid down so correctly the proper foundations on
which such an appeal can alone be justified, that
I beg leave again to quote the passage, as it can
not be too deeply impressed on tiie mind of eve
ry citizen, at a time like the present. His ex
pressions are : “ And in the event ot a failure
of every constitutional resort, and an accumu
lation of usurpations and abuses, rendering pas
sive obedience and non-resistance, a greater e
vil than resistance and revolution, there can re
main hut one resort; the last ot all—an appeal
from the cancelled obligations ol the constitu
tional compact, to original rights, and the law of
self-preservation. This is the ultima ratio un
der all governments, whether consolidated, con
federated, or a compound of both ; and it can
not be doubted that a single member of the U
nio.i, in the extremity supposed, but in that only,
would have a right, as an extra and ultra consti
tutional right, to make the appeal.”
The fallacy of the argument of the friends of
Nullification, when they quoted the proceedings
of Virginia, was, ill confounding a constitution
al with an unconstitutional remedy; the rights
claimed by States, as reserved to ui&i*? by the
true interpretation of the Constitution, and riiCU
original right of resis'ance to oppression, when
it becomes systematic and intolerable, which is
paramount to all Constitutions, and which the
God of Nature has conferred on mankind.
The first time I ever saw this doctrine of Nul
lification spoken of, was in a debate in the Sen
ate between Mr. Webster and Mr. Hayne. It
was contended for by the latter, and as well as
my memory serves me, (for I cannot now have
access to the speeches,) it was justified, by quot.
ing the Virginia proceedings as a precedent. It
appeared to me, at the time, that the doctrine
was untenable, and that an undue advantage
was given to those who are systematically ad
vocates for large federal powers, and for restrict
ing those of the States by permitting the ques
tion of Nullification to be considered as the same
with the doctrines so long and earnestly main
tained in Virginia. The truth is, that these doc
trines are not only dissimilar but opposite. And
great injury would result to the genuine doc
trines on this subject, by confounding them with
those which are heretical. To shew the mis
chiefs of the doctrine of Nullification and to
prove that it can find no justification in the acts
or principles of the people of Virginia, were
the main objects which I had in view in address
ing the public. How far I have succeeded, it
must be for it to decide.
AGRICOLA.
Pacts—triumphant facts.
WHAT HAS GEX. JACKSON DONE.
A meeting of the Jackson Republican Society
of Eaton, Madison county, N. Y. was held on
the 17th inst. one hundred members present ;
when a report submitted by the standing com
mittee was read and unanimously adopted, and
is published in the last Morrisville Observer and
Recorder. From this succinct and most con
clusive review of facts and results of the ad
ministration of Andrew Jackson, we make the
following extracts :— Albany Argus.
“ They did not suppose it necessary to go
back to the early history of Andrew Jackson—
to show his devotion to tiie country in the revo
lutionary war —or his patriotism in defence of
our western frontier against the Indians—or to
the more recent and glorious victory obtained
by him over the British at New-Orleans ; but
to present to you the benefits resulting from his
administration, as President of the United States.
“ Reform ” was the motto when he came into
office, and ho»v completely have the anticipa
tions of his friends been realized ! He has doub
ly “ filled the measure of his country’s glory.”
He has detected frauds, defalcations, unlaw
ful salaries and unlawful commissions, whereby
more than 1,000.000 of the people’s money have
been plundered from the Treasury by men who
had been continued in office by the Adams and
Clay Administration. Watkins, Nourse, Hay,
Fiilebrown, Peake and Hawkins are among the
number. Two naval officers have been detect
ed in frauds upon the Treasury to a large a
inount.—Jackson’s rigid system of accounta
bility developed the “ Black List ” that was re
moved, and we trust better men appointed in
their room ; and to prevent the repetition of
similar frauds, he has established such checks
as will defy the most artful.
He lias saved the nation more that 813,000,-
000 by his Veto on the Maysville Road Bill,
which amount was «i train, and would have
been expended wholly for local purposes. The
national improvement system was rapidly ex
tending : surveys had been made ; projects
involving the expenditure of a hundred millions
had been formed : and a most gigantic system
of corruption w-as growing into existence. Had
this policy of Henry Clay, been pursued, the
national debt at this moment would have been
more than 840,000,000. But by the economy
of Gen. Jackson, the national debt will be ex-
I Anguished at the end of the present term; al
! though the reduction of duties <*n tea, and cof
fee, molasses, salt and other necessaries of life,
| since the commencement of the present adrnims
j tration, has been 810,500.000, and befoie the
; passage of the present tariff bill— Ofj" By this
veto on- the Maysville Load Bill, Andrexa
Jackson has saved the American people from
! endless taxation and a permanent debt.
He has saved 1,200,000 by his economy in
' our foreign relations. In the four years of Mr.
I Adams’ Administration, the foreign intercourse
of the country cost the people on an average,
8556,197 a year. During the present Admin
istration the expenses for the same have not
averaged 8250,000 per year —exhibiting in this
particular only a saving of 300,000 per year.
He has saved the nation more than 81,000,-
000 in the Naval Department. This is shown
by the last report from that department. The
same economy may be traced throughout all the
departments.
On the subject of our foreign relations Gener
al Jackson says, in bis first message : “ Bless
ed as our country is with every thing which
constitutes national strength, she is fully ade
quate to the maintenance of all our interests.
In discharging the responsible trust confided in
the executive in this respect, it is my settled
purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right,
and submit to nothing that is wrongf'
We now see the benefits resulting from such
determination by the number of treaties effected
by General Jackson upon the most honorable
and beneficial terms to our country. If the
European Nations have not feared Andrew
Jackson, most certainly they have respected
his administration by now giving us our long
and contested rights.
He has obtained the profitable trade of the
British colonies, the effect of which have been
to infuse new life into she whole industry of the
Union—to repeal the English “ Corn Laws,”
as regards all the States bordering on Canada
—and thus, in fact, affording us almost a mono,
poly of all the grain markers of Great-Britain.
In no period of a general peace have our pro
ductions borne so high a price as they have done
under the administration of our present Chief
Magistrate. This trade, at a moderate calcu
lation, is estimated to be worth 83,000,000 a
year—for three years it is 89,000,000.
lie has recovered our claims on the govern
merit of Denmark, on Brazil, on Colombia, and
on France. All of them have defied every ef
fort of former Presidents, but have yielded to
the energy, decision, and frankness of General
Jackson. The payment of these almost hope
less claims puts 87,000,000 into the pockets of
our countrymen.
He has made advantageous treaties of com
rnerce with Colombia and Mexico, and freed us
from an oppressive and insulting duty of dis
crimination which the former had imposed on
our commerce.
lie has made a treaty with Turkey and Aus
tria, and opened to the American Merchants
a trade equal to the most favored nation. The
treaty with Turkey is estimated to be worth
8500.000 per year —for three years it is a mil
lion and a half of dollars.
Here, then, is a short but correct statement of
our foreign relations. He has placed them up
on a proud and lofiy eminence, becoming a
gallant people, and wo now enjoy that admira
tion and respect of other nations, which of them,
selves •7 rc u tower of s’rength. Has any ad
ministration cf er ecpfol'ofi this in their negocia
tions with foreign powers'? x'io— -never.
He has saved the people, by increase of the
Post Office revenue 8150,000 per annum—lor
four s'ears, makes 8600,000 : besides, nearly
8100.000 more have been saved in Mail con
tracts which have expired and been renewed on
better terms.
He lias paid olfthe national debt, 8543,879 a
year more than Messrs. Adams and Clay did
—this forfour years is 82,175,516 ;he has paid
to the State of Massachusetts an old claim of
8433,748 ; and this too, notwithstanding the re
duction of the revenue during his administration
of 810,500,000 on the necessaries of life.
He has extended the public mails more than a
million of miles beyond any former period, and
increased their expedition on numerous routes.
One instance we will give—between New-Or
leans and Baltimore from 28 to 13 days.
The foregoin facts are all taken from public
documents, and the people can read and examine
for themselves. But there are not all the bene
fits which have resulted to the people from the
administration of Gen. Jackson. Your com
mittee will add to this in aTurther report.
Recapitulation of what the people have gained
in the aggregate by the administration of Gen.
Jackson :
1. Saving in reform measure, 81,000,000
2. Veto on the Maysville Road Bill 13,000,000
3. Reduction of duties, 10,500,000
4. Foreign intercourse 1,200,000
5. Navy Department, 1,000,000
6. Trade ofßritish Colonies 9,000,000
7. Claims for spoliations on our
commerce from Denmark,
Brazil, Colombia and France. 7,000,000
8. Treaty with Turkey, 1,500.000
9. Post-Office Department, 700,000
10. National Debt 2,175,516
11. Massachusetts claim 433,748
847,509,264
These are Facts which cannot he contro
verted. With this evidence staring us in the face
that Gen. Jackson, by his economy in adminis
tering the affairs of government, has saved or
secured to the people advantages to the amount
of more than FORTY SEVEN AND A HALF
MILLIONS OF DOLLARS for the first term,
we feel it our bounden duty, as Republicans, to
support his re-electiou. The presidential chair
has heretofore been occupied by great and ill
ustrious men ; but the unexampled success of the
administration of Andrew Jackson, has surpass
ed them all. For his patriotic devotion to his
country, we owe him gratitude ; but we owe to
ourselves an obligation still more sacred—and
that is to sustain the man and the measures
with which our country’s prosperity is identifi
ed.
Maryland. —The election for a member of
Congress to fill the vacancy occasioned by the
death of Col. Mitchell, has resulted in the choice
of Mr. Sewell, the Jackson candidate, by a ma.
jorityoflGO.
It is stated in a letter from Havre, that Mr.
Rives and his family would embark for the
I . S. on the Is‘ of the month.—A”. Y. Mer. Adv.
aW&WSWSI
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19. 1882.
FOR president.
Andrew jackso^.
VICE-PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BURJEN.
PENNSY LVA NIA ELECTIONS.
The returns show, as it was expected, that the entire
anti-Jackson ticket in the city of Philadelphia, has sue.
ceeded by a large majority. The anti- Jackson men have
elected three members to Congress, and the Jacksoi
men one member. Dr. Sutherland. The antt-Jacksor
men elected are Horace Blimey, Harper, and M atmoug
In the city the votes for Governor were, for Ritne;
4,957, Wolf 3,553 ; in the county, for Rimer, 5,503, foi
Wolf 6,250.
ADDRESSoI (he HERKIMER CON VENTION.
We have read with attention and pleasure, the ad
dress of the Republican State Convention, assemble!
at Herkimer, to the Democracy of New-York. It is t
masterly production, and does honour to the eonventioi
which adopted it, and credit to the good sense of the citi
zens who made choice of such delegates. This address h
too long for insertion in our paper : we must conteu
ourselves with giving extracts from it. In this day’s pa
per will be found an extract, relating to the Indian Ques
tion-.
TIIE COMET.
A gentleman of this city has received from the north
a map representing the apparent course of the Comet ii
the heavens, and the principal constellations and fixet
stars that lie along its path. To this map is attachec
some explanations, from which, for the gratification o
our readers, we have made the following interesting ex
tract. The author of the map and explanations is Mr
E. 11. Burrilt, formerly of Milledgeville.
“ But another Comet, which now engages the nios
eao-er curiosity of the astronomers of Europe, and which
say they, “promises much gratification to the scientific
world,” will re-visit our system the present year. It!
Right Ascension and Declination, on the 22d ot August
wifi be such as to bring it in a right line between Algo
in the Head of Medusa, and the Pleiades, or “Sever
Stars;” the former bearing about 8° North, and the lat
tor, 11° South. —See the Map. For a month following
the Comet’s apparent course among the Stars, like tha
of the planets, will be almost directly West, though real
ly to the East, at the mean rate of about one degree, 01
15 hundred thousand miles everyday. On the 19th o
September it wi'l rise in the N. E., a little before 9ir
the evening, 8° S. of Capella, and as far N. of Beta, ir
the constellation of Auriga, (usually placed in the rich
horn of Taurus ;) or 40° N. of the “Three Stars” in the
belt of Orion.
From the 19th of Sept, to the 13th of October, its ap
parent course will continue neatly the same, inclining t
little to the South; at which period it may pass so neat
Castor, in the head of the Twins, as possibly to obscure
it: It will rise nearly in conjunction with this star, a lit.
tie after 10 in the evening of the 13th, and come to the
meridian, almost directly over head, just before sun-rise,
the following morning. From this time, the progressive
motion of the Comet will barely be perceivable for seve
ral days, except that it will be observed to change itsdi.
rection to the south—coursing gradually off in that di
rection, till it crosses the Earth’s orbit at the 20th deg. ol
Cancer, about the last of October ; The other Node is
in the Bth deg. of Scorpio.
The situation and appearance of this comet will bo
most favorable for observation from the middle of Octo
ber to the middle of November: It will be brightest,
however, about the 13th of Nov., when it will rise E. N.
E. a little before 10 in the evening, and come to the Me
ridian at half past 4 the next morning. Its nearest ap.
proach to the Earth will be on the 23d of October, when
it will be distant about 5l millions of miles. Its nearest
approach to the Sun will be on the 28th of November,
then distant more than 83 millions of miles; whence,
there is but little reason to apprehend that it will de
stroy cither of these bodies, or be destroyed by them.”
MR. CRAWFORD—MR. CALHOUN.
We candidly acknowledge that, to a stranger, and
without thoroughly investigating the subject, we would
seem to he guided, towards Mr. Calhoun and his friends,
by as much hostility as can be felt by any human being
for his tcllow-creaturcs. But we have had, and we have
everyday, sufficient cause for the manner we have act
ed, and for our feelings towards the leaders of the mil.
lification party in South-Carolina. It will not be deni
ed, we suppose, that we had sufficient cause for our
hostility to Mr. Calhoun ; for this hostility was once en
tertained by every member of the Troup party. The
question now is, whether we have at the present time,
su^' , . ip ‘”t cause to continue to Mr. Calhoun and his
friends, the same hostility we all once entertained for
him and them. Against tiie “rinion of a few of our
friends, we have continued to denounce Mr. Calhoun as
a dangerous citizen, and his friends, as adulators, abject
adulators, who have no other chance to rise to distinc
tion in the United States, but by the elevation of Mr.
Calhoun to the Presidency. And against the opinion of
those, few friends, we shall continue to denounce Mr.
Calhoun and his friends. And why be so vindictive 7
We are not vindictive. We have many and powerful
reasons, for continuing our denunciations of Mr. Cal
houn and his friends.
Mr. Calhoun and his friends have always entertained
a deadly hatred to the Troup party in Georgia. They
still entertain a rancorous enmity to Mr. Crawford and
his friends. This cannot be denied. If the nullifica
tion prints in South-Carolina dared, they would have
come out long ere this against Mr. Crawford and his
friends, as they did come out, when the radical principles
of our party were to be assailed and put down, in order
to elevate the latitudinarian doctrines of Mr. Calhoun.
Now, that Georgia must be won over to nullification, or
failure—disgraceful failure—awaits the nullifiers, not a
word is said against Mr. Crawford, though their hatred
of the man is boiling in their bosoms. But it the nulli
fication papers in South-Carolina keep silent, it is not so
with the Calhoun papers in Washington city and Rich
mond, Virginia. In these two cities there are printed
two Calhoun papers, v.uirh are a disgrace to the coun
trv »t large, and to the man and men who employ them.
The Telegraph and the Times are the true followers of
the “ Republican,” established at Washington city to put
down the purest democrats the country ever produced-
Thesc two papers, the Telegraph and the Times, have
latterly, to injure the re-election of Gen. Jackson, open
ed their batteries upon Mr. Crawford and his friends,
and in language too, and in a tone, which surpasses
what was ever written by the abandoned editors of
the Republican. These papers bring into action, Gen.
D. B. Mitchell, Mr. Forsyth, and many other citi
zens, in order to prove that Mr. Crawford was—with
do you think, reader, Mr. Crawford was guilty of?
These papers attempt to prove that Mr. Crawford was
the principal cause of the feud which lias sprung up be
tween General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, and that
to Mr. Crawford also must he ascribed the dissolution
of General Jackson’s Cabinet!!! Yes, people of Geor
gia, Mr. Crawford is accused, by these Calhoun press
es, of having been the promoter of all the niortifi.
cations which have latterly visited Mr. Calhoun ! Yes,
it is this “ Giant of Intriguers,” who, while per
forming the duties of the office to which the legislature
ol his own state has called him, was plotting die de
struction of that great, eminent, and consistent politician,
John C. Calhoun, and the destruction of the popularity
which the virtuous editor of the Telegraph hail obtained,
by bis independence, and fearless defence of Irnih"
And shall wc remain passive, while the best men ol
Georgia arc traduced, abused and slandered ? Shall we
tamely submit to the lash of those mercenary editors 7
Shall we not defend ourselves—our friends men re.
spectable by their age, public services, and political ami
civil virtues, from the attacks of these vile editor# ? Shall
not our bosoms fad indignant, when such men ns
Crawford, I roup, Gilmer, and others, are slandered by
such a mart as the editor of the Telegraph ? Wn cannot
remain silent, w'hcn wc see such disgraceful acts per.
formed, and sanctioned by Mr- Calhoun and his fnends
jn Georgia ; for tht Telegraph is his paper; the cJa or
js his bosom friend, who does nothing but by the co m.
mand of his principal.
We Shall keep a good eye upon these Calhoun pap» r g
and upon the Calhoun papers in Georgia. They are all
striving to prevent the re-election of Gen. Jackson. That
they cannot succeed in their nefarious plan, is well
known and ascertained ; but they can, notwithstanding
do a great deal of mischief; it is to neutralize that mig.
chief, that we shall keep a sharp lo ik out on the action*
of these Calhoun papers in the south. And we would ear.
nestly invite other republican papers, to bo equally vigj.
lant, for the crisis demands our united exertions, in or.
der to accomplish the great objects we have in view ■
the re-election of Gen. Jackson, and hereafter a strict
adherence to a literal construction of the federal const,
tution.
TENNESSEE.
The following preamble and resolutions were intro,
duced in the senate, by Mr. Bradford, on the 26th Sep
timber.
“ The members of the Legislature of Tennes
see, in General Assembly convened, believina
that a njontdhtous crisis has arrived, when it be.
comes a solemn duty, in order that their views
may hot he misunderstood, to make an open and
unequivocal expression of their sentiments-, in re.
lation to the dartgerous doctrines recently as.
sumed by a member of this Confederacy, that a
State has the right to resist or render inoperative
within her limits, an act of Congress, whenever
the same may he declared unconstitutional by a
Legislative enactment, or its highest political
attitude —a Convention of the people of the State
—do therefore, on behalf of themselves and their
constituents, submil to their fellow-citizens of
other Stales, and to the world, the following de
, claration :
Ist. Resolved, by the. General Assembly of the
State of Tennessee, That we regard with deep
disapprobation, the assertion by- any State of this
Union, either through their Legislature or bv a
Convention of the people of a State, of a power
to nullify and make void an act of the Congress
of the United States.
n 2d. Resolved, That we regard the doctrine
of nullification, either by- the one or the other of
these means, wholly Unwarrantable, dangerous
to the existence of the Union, inconsistent with
and destructive of the fundamental principles of
the Government, tending directly, under the
guise of a peaceful and constitutional remedy, to
bring upon our country all the horrors of civil
War, and, therefore, more to he deprecated than
open resistance-.
“ Bd. Resolved, That We do most cordially re
ciprocatethe patriotic sentiment of the President,
that the Federal Union must be preserved.
FOR THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
44 \Vl»a# I like, uml what 1 clout like.”
Messrs i Editors, — I like to see fair play used
in all cases, particularly- by editors of newspa
pers in publishing communications. 1 dent like
to sec partiality used between the rich and the
poor, for the sake of a few favours—that would
not be of much consequence in the long run.
1 like to have every- man, whether rich or poor,
express his opinions, in a decent manner, thro’
the columns of some public print, about the go.
vernment he lives under, whether for or against
it. I dont like to see any editor suppress a free
mall’s communication, if it is worthy of publi.
city, on account of his not possessing an ini.
mense fortune, and a six y-ears’ schooling in tho
bargain. I like to see every man, whether
rich or poor, act independently, honestly, and
above hoard. I dont like to see a poor man,
whether farmer or mechanic, creeping after u
rich man, selling his principles and opinions, for
the sake of getting into his good graces, and to
receive from him, whenever there is an elec,
tion close nt hand, “ That’s a devil of a good
fellow, he is going to vote on my side,” —and
after the election is over, lie dont know you.
1 like the union of these happy States, but I do
bitterly abhor disunion, sometimes called milli
fication, and all its advocates. I like Andrew
Jackson and Martin Van Buren, for our next
President and Vice-President. As for Henry
Clay, William Wirt, John Sargcnnt, Amos EU
maker and Philip P. Barbour, five political ns*
pirants, 1 leave to the people to judge for them
selves. A MECHANIC.
HERKIMER CON VENTIGN--N EVV-TORK.
Extract from the atldres? of the Republican State Con
vention, assembled at Herkimer, to the Democracy of
New-York.
The Indian Question. —Os these, his manage
ment of Indian Affairs is recommended to your
special notice, as well by the extreme importance
of the subject, as by the success which has dis
tinguished the prosecution of it. This matter
having been unhappily connected with party
politics, has shared the fate of all political ques
tions, —it has been made the subject of all sor‘s
of misrepresentation, and has been subjected to a
treatment in which the real interests concerned
have been sacrificed to political effect. To
these ends, much has been written and more said;
and yet the merits of the subject may be present
ed in very few words.
From the administration of Gen. Washington
to the present day, the policy of the federal go
vernment towards the Indian tribes in any degree
subject to its care, has been one of active and
unqualified benevolence. Nothing within the
scope of its power that would conduce to their
welfare, and in some degree atone for the injus
tice whicli our ancestors, treading in the foot
steps of civilized man in every- other country,
had done to their race, has been omitted. What
ever those who envy and traduce us abroad,
or fanatics and partisan declaimcrs at home, may
say to the contrary, it is but justice to our coun
try to affirm, that every administration of the
general government has, in this respect at least,
stood without reproach. But it is equally true,
that the success of their exertions has not been
equal to their wishes, and that the condition of
the Indians has been every day- growing worse-
The futility of ail attempts to raise themtoa
state of civilization, having been rendered ob
vious to all rational men ; their unfitness to be
come the subjects of civil government, being
equally evident ; and their progressive degene
racy and destruction, arising from their proximi
ty to the white man, being fully established by
exprerience ; the suggestions of policy, as wed
as the dictates of humanity, pointed to the adop
tion of some more speedy- & effectual remedy ! °
arrest their increasing misery, and to proven*
their early and rapid extinction. The onesi
ded upon, after the fullest consideration, " t!S
their removal beyond the Mississippi, at the ex
pense of the Government ; where, effectual*?
guaranteed against the approach of that civiliza
tion from which an overruling and all-wise P r °'
vidence had excluded them, they might enje}
in pence the fruits of their improvement here,
and the more ample territory and advantage
prevail'd t«>r them there ; and where also the la
bors of philantropy- might be employed among
them, under the most favorable circumstances*
and with the best hopes of success of which the y
character admits. In the wisdom and hunts® 1 '
ty of this measure, until it was likely to bccon*
successful in the hands of Andrew Jackson, s ' I
men and all parties concurred. It f
large share of attention from Mr. Monroe » a "' I
\,