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— - - - , THE LIST. m* «r#£f 4* nrjrcjE. V TERMS—For the »cmi.'.vcckly paper, published eway Tuesday and Friday morning, gtfpcr annum and for lb« weekly %3, all payable in advance. 17 ADVERTISEMENTS are inserted weekly for (ii 1-2 cents per square ; acini-weekly G 2 1-2 cents for the Cm, and 43 3.4 cents for each subsequent insertion, j and twallily for $ 1, 00 per square for each insertion. For yearly advertisements private arrangements are vso be made. A deduction i* niude o:i tiie ad vert; >c meats of public oCccrs. CJ* Postage must be paid on letters of bneinees. •* From Ike Richmond Knynirer. f THE VIRGINIA DOCTRINES, iVof jV iillif cation —[No. \ ll.] If Nullification be a Revolutionary measure, «nd if it be the intention of a party in this conn 4ry to resort to it, and they could do so with suc cess, what a lesson w ould it atTonl, of the insta bilily of human affairs, and ot the incapacity ol mankind, to understand, or to promote their own happiness and safety ! Thfet a people living uutler despotic govern (Bents, insecure in their persons and property, *nd burthened by the weight of oppressive taxes, should bo willing to try any change, is not won derful. But, that any portion of a nation, whose progress has been marked by the most unexam pled prosperity, in which the means of subsis tence can be easily obtained by any man who will labor; where there is no necessity for stand- Jng armies, and yet the country exempt from all danger from foreign attack; where the press is . perfectly unshackled; where religion is free and dependant on voluntary contribution alone, for its support; where suffrage is almost universal, and offices accessible to all ; where the imposi tions by Government are comparatively light; where there is no public debt, and the difficulty is not now to raise revenue, but to employ its surpluses; should ever dream of a resort to force to change their institutions, is a thing so pro. digious in its character, that none hut the clear est evidence could convince the most incredul • ous that it was true. I am disposed to hope, that those who advocate this measure, do not see the extent of its effects. There is an enthusiasm (I will not say fanaticism) sometimes displayed by the ablest men, which, in politics as well as re ligion, makes them mistake the means, so intent «re they uj>on the end, which they have in view. I will not permit myself, however, to believe, that this measure can succeed, that it can ever obtain the sanction of such a proportion of this nation, as will render it really formidable ; much less, ac complish the overthrow of institutions, which arc, and have long been, the best hopes of humanity, and the model which the friends of liberal prin ciples in every country point to, as carrying in to effect those plans of freedom, which its ene mies have ever taunted us visionary and imprac ticable. If I am disappointed in this hope, I shall become a convert to the theory, that there ia a point of prosperity in nations from which they must recede, and that what may appear as approach to the enjoyment of groat happiness, in only an indication that some disastrous change is impending over them. Against this reckless spirit which would endanger our Union and our Pence, the father of his country raised his war ning voice. In his Farewell Address to the American People, he has used language so full of wisdom, and so apposite to tho present times, that it should be impressed on the mind of every lover of his country, Litile did General Wash ington suppose, that so soon after the establish ment of our government, a conjuncture would arise, when the American People should be en gaged in discussing the value of the Union, and the best means of its preservation. In the val unble legacy to his countrymen he tells them ; “The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is now dear to you. It is justly so; for, it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tran quillity at homo; your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes, and from dif ferent quarters, much pains will betaken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batter, ics of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cher ish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attach ment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preser vation with zealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indig nantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion ©four country from the rest, or to enfeeble tho sacred tics which now link together the various parts.” In addressing my fellow-citizens on the course which it is said a party in South-Carolina mean to pursue, lam actuated by no unfriendly feeling to the people of that State: 1 regard their proceedings “more in sorrow than in anger.” I consider her people as distinguished for high 1 talent, and reflect with pride and pleasure on the times during the war of the revolution, when her sons breast to breast with Virginians, and the ; citizens of other States, contended for the meed j of valor, and acquired glory in many a well fbught field, in defence of the liberties of our j common country. My feelings to her citizens are those of kindness, and such as should subsist between brethren of the same family- It is for their sake, as well as our own, that I have been impelled to speak. It is perfectly consistent with these feelings, that I should with candor and freedom, canvass her proceedings. My re marks are not made in a spirit of unkindness; I impute no improper motives; these are between their own consciences, their country and their God. It is with their public acts, and their con sequences, I have to do; ami it is not unbecom ; ing or improper, to endeavor to warn them of i impending evils, and to entreat that they would avoid them. We have a right to speak on other accounts. The advocates for Nullification have : occasionally asserted that they were expressing the sentiments of the whole South, ami violent exertions are making to propagate these princi pies in all the Southern States. If this malady be contagious, we have a right to resist its introduction. It is as justifiable, to exclude by the cordon sanitaire of public opiu ion, moral and political disease, as it is to pre vent by the ordinary precautions, the approach of that by which our health and our lives may be endangered. Besides, Virginia is the largest of the Southern or planting States, and no mea sure can be resorted to by South-Carolina which may tend to jeopard the Union, which will not deeply and vitally affect our interests. We have embarked <Htr alf with her in the same ves- Sul ami rti« same voyage, and it i* not only our righf, but our duty, to caution her against the rocks, on which we may both be shipwrecked. If then, wc have a rignt to be heard on this matter, we say : That we consider a recourse to resistance or revolution only proper, “ in the event of tho failure of every constitutional re sort, and an accumulation of usurpations and abuses, rendering passive obedience and non-re sistance worse than resistance and revolution.” Has South-Carolina exhausted all the constitu tional remedies? Did she not, on the contrary, defeat some of the efforts made in hei own •State, by the friends of State Rights, at i n ear- Jy period, in conjunction with Virginia and Geor gia, to resist the tariff? Has she ever appeal ed to any of the constitutional modes of redress pointed out by Mr. Madison in the extracts from his Report, which have been inserted»in those numbers ? Has she, in particular, attempt to obtain a declaratory or other ainend m nt to the Constitution, which should fix the power of imposing duties U|>on some just and equal basis for every portion of the country? 1 believe no affirmative answer can be given to these questions. It may be well contended, too, that South-Carolina, in a mailer so deeply in volving the other Southern States, should have delayed adopting a course fraught with so much danger, until she should by a conference with her co-statcs, having a similarity of intcres's, } have ascertained their views, heard their argu ments, and submitted to them her own, tending to justify the meditated procedure. It is said that an effort is now making in South-Carolina and Georgia to obtain this conference of the Southern Slates. It appears from the public prints, that the advocates for Nullification in South-Carolina are decidedly opposed to this plan. Can it be her interest, or ought it to be her wish, to take a step of such deep responsi bility, without the co-operation of the other Southern States ? Can it be her desire to stand alone ? It is said that the friends of Nullifica tion object to a Convention of the Southern States on constitutional grounds. But can this objection be properly urged by them ? If the Southern States cannot meet for the purpose of advisement and consultation, what becomes of the right of a single State to arrest, at her dis cretion, the acts of tho Government, anil to throw herself upon her sovereignty? Are not the urgers of such an argument liable to the imputation, of straining at a gnat, and swallow ing a camel ? If the friends of Nullification have such confidence in the goodness of their cause, as they say they have ; if their favorite measure can be sustained by argument, and jus tified by constitutional or any other principles, should they not court, rather than shun the op portunity, by a full and free conference with their Southern brethren, to enlighten their minds, and remove their scruples and doubts, if they entertain any ? Would it not be time en ough, after making an ineffectual effort, if it should prove suclr, to resort to the very doubt, ful and hazardous expedient of a separate ac tion on this subject ? It is true, and Ido not at tempt to disguise it, that strong and almost uni versa! aversion is felt in Virginia, to this plan of Nullification, as wc understand it. The same sentiment is said to prevail in Norlh-Caro lina ; and in Georgia, there is obviously a par ty of great force for numbers arid talents, (in deed it is believed an overwhelming majority) who arc opposed to it. But these differences of opinion, instead of being reasons, against a con- Terence, with the other States, are strong consi derations in its favor. They shew the necessi *ty of comparison of opinion, and fair discussion, to produce that harmony of action in the' South ern States, which, it may naturally be suppos ed, would contribute most to a successful issue. Besides, who can pronounce beforehand, that such a conference might not result in some plan of constitutional resistance to the Tariff; such as would combine and unite the sentiments of all the States who arc affected by its operation, all of whom are justly hostile foil. If tho ad vocates of Nullification persist in their refusal to lake any measures to procure a co-operation of the other Southern States, and in their deter mination to throw South Carolina (as their phrase is) “ upon her own resources,” would it not subject the friends of Nullification to the charge (which I would lain hope could not be justly made,) that they were determined to re sort to a measure of so strong and decided a character, that there could be no retreat from it ; under a belief that the other Southern States, would feel compelled to follow their example ? Such reasoning as this, would prove fallacious, and lead to disappointment. Nor can those, who take the step, have reason to complain, that the States who had not been admitted to their counsels, and who had forewarned them against the measure, should refuse to participate in the consequences of their indiscretion. As far as Virginia is concerned, as fur at least as I know her sentiments on this subject, (and my oppor- Unifies have not been unfavorable,) my convic tion is, that although she will unite in all mea sures which appear to her, constitutional and proper, in resistance of the protective policy (miscalled, the American System,) she will not permit herself to be drawn into the vortex of Nullification, or any measures of unconstitu tional resistance —under circumstances, such as exist at present. There is another objection to n resort to Nullification, which ought to have great weight with the people of South-Carolina. Up to this day, that doctrine has not been pro perly explained to them. A portion of its ad vocates, considerable for numbers, and for tal ents, (indeed some of the fathers of the sect) represent this measure ns constitutional and pa cific. This is proved, by its being part of the theory, that if three-fourths of the States, after a law is arrested or nullified, shall sanction it, it shall operate to fake off the interdict of the veto of the single Slate, and make it valid. This reference to three-fourths of the States, purports plainly to boa resort by analogy to the part of the Constitution, which points OTit the mode in which amendments can be made.— And though there is in fact, no such analogy, and the power attempted to be exercised, is the very opposite of that with which it, is confound ed, yet, the abuse (as it would be,) of this con stitutional provision, shews that the advocates for Nullification attempt to justify themselves under constitutional authority. On the other hand, it is avowed by some who are in favor of this doctrine, that Nullification is not a consti tutional remedy, but a measure of resistance. In this latter opinion I fully concur, and I trust I have proved it correct. But how can the peo pic ol South-Carolina, when this doctrine is pre sented to them, in such different and opposite shapes, be safe in deciding in its favor ? Many who arc attached to the Union and Constitution, would be willing to resort to Nullification as a remedy, it they considered it constitutional, who would revolt at it, if they believed it to be, as it unquestionably is, a measure of resistance and revolution. But why such a solicitude for this remedy T Is there any one who has given it so unequivocally his support, as to be unable to retrace his steps, and to be compelled to sav with the Poet— r •• I hax* B*l iny lit* upon a ca*i, And I will stand the hazard ot" the die.’’ 1 trust there is none such ; but if there be, the great body of thuse who have hitherto sanc tioned litis doctrine, would have no motive for not exchanging it for one, more approved by the general sentiment, and for that cause more efficacious in itself. But it may be said, that though Nullification may be a measure of re sistance, it does not follow that it is revolutiona ry. I have already endeavored to demonstrate, that any successful resistance to an essential part of the cons itutional authority is revolu tion. But the degree of a revolutionary mea sure, whether it be the inception or consumma tion of it, is not worth discussing. If it lie the commencing act, we all know in what it must terminate; and we have been told by one, who had as great an agency in the formation and o verthrow of States and empires, as ever lived : “ That revolutions never go backwards.” AGRICOLA. In the last Nu. of Agricola, there is a typogra |Hbjd error in quoting Mr. Madison’s letter to the North Review, which changes the sense of the pas. sage. “ Though the words were in part but synony mous with constitutional.” The word part ought to be “ fact .” FROM THK PKXNSYLV.VMAX. THE MISSIONARIES. We publish to-day an interesting communica tion, in refence to this subject, signed Veritas. It is worthy ot a cairn perusal and candid con sideration. Wc have only to remark, adverting to the thousand invectives against the President for lii-s non-interference, that if he, at any time, ought to interfere, he is not authorized to move at this time, nor until the Supreme Court shall make their return of the inexecution of their de cree ; that the reply to the memorial of the Board ol Missions, in behall of the imprisoned men, attributed to the President, is an audacious find atrocious forgery; and finally, that the pic tures drawn of the wretched state and condi tion of the prisoners, is altogether fallacious— their confinement being merely nominal—they being allowed every comfort of food, rest, ex ercise, and social intercourse, while their fami lies are inmates of the Governor of Georgia. Our candid Christian friends will not fail to give those things a proper consideration : from our vindictive and prejudiced enemies wc expect neither candour nor justice. State of Georgia—Supreme Court—Missiona ries.—Anterior to tho purchase of Louisiana bv the United States, and anterior to the cession of the territory now comprehending the States of Alabama and Mississippi, by the State of Georgia to the United States ; Congress passed an “ act regulating intercourse with the Indian Tribes,” designating the crimes and of fences, and defining the punishment and penal ties for their commission and perpetration. For the crime of murder by a white man of an In dian, the offender was to be brought to trial in the federal court held in the State within whose limits or territories the offence was committed. The question, then, which first presents itself, is, how Congress came possessed of the power to hold trial over the life or liberty of any man within the territorial jurisdiction of any indivi dual or particular State ? The only ostensible reason for tho assumption ofsuch jurisdiction on the part of Congress was, that the territory attempted to be legislated over lay within the limits of the United States, and the claim set up for the jurisdiction could only arise out of the original and recognized, right of the State with in whose territorial limits it was assumed ; if not, the act of Congress, in its effects, extended be yond the Mississippi, and ran into territories re cognised as belonging to other powers. Now, if Congress had tho right of legislating over any particular part of any State, no matter for what general or public benefit to the States at large, whence comes it that tho government is now so very fastidious and particular in requiring the express cession from tho particular States of ju risdiction of every description over the scites of forts, arsenals, dock } r ards, Arc. ? Why was it more essential for these particular scites, than for an extended jurisdiction of many hundred square miles ? That remains to be told, and may shed some light on the Missionary ques tion ; for had the State of Georgia recognized the authority of the Supreme Court, on the oc casion, and gone upon trial, it would have satis fied the world, that, from the very decision of the same court, previously given, it was ro-as suming ground which it had previously express ly renounced and abandoned.—- But to the point: Some time between the years 1818 and 1831, a man, whose name is not now recollected, (which it is not material should be, any more than the following circumstances to be related, as a reference to the records of the Supreme Court of the United States will point them out,) was tried in the Federal Circuit Court of Georgia, at Milledgevillc,iu tho Stale of Geor gia, for the murder of an Indian of the Creek nation; he was found guilty, and condemned to be hung. Application, under these circurnstan stances, was then made to that distinguished and eloquent jurist, Mr. Berrien, who moved before the court a suspension of the execution of the sentence, until tho right of jurisdiction, under which the criminal had been condemned, should be decided upon by the Supreme Court; the mo lion was granted, and the matter accordingly carried up. The grounds taken hy Judge Pur sier were, that Congress could not pass a law for the trial of criminal offences, within the re cognized jurisdiction of any State, without an express cession of such authority, and therefore that the law, under which the criminal had been condemned, was unconstitutional and of course void; secondly, that the condemnation of the cri minal under the then existing causes of the State would have been equally null and void, for that the Constitution of the State of Georgia, express ly required that every criminal offence should be tried in the county where the offence had been committed, and tiiat, inasmuch as that the mur der had been committed in a pan of the State not yet laid off in any. particular county, nor at tachcd in jurisdiction to any adjacent countv, the criminal could not be tried cither by the Fed eral or State Courts. The grounds were held to be good by the supreme court, (Judge Mar shall presiding,)and the criminal discharged and set at liberty, with a recommendation from the Court that the State should pass some legislative acts appending the. territory of the Indian tribes to the next frontier counties, in order that crim inals and culprits might not escape entirely from merited punishment, and the State of Georgia did accordingly pass acts, now in existence, at taching the jurisdiction of the Indian lands, in criminal matters, to the next adjacent counties. Now as this is all matter of record, and of course not to be controverted, if a murder was commit ted by a white man upon an Indian within the Cherokee territory, where is the man to be tried? wherein lies the difference in the eye of the law, between a Creek or a Cherokee Indian, or be tween a Choctaw or Chickasaw? The original law of Congress embraces the whole of these tribes, and the decision of the Supreme Court I abrogated that law, and > ii tually renounced the 1 jurisdiction iu favour of the fertile. Now, sup posing that the offence for which the missionaries were committed to the penitentiary, had been for homicide—could the United States Court have interfered? And if not, why is it to be allowed to interfere in other offences, committed against the peace of Georgia ! How many pious and well meaning people, are wrought up to opposi tion against the administration by designing men, to subserve their own purposes ; ever raising clamor in behalf of the “ missionaries,” who vo luntarily incarcerated themselves to become martvrs, its they would have us believe, to reli gion-. when thev are evidently martvrs to their own follv : and made use of, by designing de magogues, to pull down the present upright and efficient administration. VERITAS. : TUESDAY, OCTOBEK -23, IS3-2. FOR PRESIDENT. BREW JA(IKSOX. VICE-PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAX BUR EX. trw« shall publish in our next, a letter of Mr. Wil liam 11. Crawford, on Nullification and the Tariff. cot ro.v. The market for this article continues brisk and in good demand. The receipts for the last week have been con siderable. Stiles were made last week for strictly prime, and in square hales, at 10} cents; good lots 9} a 10; lower qualities in proportion: we quote from 9 to 10}. The last advices from Ifiverpool have made the market rather brisker, and buyers willing to lay hold at the rates stand. STEAM BOAT AUGUSTA. This ne w steam boat, which arrived here on Sunday last, was built for the Steam Boat Company, daring the past summer, at Sarannah , and may emphatically be called a Georgia Boat. Her timbers are of the best live oak and red cedar. Her model is very superior, and not surpassed by any boat on the river. She draws only 3 feet water, and is constructed for towing on a low- river, or for carrying freight on board. It is understood that it is the intention of the Company to run her occasionally in the Charleston trade. She certainly docs great credit to the builder, Mr. Cant. The Augusta is expected to start this aftemo >n. She lies at the Bridge, where our citizens can have an opportunity of viewing this speci men of Georgian industry and enterprise. TESTE U DAY, The drawing of the Lard and'Gold Lotteries began. Tite Legislature of South-Carolina met in Columbia. The first Lecture, by Professor Antony, of the Medi cal Institute of Georgia, was delivered. And TO-DAY, The Comet will he nearest the Euri' , distant about fifiy-onc millions of miles. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. It is with sincere pleasure we have to record the pledge of one of the candidates for electors of Presi dent and Vice President of tho United Slates, at the election on the first Monday in next month. Gen. Elias Beall, of Monroe County, in a letter published iu the Macon Advertiser, declares himself to be “ the open and avowed supporter of Jackson ; and shall, if elected one of the electors of Georgia, give his decided and un qualified support to Jackson, for President of the United States, at the ensuing •lection, and Martin Van Buren, for Vice President.” This declaration is manly, and does credit to Gen. B«all: h« deserves, and no doubt will receive, the support of a vast majority of the voters of Georgia. PRINCIPLES, & MEN TO SUPPORT THEM. It is fashionable now-a-days, when a man, by bribe ry, corruption, disappointment in obtaining an office, or other cause, changes his party, to ascribe his apostaey to any thing else but the true motive, and to declare, un der the sanctity of his word of honour, or of an oath, if pushed pretty hard for it, that principles alone prompt ed him to become an apostate. With such men princi ples appear to be held in high veneration, while their corrupt hearts deny what their false tongues have utter ed. And what is still more remarkable with apostates, it is the zeal, vehemence, and virulence, with which they abuse and slander the party from which they se ceded. They expect by this zeal and their abuse, to establish the sincerity of their apostaey, and the devo tion of their exertions for the party they have joins d. Numerous instances of such changes could be cited, in the United States, and in Georgia, in proof of our position. But such cases are so notorious, that any common observer, by looking around him, and inquiring about the political principles of many a neighbour, would satisfy himself that consistency is not so preva lent a virtue among the people of the United States, as all good men could wish, and ought to have a right to expect. But let his pass ; political somersets have lat terly been so numerous, that it would be an arduous task to keep an acconnt of them all. It is, however, a curious fact, and one which gives matter for reflexion to the philosopher, to see men, who a few months ago were abusing one another in the public highways and in the public prints ; accusing one another of the most heinous of all political offences ; and threatening each other with the cows kin, the cane, the dirk or the pistol; arm in arm, praising one another in the public papers, and declaring upon their veracity and words of honour, that they respectively possess all the political virtues, and all the talents, wisdom, and sound sense, with which human nature has been endowed, by the creator of the world. Such circumstances, we must confess, do not tell well in the history of the community in which they happen. UV hether they tell well or not, they have lately happened ; and it is to the people to judge of the reme dy to be applied to the great evils which naturally fol low from such shocking depravity of the human mind. Wc have never been, and we are not, for principles alone. We have been, and we are still, for principles, and for men to support those principles. Without men, properly qualified to support the principles of our party, we cannot maintain the integrity and ascendency of that party. It is therefore ot the utmost consequence, that, in connexion with principles, men should be sup ported who strictly adhere to those principles; who ha\e never deviated from them; who have never apos tatized from the republican party, & upon whose firmness and independence great reliance can be placed. Without such men, a party dwindles into insignificance. For these reasons we have always stood fast by the princi ples ot our party, and supported only those men who, we knew, would support, on their part, the same prin ciples, in their purity ; who would not sanction the intro, duction into the party of strange doctrines, and who would prevent with zeal and with all their might, the admission of apostates into the ranks of the true be lievers in the creed of the party to which they and we belong. Applying our remarks more pointedly, we must say that our course, as regards the Presidential election, is perfectly free and straight, and was adopted under no omer consideration but that which the public good dicta ted. Placed as we are ; being under abiigation to no one, but to the great republican party of the country ; we have pushed boldly forward, and entered the lists as free and independent combatants, urged onto victory, by an ardent desire to contribute in maintaining in office men who have discharged their duties faithfully, and to the satisfaction of the people. But the support we give to General Jackson, must not be ascribed to a blind admi ration for the man, nor to the conviction we entertain of ; his superior qualifications for the office which he now | holds. If the personal and intimate friends of that gen lemon b.iicve, that ue support him because no other man could L-e found ui the United Stales, whom we would prefer, they are greatU mistaken. We candidly ac knowledge that our principal motive for supporting Gen. Jackson Tn 1529, was to prevent the re-election of Mr. Adams, and, thereby, to show to the world, that the A. mcrican people did not sanction intrigue and corruption in the election for the highest offices in the government. We now support him* because he has done well in the administration of the executive department of the go vernment. It is true we should not support Genera! Jackson, if wc were convinced of his inability to dis ci, arge the important duties of the office of President. We believe him to possess talents and energy ; to be pa triotic and devoted to his country’s welfare and reputa tion. With these manly attributes, commbined with ex perience and an efficient cabinet, we arc assured that he will continue to be an able and faithful public officer. Mr. Clav cannot, under any circumstance, receive the least support in this state, notwithstanding tho intrigues and machinations of certain southern men and disappoint ed office hunters, to defeat the re-election of Gen. Jack son. The services of this eminent citizen, have endear ed him to a great number of the people. He is popular in the south and in the west; no man, therefore, can be taken up by the firm adherents of the old democratic party, to put down the tremendous power exercised on the public mind and on private interest, by the splendid talents and eloquence of many members of the opposi tion, but which unfortunately are connected with the most ambitious and dangerous designs, and the most cor rupt intentions, and by the Bank ot the United States. In fact when such men as Clay, V\ ebster, Hayne, McDuffie, and John Quincy Adams, are arrayed against the administration, and backed by the capital ot the United States Bank, it will require all the energy, the patriotism, and virtues of the people, to counteract the immense influence of those men and of that institution, and to place General Jackson in the Presidential chair for another term of four years. Applying again our remarks more pointedly, we say that the strange doctrines which certain politicians have attempted to mingle with the political creed of our party, must prove the destruction of that party, and consequent ly, die rise and complete ascendency of some other par ty, which will be more steadfast to principles, and more discriminating in their choice of men to support those principles. With the principles of the party to which wc have the honour to belong, wc have proved victorious in every contest for power and for the vindication ot the rights of Georgia. With the same principles, uncon laminated with the poisonous doctrines of the school of nullification, we could achieve whatever would be un dertaken for the good of die state, and we would induce all makers and expounders of law, to return so that life ral and strict construction of constitutional powers, which Jefferson recommended and practised, while in power, and which can only preserve the country from consolidation and despotism, or from die anarchy and civil war of nullification. If the original principles of die party were erroneous, why have we stuck to them so long 1 Why have they been so popular, and so effective ? Why change them for others, which, if not decidedly dangerous, are at least doubtful in their effect ? Under all these circumstances, it should be the moral and po. iitical duty of every member of the republican party, to disregard all novel doctrines as dangerous in their opera tions and as tending more especially to weaken the power of the party. We should disregard more particu lariy those doctrines which establish no definite line of de marcation, between the rights of the states and the pow ers delegated to the federal government, and from Which could be implied the power by the states to arrest the operations of the federal government, by a single veto, and the power by the federal government to subdue a state by force, and to compel her to remain a member of the confederacy against the express will of her citizens* From the doctrines attempted to be introduced into our system of government, the inference is irresistible, that, should they prevail, the federal constitution becomes a nullity in the hands of the state authorities, or in the hands of tiie federal government, for both will construe those doctrines to suit the power the}' respectively wish to assume, and both will attempt the destruction of each other, by an implied power derived from the misconstruc tion of the federal constitution, and of the reserved rights of the states. Anarchy and confusion must be the ulti mate results of such a state of things; from which we can extricate ourselves but by an appeal and a resort to original principles and natural power; by destroying what has cost us millions of lives and millions of treasure to rear; and by erecting on the ruins of this republic, another government, more suited to the corruption of the age, and to the vices which luxury and wealth have engen dered. To avoid this dreadful catastrophe, we must adhere to our original principles ; and to insure the ascendency of those principles, we must choose for our public offi cers, men who conscientiously believe in their soundness, and in the necessity of following them to the letter. The least deviation Irom them, must he considered as dan gerous to the whole system. If we had paid more at tention to men, and made choice of those only who had been steadfast, our party would not have been divided, and torn by individual factions. The introduction into our ranks of men of doubtful politics, has been one cause of the deterioration of the party. The good reception of pernicious principles among us, has been the princi pal cause of th* estrangement which has unhappily sprung up between members of the same party. And the prevalence of those pernicious principles will hasten the downfall of the republican party in Georgia. For the above reasons we have taken a stand against the doctrine of nullification. For these reasons wc shall continue to denounce not only the doctrine, but those who maintain it, and wish it to be incorporated into our system of government. True to the principles of the republican party, we shall exert ourselves in keeping them as pure as when they werc in their full glory du ring Mr. Jefferson’s adminstration of the federal govern ment. If we are alone in this undertaking, we will have to submit to our mortification, though wo will hope for better times; but our being alone will not make us swerve from our principles : in the last ditch, wc may fall in defending the true —tho genuine—the uncontami nated principles of the republican party in Georgia. Our fellow-citizens have, in these desultory remarks, our creed. We are determined to stand by it. And, furthermore, we apprise them that we have been, as the republicans of Georgia tvere a few years ago, opposed to the further elevation of Mr. Calhoun, and to any po litical connexion with his friends. Our opinion of the man and his friends remains unchanged. We cannot, shall not, have the remotest political connexion with Mr. Calhoun, nor with his friends. The editors cf the Con stitutionalist cannot fraternize with men who have held the Georgians in deadly hostility. The editors of the Constitutionalist, just to themselves, to the people of Georgia, and even to their enemies, shall continue to denounce those men who, under the mask of patriot, ism, and unuer the pretence of maintaining state rights, and promoting the best interests of the south, are°sapl ping the very foundations of our public institutions, and preparing the people tor a southern confederacy, at the head of which Mr. Calhoun is to be placed, since he cannot be placed at the head of the government of the United States. In accordance with the views submitted to the con sideration ot the people of Georgia, in the preceding remarks, we shall, in subsequent numbers of this pa per, make an appeal to the intelligence and patriotism of tne citizens of the state, and urge the necessity of a close union between all those who follow the principles ot me Jefferson school, and who are determined to op pose by all honorable and constitutional means, the in troduction of strange political doctrines into our system 0 government, and the establishment of a policy as de structive to the Union as it would be to our liberties. 6 silall ur^ e also the necessity of adhering strictly to principles, and, especially, to men who will zealously and sincerely support those principle s. ' 1 CH ARLESTON . At a meeting of the Union and State lligliU Parly the 15th lust. the following preamble and resolution* Wer| adopted:— “ Whereas, we are citizens of the United State* 0 f America —a free, sovereign, independent and poweri.i nation, recognised and respected by every civilized pic on the Globe; and, whereas, our allegiance to th (Si United States is immediate and direct, and ofth e „, os . sacred obligation; and, whereas, the doctrine of Nullify cation is an unconstitutional, political heresy, supp ort( .‘J only by a party in this state; and, whereas the Union Jf the states is regarded by us as the source of our nation al existence, of oitr present unexampled freedom, p rj V perity and greatness, and as the best, it not the only * a guard of our liberties. It is therefore Resolved, That the Union Party ofSt Philip & St. Michael, will be firm in their allegianc* to (he United States, and will, by all legal and constitution,il means, resist any act of Nullification. Resolved , That consistently with these principle*, will not in any manner, directly or indirectly, sanction as act of Nullification either by the Convention or the Lei gislature. and that wo will not offer any member of oar nartv, us a Candidate, for the Convention. TIIOS. BENNETT, Ch a i matL \V. Rohinsov, Secretary. ALABAMA. A public dinner was given by the citizens of Marion, Perry county, on the 29th September last, to Mr Mardis, Representative in Congress for Alabama, i n #p probation of his late vote for the modification of the T* nil. On his being toasted, and “ Alter the cheering had subsided, Mr. M ar( j; rose, and in a speech of about an hour in length defended and explained his vote in Congress on the late Tariff Act. He took a practical view of the subject, showed the difference bo. tween the old and new Tariff, and pointed out the advantages which the South derived from the late modification, so clearly that every car. did man must have been convinced of the pro. priety of Ins course. He declared, that had ho refused to vote for tin’s amelioration of the bur. tficus of his constituents, he could never have appeared before them in justification of his con. duct. He denied that the question was settled that he should continue to oppose the Tariff, and use his best exertions to procure n further re duction ; that no Southern man who Voted for the late hill, considered the question as settled 1 but on the contrary, they wore encouraged to renewed exertions in opposing the American System ; that by a determined) but prudent and temperate course, there was a prospect of the Tariff being reduced to the exigencies of the go\ ernment, and the satisfaction of the South. Me exhorted his countrymen to be temperate that our grievances could never to redressed by violence : and exhorted them not to pursue a course which would endanger the perpetuity of the Union. He concluded by expressing his utmost confidence in our present Chief Magi*, trate : that he was with us in our exertions a gainst the Tariff; that liis desire was the hap. piness of the people and the tranquillity ofthe country ; that he would be sustained by the American people.” “ Mr. Mardis then gave the following toast, which was drank with enthusiatic applause; The sentiment of our venerable Chief Magis. trate, that “ the Union must be preserved,” should be affirmatively responded to by every American patriot.” The Governor of the state, John Gayle, had been i*. vited to the dinner; the following is his reply:— Gkkensborougii, 28lh Sept. 1832. Gentlemen—l have received your polite in. vitation to partake of a public dinner to be given on the 26th instant, by the patriotic citizens of Perry county, to our Senator in Congress, Col, King, and our Representative, Mr. Mardis. Before the receipt of your letter, I had premia ed to attend a meeting of my fellow citizens at Clinton, to he held on the same day, and I regret exceedingly that. I cannot he with you on tiiu proposed occasion, to express personally, my ap probation of the vote given by those gentlemen in favor of the late act of Congress on the sub. ject of the tariff; by which the duties upon fo reign importations are considerably reduced; and of consequence, the burthens of the protec. tive system to some extent removed. For the part they took in this measure, they deserve well of their constituents, and it should he received as a pledge of the faithfulness and ability with which they will acquit themselves in the future discharge of their public duties. Iro gard il as an important triumph in the great struggle which the South is maintaining in bo halfol their constitutional rights, and as the first ol a scries of acts, which in a few years, will re duce the Tariff to the proper revenue standard. 1 ou arc pleased to notice, in flattering terms, the course I have pursued in relation to the doc trine of Nullification. I lie sentiments I have expressed on various occasions, are the result of the most thorough conviction, produced by a patient examination of all those productions, that are said to contain the ablest arguments in its favor. I have not the slightest doubt, that it is not only unauthoris ed by the Constitution, but that it is revolutiona ry in its tendency ; and that its practical ap plication to our system will dissolve the Union ofthe States. The great question, whether the people are capable of self-government is involv ed in this heresy : and a decision in its favor will be hailed by those who maintain the negative as conclusive on their side. My course in this alarming controversy has been dictated by the solemn obligations I am under to a community in which one-half of my life has been spent,and with whose fortunes mine is in every respect completely identified.—Como what will, I shall continue, while there is hope of relief, to sustain the Union, which has so long made us the freest and the happiest people on the face of thcglobe- I heg leave to offer, as appropriate to the oc casion, a sentiment expressed by the illustrious Jefferson— “ The Union. Its dissolution will be treason against the hopes of the world.” I tender you, gentlemen, my best wishes for your individual welfare ; and I beg you will con vey to those for whom you act, my grateful ac knowledgments for their favorable opinion rny public conduct. JOHN GAYLE.’ r * (() Messrs. Young, Lansdon, } r , ... - Brume, St rig fellow and Welsh, \ C ° mrniU HERKIMER COSVEXTIOX-NEW-TORK. Extract from the address of the Republican State Con vention, assembled at Herkimer, to the Democracy »f New-York. Excitement at the South. —ls one thing more than another can add to the importance of tbs great interest connected with the issue of the 9* lection, it is the excited and agitated stateofthe Southern section of the Union. After a l° n £ period of remonstrance against what is conceit ed to bo, in the whole southern country, an °P* press!vc and unconstitutional action of the gen* eral government, indications of a spirit of resis tance to the laws have manifested themselves) which have excited the alarm of the true friends of tiie government, as to their effect upon the tranquillity of the country and the stability of our institutions. This feeling, high and impetuous as it was in some respects, and calm but intense as it was in others, seemed to concentrate itself into an effort to obtain relief at the last session «f Cofl* gress. Reasonable men of the South sa* il