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THE CONSTITUTION \ L.IS’IV
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TUB VIRGINIA DOCTKSN&S.
Xol yuUificaHm—l No. VIII.]
1b the preceding Numbers, 1 have endeavor
ed to prosunt to t> propb* of this co mtiy, who
may honor them hy their ; -rusai, and more es
pecially to the citizens of t.us S"..t , itic true
character oi the: d-cirmc t>i Nuii hca ion. In
doing t>o, thoui;li candour required, that 1 shorn.i
“nothing < xtenuaue, 1 ccrUtit/i/ have- ** s t
down niught in rnalide.” 1 have bc-i-n aclujat
eti by no person”] mo'.ivc, nor have I been im
pelled by party feelings. 1 lie question is par
amount to nil these. f have written with a sin
glc eye, to u lnl 1 d*. un tin.* cause of the coun
try, and all its great, an i div* rsifieJ, ani per
tnanent interests, and the preservation of the
Constitution and Union of these States. Par
ties will exist in all free coantrivs ; and, when
kept within the boundaries of mod* ration, and
not influenced by s' llisit objects, they maybe*
even salutary, by kcopin*r up that incessant vig
ilance, which is the h< *st preservative of free
dom. The cause I advocate, i.s one calculated
to unite patriotic men of all parties —every one,
who feels he has a dot p interest, in guarding
for hhiis-lf, and transmitting to those who are
to come after him, the free institutions which
were acquired 1 v the valor and wisdom of our
ancestors. Having said thus much, to place
myself in a true position on this subject, 1 pro
ceed to present some other views, which appear
tome to he ess niial to the correct under*land
ing of the circumstances, in which our country
will he placed, hy the fur. her progress of events,
which I fear we may anticipate, and which 1
most sincerely deprecate.
If the doctrine of Nullification he erroneous
in itself; if it bo calculated to produce such
mischievous consequences as I have attributed
to it, its evils will not be mitigated but increas
ed, by the linn and the <u'c.ision vhi:h hare been
selected for its enforcement, ii is well known
that the People of Virginia were the earliest
opponents of the sys’em of protection (as it is
called) which attempts, as in a hot-bed, to give
a rapid, and unnatural growth to manufactures,
at the expense of 11 to great agricultural and
commercial interests of the na’ion. At one
time the Ncw-Euglund States, and others, most
largely engaged in the navigating and commer
cial pursuits of the country, were disposed, 6i
di<l actually unite wi h us, in resisting the first
duwnings of this system. If all the Southern
States had been true to themselves, if they had
been united, they might have nipped this noxi
ous policy in tha bud. But the Statesmen of
SPouth-Carolina (as can be proved by unques
tionable documents) refused their co-operation
to oppose, not only the system of legislative pro
tection, but in resisting the gigantic plans oi in
ternal Improvement, which it was endeavored
to fix upon the country. It will appear from
the proceedings <>f the Legislature of iSouth-Ca
rolina (which I have Svien publish-T) that ef
forts made at di lie rent and success, vc periods,
to resist these schemes, not hr violence or un
constitutional measures, but by a simple appeal
to public opinion, such as was used by us, in
the cases of the Alien and Sedition Laws, were
discountenanced, and opposed by many, who
are now conspicuous a men "st the lenders of Nul
lification, and were actually defeated by over
whelming majorities. It will appear, too, that
they were objected to by them, because they al
leged, that these expressions of censure and
disapprobation, hy the State Leg slaturcs, and
appeals to the Co-St a’cs, for co-operation in in
fluencing public opinion, were disorganizing,
and unconstitutional in their tendency, c; Icula
ted to rob the General Government of us ap
propriate powers, and to bring it to the feet of
WsmJ.
The consequences of these movomen's, were
the ultimate anl unnatural union of the Inter
nal Improvement and Manufacturing parties, to
rivet on the nation all the blessings of the A
mcrican Sys’em ; the bond of which union was
and is, the consciousness that by an inordinate
tariff, money can be raised without, s int, and
with that money improvements can be made to
any and every extent. And yet, our brethren
of South-Carolina (or some of them) are now
invoking our aid and co-operation in defeating
the sys em of pro ection to mamrfiic ttres, by
measures, which, to be effectual, will not only
destroy the Tarilf, but with it the Cons itntion
under which wo live ! If the Tariff was suffer
ed to attain to the unjust and oppressive height
to which it was carried, Virginia lias not been
1o blame. —She resisted it in all the stages of its
progress. She iss:i!J opposed to it. She con
siders many of the features of the last act on
- that subject as highiv objectionable, and she
will ncvercep.sc in all proper . Hurts, to remedy
tbe evils of which she complains. But, when
is it that we are asked to resort to this desper
ate remedy of Revolution ? Is this the time at
Which the Tariff hns been more oppressive than (
it has ever been ? Has there been no mitiga
tion of its evils ? Hus nothing happened w hich
indicates a sense of returning justice in the o li
fer States ? I speak not now of the manufac
turers. Ido not allude to the large capitalis t,
who have been fattening on the spoils of South
tfQ industry. 1 know that they are unwilling
to reUnquish their hold, and that they resisted
even unto death, the mitigation of our griev
ances. 1 speak us the change of sentiment
which begins to manihs i self, amongst the en
lightened and patriotic, in the Eastern pontons
of the Union.
* Every candid mind must admib that there
were many difficulties to be encountered by the
Southern members in the last session of Con.
gress. Although tiie protective system is un
just and oppressive in its character, and violates
the spirit of the Constitution, yet laws‘had pass
ed Congress under which manufactures had been
established, and capital to an immense amount
had been infested.—And though the existence
Os these establishments afibrds no valid reason
for giving permanency to the system of protec
tion, yet it should be an inducement with Con
gress for proceeding with discrimination and a
graduated step in the reduofio;: of the duties, so
ns to avoid bankruptcy and ruin to the manufac
turer ; and at the same time, as far us practicu
• We, to obtain effectual and ultimate relief to
those who suffer under the burthens of unjust
imposition. 1 hese sentiments appear to have
had their influence w ith Ihe strongest opponents
; of the Tariff in Congress, in so much, that it is
believed that ia almost every scheme which was
proposed far reducing the Tariff of du*ies, it
was contemplated that the reduction should be
gradual. The diversity in the plans consisted
in the different degrees of rapidity with which
the work w.sto be accomplished.
K- '-ping in view these principles, let us exam
ine ich n t iris done by Congress on this subject.
I; is not intended by me, nor is it essential or
compatible, with the objects of these Numbers,
I nor ihe necessity which I am nn ier of bringing
' them '6 n close, that I should enter into rnanv
| details relative to the Tariff, «i her of 1328 or
: 133.3: these are under discussion in the public
pr.n s by other, and abler hands, and fuiiv tie- j
veloped in a late statement made under the an- I
tkm tty or' the Treasury Department of the I. i
So les. 1 shall only speak of results, of age- I
ncral character, and those very briefly, but suf
flei-nily to skew, that important changes and
reductions have been made in the system.
A:\er tne passage of tiie Tariff Act of 1632, I
! rec* ivc i a letter from a member of Congress,
T C J
intimately acquainted with the finances of the
I n led .Slates, the object of which was to shew
what reduction of duties had taken place under
•’rat act, r s f< Hows :
The amount of dudes which accru
es in the year 1829, £21,023,391
1530, 22,697.679
4-1,620,070
Average, 22,310,035
I’Torn which deduct the reductions of
1830, A: those of the act of 1532, 10,310,035
Would m.A;e the revenue from cus
toms n.i'ler the net of 1832, §12,000,000
Since* that time there has been published by
the Treasury Department, a comparative-state
ment of the amount of duties, according to the
existing rates, and an modified bv the act of Ju
-7 •/
ly 14, 1832, calculated upon the importations of
the year ending the 30th of September, 1830,
which shews as follows ;
Nett Amount of duties according to
present rates, ... §17.288,645
“ Amount by the act of 1832, 12,101,567
Nett reduction of duties, 85,187,078
This statement of the Treasury shews, that
the calculation of my correspondent was very
nearly accurate as to the sum to which the du
ties would be reduced, when estimated accord
ing to the rates under the act of 1832.
Os the the reduction from the ex
isting duties, upwards of a million and a half are
duties reduced on protected articles. There
wore also by the act of 1830, 8956,121 taken
o!f the protected an ides of molasses an 1 salt.
The results from these statements are, that the
nett duties have been reduced bv the acts of
1830 and 1832, ‘ §10,000,000
That the reduction on protected ar
ticles, by the acis of 1850 and
1832, will be about 2,500,00
And the actual duties under the act
of 1832 will amount to 12,101,000
Ti.is statement shews, that very large reduc
tions have been made in the amount of duties,
and many of these on pro’ected articles. Some
of these reductions made by the net of 1832,
will opcra'c beneficially to the .Southern people.
Amongst these arc the reductions on blankets
from 35.5 percent, to 25 per cent. On wool
lens not exceeding 32 j cents per square yard,
from 54,45 per square yard to 5 per cent. On
worsted stuff goods, including bombazetts, 6cc.
from 30-66 per cent, to 10 per cent., and a
large deduction of duties on bar iron. On
brown sugar, the duty is reduced from 3 cents a
pound to 2} cents ; the duties on coffee and on
teas from China are taken off a I ogethcr, and
on teas from any o her place, reduced to 10 cts.
per pound. Coffee and sugar and teas may be
considered, from habit, to have become noces
sartes of life, and the reduction in the price of
them will bo found a great relief to the poorer
classes. The other items of reduction will be
seen by a reference to the statement of the
Treasury: they arc exceedingly numerous, and
will afford more or kss relief io the consumer.
Still, 1 do nox mean to admit that reductions
have been as great as they should have been,
or distributed in the most equitable manner.—l
believe they have no f been, especially in the ar
ticle of woollen goods. But I think what I
have said will be sufficient to shew, that a very
material and beneficial reduction has been ef
fected. I further am of opinion, that if we
persist in using all proper exertions to produce
united action amongst the opponen s of the pro
tective system, we shall by the exyrcisc of
peaceable and cons itutional measures, .sustain
ed as they will be by the increased force of pub
lic opinion, obtain an adjustment of this ques
tion, in away that will satisfy the South. The
national debt will be immediately paid off, and
we should endeavor to keep down the duties to
the amount of the public expenses, and limit
these as much as possible by the use of the
strictest economy.
The conduct of Congress, and especially that
of the Southern members, w ho voted for the act
of 1832, has been criticised by some, with great
severity. Bu it appears to me, that this has re
sulted from not duly considering the situation in
which they were placed, nor the motives by
which they were actuated. Ihe variety of in
terests involved in the question, the collision of
those intcres s, and the intrinsic difficulty of
changing at once the entire policy of the coun
try, surrounded this subject with great embar
rassmen’s. Any person who has attended to
the course of the proceedings and debates, must
be convinced, that the Southern members who
voted for tiie tariff, did it under a conviction,
that the bill, as passed, was the best that could,
be got that session of Congress. The objections
which have been made to the course pursued by
the anti-tariff members who voted for the bill,
have struck me with surprize, and are in my cs
timation unjust & unreasonable. These mem
bers saw a spirit in existence, which threaten
ed the pcaee of the country, unless something
could he clone. They used every exertion in
their power to reduce the tanff as much ns pos
sible. and the act w hich passed, was the best
that could be obtained. Is there any one who
will assert, that it is not a great deal belter act
for tiie country, than that of 1828, even as mo
dified by the act of 1830 ?
The question was not as to the original for
mation of the tariffsystem; the real subject io be
voted on, was the choice between the tariff of
1828 and the act of 1832.—0ne would suppose,
that the opponents of the protective svstem could
not nave hesitated in deciding, that in a choice
between measures, neither of which they ap
proved, it was proper to take tliat which light
ened to a considerable extent the public bur
thens, though it did not take off as much as it
ought to have done. Mas it ever heard before,
when a law was in existence imposing heavv
taxes, that at a subsequent session, members
complaining of the tax, ought not to vote to re
duce it to a considerable extent, which they could
accomplish, because it was notin their power to
tally to repeal it ? The uniform course in such
cases is, to "et off tts much of the tax as can be
effected at the time, and at succeeding sessions to
reduce it until it is placed on a proper footing.
The question refcljv propounded by the b:ii. was, j
whether the country should j ay duties, amount
ing to upwards of seventeen millions, or should
pay something n.ore tnan twelve millions;
whether we should relain the Tamr 01 1829, or
accept the modideations of the act o; 183 d,
which not only reduced the amount oi duties,
but modified them, so as to afford relict to aeon- •
sMcrtth’e ext nt ? It Is certainly better to hear a j
light than u hi avy burthen; and he who cm- j
deavors to lighten tli.it burthen, cannot bo said i
io be friendly to us continuance, localise he has *
taken off a large portion of it. It often happens,
in the course of human affairs, that men are
subjected to losses and misfortunes; hut would
it not be a false philosophy which should dictate,
that because we cannot repair those losses at
once, we should not endeavor to do so by de
gree s ? Sure ly, it is not jus !y imputable to .hose
who voted for 'lre act of 1882, that they were
friendly to whet lias been properly called “the
biil of abominations,” because they diminished
ns many of its evils ns their best exertions could
accomplish. Might they not, with more appear
ance of plausibility, allege that they who, by
their votes, would have permitted the act of
1828 t> remain in force, in fact, voted for the
coH-inunnce of that act ? 1 know that tin's was
not the motive of many of those who voted a.-
gaiust the act of 1982; they so voted, because
they were opposed to botii acts. Some voted a
gainsf the act of 1932, because they approved
the bib of 1828, and wished to retain it—these
were 'he n! ra-Nuliifiers; but the votes of V ose
who were ami-Tariff, had a tendency to produce
the same effect, though they were operated on
by an entirely diilerent motive.
It has been objected lothe course of those who
voted (hr the act of 1832, that it was a measure
which fixed the protective policy on the coun
try. ! cannot view it in that light. 1 cannot
consider a bill which go s to make an inroad
into that policy, which diminishes so much of its
bur;hens, as could be effected at a particular
time, as affirmative of that policy. No act oi
Congress can fix an unchangeable pokey on the
country. Their acts are no? like the laws of the
Modes and Persians, which never change. What
one Congress can do, another can undo; an I
this Tariff jjol'icy has been several times changed,
though it must bo admitted, generally for the
worse. The act of 1881), however, made some
modifications for the better. How it can be s ;id,
that strenuous efforts to abolish the protective
svstern, which eventuated in only getting rid of
part of that system, (for the time being) makes
it perpetual, when the law can be aced on at
every session of Congress, I am at a less to con
ceive.
The only inference dcduciblc from the act is, \
that not more could be got from the then Con
gress: but does this amount to proof, that no
more can ho obtained from their successors ? 1
construe the act very differently. 1 consider it
as evidence of a change in public sentiment on
this subject. I consider it as a giving ground in
the controversy, and an indication not of per
manency, but of change. The true course is,
to follow up these advantages; and public opin
ion which has effected thus much, will accom
plish a great deal more. The ultra-Tariiiiies.
who voted against this bill, acted under the idea
of preventing any encroachment on their sys
tem, and under the belief (probably a correct
one; that i s safety cons’s cd in i:s being intangi
ble, as well as permanent, But how can it be
said that the opponents of the Tariff who voted
for the act of 1832, sanc‘ioncd the principle of
the protective policy? The reasoning 1 have
employed, shews that a vole to get the best terms
they could, at the time, and for the time only,
would amount to any tiling else than an aban
donment of their opinions about the Tariff. But
it does nut rest on this view alone. It is a well
known fact, that in both Houses of Congress,
some of the most distinguished members from the
South, who voted for the act of 1832, declared
in their places, that in voting for the bill, tliev
did not mean .to admit, nor did they admit, that
the act hud sufficiently reduced, or properly ap
jiovtioned the duties; that there were many fea
lures in it, which they disapproved; that they
should never cease their efforts until complete
redix ssshould bu obtained; and that they voted
for \ho bill because it was better than the act of
1829, and to preserve the peace ofthc country.
XVlien tlie bill went to the Senate, that body a
mended it, by s riking out or : modifying some of
the provisions favorable to the South. The
House of Representatives would not agree to
these nmencJmun s, and af.cr a conference the
Senate abandoned them. If these had been per
sisted in, the bill would have been lost. In the
debate in the Senate on the report of their Com
mittee of Conference, great feeling was mani
fes ed by the friends of the Tariff, because the
conferees of the Senate had given up the amend
ments of that House. They were accused of
having abandoned the interests of some of ilie
branches of domestic industry, and sacrificed the
rights of the Senate. It is true, that though this
. 7 c
sensitiveness was manifested as to the Joss of the
amenilinen sos the Senate, it was said that the
act of 1832 recognized and established the pro
tective principle. But this was repelled, by the
declarations of Mr. Forsyth, Mr. King and other
Senators, that the act was only to be understood
so far as the opponents of the American System
were concerned, as a choice of evils, and not as
preventing future and continued resistance to
the system oi protection. As further jiroof; the
advocates of tlie amendments of the Senate, al
though they asserted that the proiective princi
ple was settled by the bill, themselves declared,
that it would bo in their power, to insist at a fu
ture time, on the adoption ofthc principles, con
tained in the amendmen s, or of any other pro
visions which would go to strengthen the pro
tection of such articles, as they might deem ex
pedient: by these observations clear!v shewing,
that the law was only the measure of the time,
subject to bo further modified according to the
discretion of Congress. For, it would be a most
extraordinary idea, that this sys'em should bo
alterable by the friends of protection, and yet
irrevocable, as it regarded the friends of a re
duction of duties.
1 will not go, as I intended, into a particular
examination of soma other objections, which
have been urged by the friends of Nullification
against the act of 1832. They have attempted
to show, that it was worse than the act of 7 25.
—1 have already s.iown, on t!ie contrary, that r
relieves us in a very sensible degree from the
burthens of that act; whether we consider the
reduction of the rates on some very material ar
ticles, such as negro clothing, blankets, iron, <kc,
&c. or, whether we consider the reduction in
the whole amount of the revenue raised. The
abolition of the unjust principle of tainimums hi
the duties on woollens, is an important advantage
secured us by the act of 1832, which I have o
miited to mention. Pressed by ihese irresisti
ble views of the subject, the friends of Nallifica
tion have had recourse to other objections. Thev
urge in the first place, the increased burthens to
the merchant in substituting cash for credit du-
ties, or short for long credits. But this objection
has been very much overrated, in consequence
ofthc egregious error of making tiic calculation
on the whole amount of importations, instead on
tiie mere amount efdii.ies on those
Thev urge in the second place, the increase oi
the duties which arises from calculating the
’■u.ni sterling at -Si 80, instead of 84 44. But
lias increase operates on British goods only; and
unoa them, in a very inconsiderable degree; nno
is. besides, much my re than couiiterva.auccU u}
the provision of the new act, w hich does away
the addition cfftiis 10 percent, to the invoice
nncf, be-ore the ouoes a t e caicmated. lin t au
ed also to examine the objection; ghat the' duty
falls neon the producer, ins-cad oi" the consumer,
and of course that the Southern S a'es pay a
very large share of the dunes. But I must leave
it »o o’hms to expose a theory, which
to me to carry error upon the vr y luce of it. It
this theory be correct; if a tax a 'mports be
tantamount with n tax on rxpor;what becomes
of that clause in the Constitution which declares,
that “No tax or duty shall he laid on articles
eriiorfed fj'v/rt any State ! ' V< hy were the au
thors of the Cons;button so very anxious to pro
hibit all duties on exports, when ail their caution
is so easily baffled by the duties on imports ? But
i waive the discussion of this subject —consent-
ing mvself with the expression of my astonish
ment, that any Statesman, and'much more, that
an'?of the dis inguislu d Statesmen ol South
Carolina should have fallen into so extraordin
ary an error.
It would seem, then, that the advocates for
Nullification will fin ! no palliation oftheir course,
in {fie proceed:*gs of the last Congress; but that
the mischiefs of their scheme t'iil be aggrava
ted hvthe reflec‘ : on, that they meditate a resort
to f and violence, when the country has al
rea '■ btained relief to a considerable extent,
and when there is every reason to believe, that
it will he made s*ill more effec ua!.
1 have now p resen'ed to my fellow citizens,
the views which 1 intended to takeofth.s inter
esting subject. lam deeply impressed with its
importance, and have acted under a belief, that
in limes of difficulty and danger, every man is
bound to ren lor what aid may be in Ins power,
to his country. 1 have endeavored to discharge
this dutv which I deem sacred. I devoutly hope
that the evils, which many anticipate, may not
happen. I rely much on the good sense an 1 pa
triotism of my countrymen. The crisis should
be met bv the government and the people, .vith
firmness, tempered bv caution and moderation.
It is impossible that the friends of the Union, &
the Coush iihon, can take lot or part in the
schemes of Nullification. But lot us have, pati
ence and forbearance whh our countrymen.
Time and rellec ion, and the love of country, may
res'ore the empire of reason, and lead to tem
perate counsels. Rut, ifour hopes, and the best
hopes of humanity, shall be disappointed; if tlie
stars of dor political firmament shall, one by one,
shoot madly from their spheres, and ho extin
guished in night, if not in blood; in viewing the
desolation which madness has brought upon the
land, it will he a melancholy pleasure to any of
us, who will be able to pronounce with Ira !i—
--“ Thou caa’st not say I did it.”
AGRICOLA.
Errata in the 7 ih No. of Agrirnla. — ln ft! j extract
from Gen. Washington’s Farewell Address, for • -zealous
anxiety,” read "jealous anxiety.”—ln the 2d p riagraph,
for “convince the most incredulous,” say “convince the
most credulous."
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1832.
FOR PRESIDENT,
A. XS>KEW JACTCBOJV.
VICE-PRESIDEN I’,
MARTIN VAX ISUREX.
Tlie editorial matter prepared for this day’s paper,
and partly in type, gives way to the message of Gover
nor Hamilton to the Legislature of south-Carolina. This
message was looked for with some degree of anxiety ;
and the interest justly felt by the community, in the
course our sister state intends to pursue, has indu
ced us to publish at once the first official document
emanating from tlie government of South-Carolina, con
cerning the novel and extraordinary experiment of nulli.
lying;! law of Congress; an experiment which may ma
terially influence the future destinies of this confederacy
of republics. Agreeably to the recommendation of the
Governor, a bill lias been introduced into the Senate for
the call of a convention. As there appears to be a con
stitutional majority of the nullification party in both
brandies of the Legislature, the bill in question will be
quickly carried through tlie usual formalities, and be
come a law.
I V- -1 .t. I it. ait i'- .
The Athens Banner of October 19, contains the fol
lowing interesting information:
“ we understand, from a source entitled to some cre
dit, that this misguided people have lately held another
meeting for the purpose of taking into consideration the
terms offered by the general government, for their remo
val west of the Mississippi. On which occasion, it is
stated, President Ross delivered a ’ cry aide and eloquent
Message, in which he clearly cs ; s Vd the indepen
dence and nationality of the Cherokee tribe; and that, in
the event of the election of Heriry Clay, their nation
would be respected as such. He opposed the policy of
treating with the general government, at least until after
the result of the Presidential election was known ; which
sage advice was taken, and the counsel “ broke tip ” with
out doing any thing.”
NO It 111-CA tCOLi:> A.
At a very large meeting of the citizens of Burke
County, held on the 25th September, the following reso
lutions were adopted, together with a very able and pa
triotic address to the people of North-Carolina ;
"■Resolved, As the sense of this meeting, that we
cherish a sincere regard and veneration for the Union
and Constitution of the U. Slates, and that we look up.
on any attempt to destroy the one or violate the. other, at
this time, with the utmost abhorrence.
“ Resolved further. That we look upon the doctrine
of Nullification, as lately promulgated in our sister state
Somh-Carolin-i, as neither a constitutional nor peaceful
re me but one v.aidi tends to a dissolution of the states,
t :-.rchy and to civil war, and therefore wc highly die
app- e the same.
The Raleigh Register remarks upon this meeting—
“Tlie proceedings of a large meeting lately held at
Morganton, will be found in a prece ii ig page, at which
Mr. Carson, the member of Congress from that district,
appeared in support of the South Carolina doctrine; but
he could carry none of his constituents with him.
“ Meetings have also been held in Lincoln, Ruther
lordton and Cabarrus Counties, in which great unanimi
ty prevailed in condemning this revolutionary doctrine.”
SMTtI-CABMJXA.
COLLMBIA, October 22, 1832.
THE GOVERRttirs 3JEBBA.GE.
Tins day. his Excellency the Governor transmitted to both
liTTtses pj the Legislature, the following
MESSAGE,
Fellow Citizens of the Senate,
and House of Representatives:
In convening you at an earlief,moment than the period
nxed by fiie Cotistitution lor your usual meeting, I iiave
cheerfully assumed whatever responsibility miv attach
to this exercise ot my prerogative, under a belief that
after oar genera! elections, you could not too soon be
brought together, to deliberate on the best means of pro
moting the interests of those, whose rights, whose lib
er ies, and w hose public honor are confided to vour care.
I should indeed have convoked your predecessors
! »aa«*«te!r after the adjournment of the last session of
Congress, if I had not deemed it in every respect desir
able that our people, in the exorcise ot one ol jhehigh
cst functions of their sovereignty, exerted in. the chomc
of*their Representatives, should in the first instance,
have au opportunity ot passing judgment on the final re
sult of the proceedings ol that session, which claims lo
have fixed on a permanent basis, as far as it can
be e{footed bv Federal legislation, the settled po
rn.v ot the country. As the canvass, which preceded
our recent elections, was conducted in almost exclusive
and absorbing reference to the ultimate result ol tins
legislation bv Congress, your selection may be ta.cn as
the exponents of tins judgment. I cordially congratu
late vou. and our state at large, not only on the
and elevated decision which our people, by m.a.lible to
kens, have thus made, but also on the cheering indica
tions of our having already reached u unanimity.o. sen
timent. nearlv as great as the inevitable diversity ot hu
man opinions will permit, on a subject vitally affecting
our dearest rights anti liberties. Thus convened micer
circumstances of profound public anxiety, and intense
public interest, you will, I am sure, come to mo
c h rge of the trust which has devolved upon you, with
an inflexible determination to perform its duties in an en
ligiuened spirit of firmness and mode:ation, worthy ot
life occasion and of those inestimable principles of con
stitutional liberty, which it will be one ot the most ixn
pressive of our obligations to preserve, and forever de
fend. . . ,
it is known to you, fellow citizens, that the most anx
ious hopes of the"good people of this state, were direct
ed to the proceedings of the last Congress of the L nitad
States. The necessity of providing for a large reduction
of Federal taxation, consequent on the proximate extin
guishment of a large public debt, the strong and. well
founded complaints of a respectable and patriotic por.
tion of the states in this confederacy, the solid grounds
on which, as a matter of constitutional right, these com
plaints rested, as well as our just claims to a reform not
only in the abuses of the exercise of the power ot taxa
tion on the part of the general government, but in the a
buses of the appropriation of the public treasure after it
is levied, inspired even those prone to.despond, in spite
of inauspicious omens, with some faint expectation, that
these great and alarming questions of political pow er,
would be settled in a spirit of impartial justice and with
a considerate regard to that amity and mutual conces
sion, so essential to the preservation of a confederacy
composed of co-equal and co-ordinate sovereigns.
It is scarcely necessary that I should inform you in
detail, what has been the final result of these delusive
ly cherished expectations, lor you are in possession of
an utiiority on this subject, infinitely more valuable
than my own. Two thirds ol your Representatives and
both of your Senators, after efforts on the floor ot Con
gress of signal ability and disinterested patriotism, in
which every species of conciliation was exerted, that a
just and wise moderation could dictate, short ot sur
rendering a principle essential to your constitutional li
berty, have solemnly declared to the people of South-
Carolina, in the lace of the world, “ That whatever
hopes may have been indulged at the commencement of
the session, that a returning sense of justice, on tiie
part of the majority, would remove or materially miti
gate the grievous load of oppression under which you
have so long labored, and of which you have so justly
complained, they are reluctantly constrained to declare
that these fluttering hopes, too long deferred, and toe
fondly cherished, have finally and forever vanished.”
In proof of this disastrous consummation, they could
not belter have relied on any testimony than that on
which tli oy did rely, the Tariff act of 1832, which, by a
perversion of every principle of common sense and
common justice, has been i iried a compromise between
the conflicting interests of the manufacturing and plan
tation .States, on principles of equivalent benefit to both.
It is unnecessary, gentlemen, that I should inform you,
who are so well instructed upon the true grounds of the
controversy, that this imputed compromise is destitute
of every feature of that justice and equality that ought
to characterize a measure bearing such an appellation.
W e might well in advance have distrusted the compact
for this adjustment, in which it was found expedient not
. to consult, at any period of the negotiation, our sena
tors and two thirds of our representatives, and which
bore upon its face the signs of its being in some respects
a subtle contrivance, to bend the pecuniary interests and
constitutional liberties of the people, to a struggle fur
the executive power ol the country. But apart irom
those oxinnsic objections, the adjustment is intrinsically
; not a mutual, but an exclusive compromise of i.ll the
. just claims and interests of the south. The Tariff Act
of 1232 is, in point of fact, a law by which the consump
tion of tlie manufacturing States is nearly relieved of all
i sort of burden on those articles which they consume
and do not produce, and under tire provisions ot which,
they are secured a bounty on an average of more than
! fiity percent, on the productions of their industry, whilst
it taxes our consumption to an equivalent amount, and
tho exchangeable value of our products in a much more
aggravated ratio. Tlie law bears the impress ol tlie le
gislation of an independent sovereignty to a feeble and
distant colony, and establishes the revolting discrimina
tion that the labour of the south is less entitled to the
paternal regard of this Government, than that ot a more
favored section of tlie Union. The provisions of tlie
Act are, moreover, at war with every acknowledged
, principle of wise and beneficent taxation, which has c
ver existed among any people on the face of the earth,
having the shadow of a cl ini to civilization or a just
knowledge of finance. Articles of luxury are selected
’ as the objects ot comparative exemption from all bur
■ den, whilst tiiose of necessity bear nearly the whole
brunt of the imposts. Tlie great staples of the indus
. try and consumption of man, which purchase seven
tenths of our agricultural products, Iron, Cotton and
woollen fabrics, salt and sugar, are burihened with a
tax quite equivalent to an average of seventy-five per
cent, on their prime cost, whilst the teas, the coffee, the
. silks and the wines of the rich, which are principally ex
changed for the productions of manufacturing or North
ern labor, enjoy, as it regards these articles, a most un
just discrimination in their favor. Operating thus hea
vily on the exchangeable value of our products, the act
provides fur nothing short of the monstrous injustice of
levying, at least three fourths of the whole amount of
the federal revenue, on the industry of the southern
stites. Nor does the gross inequality of the law slop
here. It effects, after all the sublie artifices of exug
grration respecting a diminution of our burdens have
been dispelled, a reduction, from tlie amount of duties
levied under the act of 1828, as modified hy that of 1830,
of three millions seven hundred thousand dollars on the
■ unprotected articles, and only the pitiful sum of some
• where about eight hundred thousand dollars on tiie pro
; tected, (which purchase the staples of the south) ma
king in ail a reduction of only lour millions and a half,
instead of twelve, which last reduction was essential to
the accomplishment of tlie desirable and highly conser
vative object of bringing the revenue down to tlie stand,
ard of the legitimate wants of the Government. As it
is, nine millions of surplus revenue will, in all probabili
ty, result from the imposts of this Act, over and above
tiie necessary and constitutional expenses of the coun
try, to be distributed by a majority irresponsible to us,
in corrupt largesses or unconstitutional appropriations
to those states which, without possessing an interest in
the Tariff, are made to feel that they have an interest in
high taxation, when by an unjust provision of the Go
vernment, they receive more than they are made to pay.
Repugnant as this Act thus is to every principle of
justice, we cannot indulge even the humiliating consola.
tion that designed as it was, in some respects, to subserve
jhe periodical struggle for the Executive power of the
country, it will be temporary in its duration, and will at
last yield to that returning sense of justice so long pro
mised, and whoso advent lias been so lung and so tardily
postponed. No. We have the authentic and solemn
declarations of both tho great dominant parties in the
Union, who are now contending for its power, and who
conjointly form an overwhelming m ijority, that the sys
tem is as fixed as fate, excepuin those particulars that
are yet to be modified more beneficially for their inter
ests, as cupidity may be instructed by experience. That
tlie system, if we think proper to submit to its injustice,
is the fixed and settled policy of tlie country, so far as the
majority can will it to be such, wc have much more solid
reasons for believing, than even these declarations how
ever authoritative. This belief is founded on the indis
putable fact, that it is impossible for the wit or wisdom
of man, to have contrived a scheme for raising the re
venue of the country in a mode more essentially and ex
clusively beneficial to their own interests. F«'r it is a
process by which taxation operates correlatively as a
bounty to their industry; and that whilst three-fourths of
the public revenue is to be raised on articles in the pro
(...aion or watch they enjoy a premium of more than
n.ty por cent, ad tne articles necessary to perfection of
tnotr arts amt manufacture?, and many essential to the
accommodations and luxuries of life, are comparatively
ur.taxed. It is not a cold abstract sense of justice, or
what are insultingly called the metaphysics of constitu
tional abeny, that will induce a people, rioting iq such a
Inga and palmy state of prosperity, to surrender these
advantages, it they can find four millions of consnme’-g
wil.mg, to submit to their exactions, who happen to be
tcruonally separated from them, and who exercise a
species ot industry in no degree competing with, but on
i.ue contrary subservien: and tributary to their own, We
r. ! iri 'deed have read tne history of the world to very
iit..e purpose if we cnerish so idle and senseless a con
jecture. If the southern states had been subjugated
provinces, and after a war of exhausting desolation, had
surrendered at discretion under the sword, I ask what
other oill "for the regulation of trade with the colo.
nrrs our conquerors would have desired, hnt this very ■
tariff act of IB3V ? Os the ruin which this measure wu
bring upon us, we urn not left to speculates. The
of our decaying prosperity are around un.
Informed as you are, genilamen, of all the details 0 -
this act, 1 am couscious how unnecessary it is to p rcs ‘
this view of the subject, any further, but there i son
consideration which cannot bs overlooked, and that i*
the solemn and abiding conviction of the good people 0 f
this state, that the right to pass a t.riff of protection i,
not to bo found in t!ie constitution ol the United h’t ates
that in the act ot 1c32 i!ie principle ot protectiem is
tinctly and triumphantly recognised, anu tnat, neither
express terms or by an authorized implication, docs an*
such power exist in the compact ol Union. Tosubmit t 0
an infraction of the Constitution, involving the great riwt u
of human industry and property, is to acquiesce in v u t
umary servitude.’ To meet this vital truth, the l essoi .“
we have been taught by our ancestors contain an tnstruc
tivc and salutary moral. He musl be ;i very ingenioua
casuist, who can discover any difference in principle b>*
tween taxation without representation, and taxation wip
a nominal representation, but in violation of the
tion. The result of both is, seizing and taking au a y
money without legal right. But grievous asmayViha
pecuniary loss arising from tnis \i rong, it is mere dust j
the ba! ucc in comparison with the shock which the
lie liberty of the country sustains, if the people, by a
luxation of public "spirit through si )t!i, servility or coiT
ardice, are prepared to submit to an inlraetionof th e ; r
rights, for it overthrows, if I may so speak, th at [ O ,’ #
and reverence for the authority ol the general s>ri:tcipi 6B
of liberty, so essential to the preservation of the hmtit u .
lions of tree states.
lathis summary, fellow-citizens, I believe I 'hcveuu
tcred not one word that does not meet a response i"
the overwhelming public sentiment of our people. Alter
ten years of suffering and remonstrance, we have a;
length arrived at least at the end ot our hopes. Oar
petitions and protests have slumbered in apathy and con.
tempt on the journals of Congress. The Legisla ure of
this State has, however, declared and reiterated, “ that a
Tariff of Protection is not only unconstitutional, but at
abuse of power incompatible with the principles of a
free government and the great ends ol civil society," a;il i
has avowed its purpose “ to expose and resist nl! e;;.
crcachracnts on the true spirit of the Constitution.” y„ u
have been elected by the people and charged by tliei r
opinions to adopt means the best calculated to protect
and defen 1 them from these encroachments; aaJ y 0„
are now convened by me for the purpose of maturely de
liberating on the mode of accomplishing this desirable
and hallowed object. Public sentiment lias already, bv
unequivocal tokens, (let hired in favour of a Convention of
f!ie people of South Carolina, for the purpose ofconsider.
ing the character and estentof the usurpations of the gp.
ncral government.—ln recommending that you promptly
take measures to authorize the meeting of such an as.
seinUiy, 1 feel, (notwithstanding my cordial concurrence
in this measure,) that I am only responding to that sen.
timent. As it was by an assembly of identical and
equivalent authority, that our compact was formed under
the Constitution with the co-States, when they agreed to
establish a common agency called the General Govern,
merit, so, on no tribunal can more appropriately devolve
the high province of declaring the extent of our obligations
under this compact, “and in case of a deliberate, pnlp.
.able and dangerous exercise of powers, not granted by
the said compact,” to determine “ on the mode and mea.
sure of redress.” Indeed all our political systems have
flowed from the mighty source of these great, prim.irv
and elemental assemblies, which are nut the type but the
essence of the sovereignty of the people; nor have they
ever yet convened without subserving some eminent
purpose of public liberty and social order. The judicious
guards in our own State Constitution, by which the peo.
pie have imposed restraints upon themselves, in the con.
vocation of these bodies, by requiring the concurrence of
two thirds of both branches of the Legislature, before
a Convention can be called, not only effectually prevent
tumultuary or revolutionary action, but ensure that una.
nimby amnna the people so essential to the success of
all great public movements.
In earnestly recommending, fellow.citizens, that you
make, forthwith, legisl itive provision for the assembling
of such a convention, with all the despatch compatible
with the public convenience, I cannot but look forward
to the deliberations and final decision of this high and
authoritative body, as the blessed means, not only, off.
n.illy redressing our wrongs but of uniting our whole
people in one common mode and purpose of resisting
oppression, and in patriotic and fraternal bonds of con.
cord.—When this assembly shall speik, its voice, next
to the voice of God, must c immand our most perfect
obedience. \V e owe no allegiance to tiny other power,
except that which through a similar assemblage, South.
Carolina has thought fir. to contract for us. and vvhi h
in paying to the extent, and so long as she thinks proper
that the obligition should continue, is but rendering our
loyalty to her.
I forbear bringing any other subject to your considers
tion connected with the ordinary and current business
of the Slate, as under the Constitution you must again
convene on the 4th Monday of the ensuing month, i
would respectfully suggest that with the view, ifpracti.
c ibic, of procuring an assembly of the proposed Con.
vention, at this place, prior to that period, you likewise
abstain from the consideration of any other matter than
the important topic and those necessarily incidental to
it which I have brought to your view, as 1 deem it, for
a variety of considerations on which it is unnecessary I
should now dwell, in every respect desirable tb it our
issue, with the General Government should be made be
fore the meeting of Congrgss.
In urging the expediency of calling a Convention of
tho People, for the purposes I have indicated, I have
forborne to make a single suggestion of what mayor
may not, what ought or what ought not to be the reme
dy this Assembly should ordain.—To a body so con
stituted and so empowered, let the whole subject of our
rights, an i our grievances bo confided, uninfluenced by
any bias arising from the official expression of our opin
ions.—Representing public sentiment, it cannot but or
ganize and give force to the public will.
In conclusion, fellow citizens, our cause is worthy of
our highest, our most zealous and our most inflexible ef
forts. It is for no object of ambition, no lust of power
or avarice, that wc have assumed our present posture in
relation to tho usurpations of the federal government,
but it is to redeem the Constitution of our country from
unhallowed violation, to m linlain its ascendency over
the law making authority, to save this once cherished
Union from a corruption and misrule, tiiat doom it to ir
reversible disruption; to bring the government back to
the salutary principles of a just and economical admin
istration ; to restore to our own homes and the horn*-*
of our fathers their wonted prosperity, hy the glorious
effort of recovering for our country a privilege we have
never surrendered, of exchanging in a period of pro.
found peace the fruits of our labour, under a wise sys
tem of free intercourse with the rest of the world; &
privilege which, it has been justly said, belongs to the
Christian Code among civilized nations. With these
objects, and standing firmly on our right,—l implore the
blessings of Almighty God on your deliberations, that
they may redound to the liberty, peace and happiness of
our common country as well as of the people whom you
specially represent.
J. HAMILTON, Jr-
Columbia, October 22, 1332.
MARTIN VAN BUSEN.
In our paper of the 12th instant, wc published (he let
ter of Judge Barbour, in reply to a letter addressed to
him, in conformity to a resolution adopted at a political
meeting held at Shocco Springs, North-Carolina, on the
2uth ot August, by the committee appointed to corres
pond with Judge Barbour and Mr. Van Buren,
O wasco, Cayuga, Co. Oct. 4, 1832.
Gentlemen : Your letter of tho 25th Augwt
found me at this place, i regret extremely that
the delay in its reception, occasioned by my ab
sence, has prevented an earlier attention to it
contents.
By the resolutions which you have boon ap
pointed to communicate to me, I. am advised that
those by whom they were adopted, desire to be
in form? a oi my sentiments “ on tire subjec sos
t ie Protective System and its proper adjustment,
Internal Improvement, the Bunk of the United
States, and Nullification.”
The right of those you represent, to be in
i formed of my opinions upon these interesting
subjects, as derived from the position in which
the fit for of my fellow.citizens has placed me,
is undoubted ; and in cheerfully complying with
their request, I have only to regret that the in
convenience of the situation in which it find*
me, consequent upon the hurry and confusion
attending the further prosecution of my journey*
and the importance, to she fulfilment of the ob
jects of your constituents, of as liltle delay a 3
possible in the transmission of tho communica
tion, preclude any thing like an elaborate dis
cussion of the subjects under consideration, if
indeed such a course would, under more favora
ble circumstances, be desirable to you. The
regret, however, which I might otherwise expo
• nonce on this account, is relieved hv the hope,