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•f'llE LIST. (; BY GVIEV A' BUJTCM2. ■' r " ”' -- ~'~" r= i jjj* TERMS —For the semi-wnekly pnpcr, published , every Tuesday and Friday morning, §5 per annum j ( and for the weekly 8 3, all payable in advance. j ] JT ADVERTISEMENTS are inserted weekly for C 2 1-2 cews per square; aerai-wcekly G 2 1-2 cents for the 1 ; first, and 43 3-4 cents for each subsequent insertion, j and monthly for $ 1, 00 per square fur each insertion. ( , • For yearly advertisements private arrangements are j to be made. A deducticn is made on the advertise ments of public officers, jj' Postage must be pai-1 on letters ot business. raoM Tint globe. A friend of Mr. Crawford lias sent us for pub. lication, the following letters, as explanatory of the course which the latter has taken in the movements in the South, upon the subject of ' the Tariff. Mr. Crawford speaks but the gene rfll sentiment of repugnance of the South, both to the Tariff as a manufacturing bounty and to the scheme of Nullification. TO WM. IT. CRAWFORD. Washington, August 21, 1332. My Dear .Sir,—l wrote to you last on the 23d July. Since then, (lately,) I have seen in the National Intelligencer a slight notice of the meeting at Athens, in which you are said to i have proposed a Slate Convention ; tins seemed , to excite considerable concern in the minds of some persons of political weight here, on ihe supposition that the part which you took on trial occasion, —if it was not absolutely in the sense of the Null!Tiers of Soulh-Caroliau, would ope rate in favour ot their views. \our letter-to me of Mav 23d enabled me, however, to ex plain to these gentlemen your n a! sentiments as to “ Nullification,” and I treated your pro posal at Athens as a measure the b< s' calculat ed to defeat the views of the “ Nulhilers,’ —it they are, as is to bn apprehended, “ separation ists for, to me, it appears that the only means of checking the dangerous career in which they now are, is bv the interposition of a Sou. 1 ici n Convention, which will necessarily lead to a Ge neral Convention : and, I presume, that a con vention m the State of Georgia, is tue readiest and surest means of obtaining a Southern Con vent ion. Neither vour Stale, nor any other, lias common cause with South-Carol inn in Nul lification, as an abstract doctrine ; hut you have common cause with that State, as well as others, in opposition to the extravagant protective sys tem now existing; it is hence ( conclude that the example set by Georgia will be soon follow ed by other States equally interested, and that the residt will he a Southern Convention, coml posed of delegates from tin* several State Con ventions; the case of this confederacy fully stated, and laid before the Congress of the Uni ted States, must necessarily produce the call of « General Convention, for it is the only mode in which the case can be met, the only means by which the Union can he preserved, Arc. Ac. &c. ANSWER. Wood Lawn, Sept. Gth, 1832. My Dear Sir , —Y«w letter of the *2lst ult. was received bv Friday’s mail. \our reason ing upon the proceedings at Athens, is, in the main, correct- 1 had not any influence in di recting the measures adopted by that meeting; the call of a convention was no measure of mine, though I considered it to bo harmless, and cal ■ culated rather to obstruct “ nullification” than to favor it. My course is to call a convention of the States, to revise the federal constitution. Mr. Calhoun says, that when a State nullifies an net ot" Congress, Congress will be obliged to call b convention to obtain a confirmation of its own construction, (of the constitution.) To this there are two small objections. Ist. That Con gress has no right to call a convention until re quired by two-thirds of the State Legislatures— 2dly. That it transfers from the majority of Congress the right of judging of’ the constitu tion to an individual State. The nullificrs ob ject to the call of a Federal Convention ; first, that the tariff Slates will not concur in the-men sure, and then that though they should concur, they will not consent to the explanatory article required by the South. To my mind, these ob jections are not valid ; —Firstly, it is not .a sound principle in politics or cihics, to abstain from do ing an act of duty because it is believed that others will neglect their dudes : Secondly, it is by no means certain that if a convention be called, it may not eventuate in an amicable corn promise. The same men. in convention and Congres, would probably act differently. In convention, the question would be, what power shall bo granted, —in Congress, it is what power has been granted to the federal government. In convention, the members from the South j would say, all we want is protection from rob bery and pillage under color of law ; —to this we have submitted for the sake of peace, har mony and union, ns long as we can ; —we aic now determined that such robbery and pillage shall end. —If you will not consent to explain the constitution sons to protect us from robbery and pillage, wo will no longer remain connect ed with you in government; —if you refuse to do us justice, in other words, if you refuse to i cease to rob and plunder us undercolor of law, we will take care of ourselves, and you may do the same. I have brought my mind to this course, not ' from the evils which we have already suffered, but from a conviction that these evils will be greatly aggravated, and wi.l be interminable. At one time I had made up my mind to bear the j. evils of the protective sysvm, under a belief that they would cure themselves, and therefore be but temporary ; —the doctrine lately 7 advanc- t cd in Congress lias changed my mind. I under- i Stand that theta;iff system has been advocated | 1 on the principle that the Southern S.ates have I i advantages of sod and climate over the North- i i ern and Eastern S ates. which it is necessary j j to equalize by federal legislation ; if this be { true, there is no safety for the South. It is the > first time in ihe his ory of legislation, i r such f a principle has been avowed. ( The American Revolution was the effect ofa I bv the Fntish Parliament, that they i had a right to bind the coiomsts in r.li cases i whatever; but the most vivid imagination in .• that day of excitement, never supposed that, i under that declaration, the British Parliament ! would weigh the acts of D.e‘y in a balance, an c attempt by legislation, to correct any supposed 1 defects in the decrees of unerring wisdom, thro’ < the omnipotence ascribed to that body by Bri tish Juris s. The assumption of such a power 1 of legislation, puts an on i to the const-nr ion, 1 Sad is even worse than Mr. Adams’s “ common 1 efence and general welfare I cannot consent 1 to receive the one or the other. i ' 1 shall this day write to the gentleman said to I have assumed that ultra ground, for although t my informant are men of veracity, I cannot be v satisfied till I have it from himself r I am, dear sir, your f Friend and most ob’t. serv’t. , fStgned.] WM. H. rItAWFnRD. i U a aslotte Cwcntv, Nov. S2J, 1822. ToiJsj V/riler in. ihe Richmond Enquirer under the signature of a “ Friend to Teeth. ” Sin; Perceiving that in your strictures upon the pnblic conduct of Mr. Calhoun you have drawn my name into question, I avail my self of ; my right, which in this instance, 1 deem also to be a duty, to pul myself right in the court of public opinion, before which you have summon ed me. In the course of that debate I did explicit}', & more than once, impute to the doctrines main tained by -Mr. Calhoun, an irreconcilcable hot . tility to the very existence of the State govern ments. And whilst I admitted that, from Ids Ig norance and incapacity, ?dr. Clay might nob be aware of the inevitable tendency of the system which he supported, I had too much respect for the understanding of Mr. Calhoun to believe it possible that he eould be blind to the ennse quences. And I forewarned both him and Mr. Lowndes, that this was but the commencement ofa scheme which mi st *nd in the utter subver sion of the rights of the States generally; and of robbery and oppression of the suave-holding portion ci the Unu n, which it wo odd be impossi ble for them to submit to. 1 told those gentlemen that five years would not elapse before we should be called upon to pay another tribute to onr masters —the manufactur ers; nr. 1 i took tire term of five years, because four is the limit of the presidential service; and 1 knew that at each approaching election a bribe would be held out to buy up the vote and inter est of the stronger portion ofthe Union. Experi ence has confirmed the truth of my calculation : , and the Tariffs 0f’22,’24, aod their successors, | attest the soundness of the theory to which the j practice will, in every instance, have been found 1 rigidly to conform. When Mr. Lowndes, by his strenuous opposi tion to the Tariff of ’24, was buying golden opinions from all sorts ofmen, I took occasion to remind him, that to him and Mr. Calhoun tiie Southern States would be mainly indebted for the system of pillage and oppression which was then being established over them. In plain truth, Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Lowndes, all carnc into the House of Representatives fin- the first time, at the same session, (1811-12.) each with a single eve on the Presidency—and com menced n system of bidding at the auction o! popularity, which, with Mr. Lowndes, was ter minated only with his life, and has been unre midngly followed up by the other two, down to the present hour. In this contest, Mr. Clay has decidedly the vantage ground, having given him self up entirely to the friends of the American System, of which he has, moreover, the reputa tion of being the a rehiteef as well as the chief supporter. Although Mr. Calhoun was the father ofthe present Bank ofthe United States, yet his zeal in its support has been quickened by the hope of propitiating Pennsylvania, and rallying under his standard all the friendsand dependants of that colossal scheme of corruption, w herever they are to be found —w hether on this or the other side ofthe Atlantic. Accordingly, we see the Stock Brokers of London, following suit to the lead of the Orator of the West, and hear them chaunting in the very words, and in the same key-note,' of the great author 'of the A:>;e- RICAN SVSTEXC. The friends and admirers of Mr. Lowndes, may, and probably will, be wounded I.y this statement; but it is duo to truth. Among the last —liis admirers—l claim n place ; although, from the time that he lent himself to Mr. Clay, on ids motion to change the rules and orders of the House—a motion levelled personally at me, and utterly regardless and subversive ofthe free dom of speech and of debate —1 lost, never to be regained, all my respect for him, not only as a statesman, but as a man, and a gentleman. His conduct on that occasion, was the conduct of a pimp and a parasite; such as the humblest mem ber ofthe South Carolina delegation would have scorned to descend to. But such are the temp tations and the wages of ambition. To some, it may appear, that in this address, I have departed from a rule by which my con duct lias been governed ever since 1 came into public life: never 1o descend to its defence in the newspapers. But they who will give themselves the trouble to examine into the circumstances ofthe case, will readily perceive, that the in consistency is in appearance only, and that having been drawn before the public without being consulted, and indeed, against my ow n consent, it behoved me to vindicate the course which [ had pursued and the motives by 7 which I had been actuated. 1 am. Sir, with much respect for the opinions which you avow, and the ability with which you sustain them, vour obedient servant, JOHN RANDOLPH, of Roanoke. The Right Rev. Dr. England, Bishop of Char/cslon. —The arrival of Dr. England in the metropolis of a country to which he had render ed such valuable and important services, both in the new 7 world as well as in the old, naturally suggested to the public spirited citizens of Dub lin the propriety of testifying, by a public din ner, on a national scale, commensurate with the importance ofthe occasion, the high sense of which, in common with every admirer ofconsis tent devotion to the sacred cause of civil and re ligious liberty, they entertained ofthe talent and the virtues of this illustrious prelate, w ho is not j loss proud of free and happy America, the cher- j ished country of his adoption, than devoted j to Ireland, “ his own, his naive land.” It being signified to Doctor England that ar rangements were in progress for this purpose, and that there was only wanted the appoint ment of a dav to complete them, a communion- j tion was made by the Right Rev. prelate to the gen lemen who had taken an active part in set ting on foot the dinner, to the effect that w hile he felt deeply honored by the intended compli ment, ho regretted that for the present it was not in his power to accept of it, as business ofa peculiar and important nature required his 1 presence in Carlow on Monday—yesterday — where he did not know how long lie may be dc- < tained ; that it was, therefore, impossible to fix I • on any dav when he could be certain ot being back to Dublin, and his presence in Rome be ing necessary at a particular perioJ, before 1 which he will be obliged to visit Paris, Lyons, i and some other cries on the continent, he could i not make any delay in Dublin, on coming up < from Carlow, hut hoped on his return ironi the t continent, in the course of next spring, he would ’ be enabled to make a longer sojourn in tue ‘ ’ capital. : 1 Under those circumstances* while we regret j j being so soon d< prived of the pres ncc ot Dr. Englan ’, we trus”, on his next visit to our city, i he will have it in his power to accept of a pub- < lie dinner, which we have no doubt will then be I < got up in a manner creditable to the citizens of - and will prove what it ought to bo, a j i trillv national tesmony to the exalted character ; < of one who lias deserved so well of Ireland ; for i no! on.lv was Dr. England the individual that j « first set in motion that great lever of Ireland’s i regeneration, American sympathy, which so i i muclf Contributed to the ultimate attainment of ‘ i Cathohc emancipation, but before he crossed the Atlantic he was the first Irishman who prov ed the value of the forty shilling freeholders of Ireland, when, in the year ISIS, by his energy and exertions, he secured through their means i the triumphant return of the Hon. C. H. Hutch inson. As a proof, too, of the high estimation in which the character of Dr. Enghnd is held in the United States, we need only mention that ; besides the ordinary passport to which every American citizen is entitled on leaving that country, Dr. England has a special passport j from Mr. Livingston, the Secretary of State, | directing the Consuls in Europe, in the service j of the Republic, to pay every mark of respect * anti attention in their power to the Right Rev. : Dr. England : and he has also a further auto j graph from Mr. Livingston, ordering the res pective captains of all American vessels in Europe to take on board such subjects connect ed with the arts and sciences, as Dr, England rnav choose to send to the United States.— Duh- Register. le C? iJ FRIDAY, DECE>I BEII 7, ISS'2. ICE COM PAW. At the Annual Meeting of the Augusta Ice Company, held at the Globe Hotel, on Monday eve ing last, the following gentlemen were elected Managers for the en suing yearG. T. Dortic, W. Harper, A. Slaughter, A. M. Woolsey and F. Ganahl. Mr. Dortic was re ■ appointed President, and Mr. W. P. Beers, Secretary. The Company declared a dividend of 12 j percent, fur i the lost year. I COTTON DESTROYED. On Sunday night last, the cotton on board ot the lighter of the Steam Boat Augusta, on her way to Charleston, took fire, while the boat was lying at Steel Creek, about 60 miles below tins place. About 630 bales of cotton were on board of the lighter, and about -130 bales ot which were burnt. U e understand near ly the whole of this cotton was insured. LAN D AND COED LOTTEItIES. Articles of impeachment, for high crimes and misde meanor?, have beeir presented by the House of Repre sentatives, against Shadrach Bogan, who was taken in to the custody, by order of the President of the Senate, of Gustavus A. Parker, the Messenger. 7’he committee of the House, to impeach B >gan before the Senate, con sists of Messrs. Glascock, Ryan, II irdcman, Burney, and Steelman. The principal charge against this man, is, his having attached to particular numbers drawn, forged <fc improper names, for lots of which it seems he was tiie per baser. This trial, it is expected, will take up much lime of the Senate, ns it will be necessary to send for witnesses from Gwinnett and some other places. In the mean time the drawing of the lotteries have been sus pended, and the keys of the wheels have been delivered to the select committee of investigation, until the final decision of the Legislature. GEORGIA LEGISLATI RE. The Senate have rejected the bill to put the Fractions into the lottery wheel. The bill for re-establishing the Penitentiary System has passed both houses. The bill for the organization into counties of the Cherokee Ter ritory, has passed both houses. This day lias been ap pointed for the election of a Judge and Solicitor for the Cherokee Circuit. The Governor transmitted <o the Legislature the following communication, which was rc ■ ferred to the committee on the State of the Republic ; Executive Department, Geo. } Milledgenille, Non. 2!), 1832. (j I submit to the General Assembly, copies of notices signed •* Elisha W. Chester, as Counsel for Samuel A. Worcester and Elizur Butler,” informing me of an intend ed application to the Supreme Court, on the 2d day of February, 1833, when said Court will be moved to issue further process, to carry into effect its former Judgments and Decrees, rendered in certain cases, wherein the said Samuel A. Worcester and Elizur Butler tire considered Plaintiffs in Error, vs. the State of Georgia, Defendant in Error. Without further remark upon this subject, I renew to the Legislature, the assurance of my unshaken determi nation to disregard all unconstitutional requisitions, ap pertaining to the cases under consideration, or of any other character or origin whatever, which may be calcu lated to overturn the unquestionable rights and jurisdic tion of the State. WILSON LUMPKIN. The resolutions of Mr. Ryan, which were adopted in the House, have beer, made the order of the day fur next Tuesday, in the Senate. GEORGIA CON VEXTJON. It will be remembered, that when the Resolutions of the pretended Convention were under consideration, one great argument in their favour was the pledge of Chancellor Harper, that if they were adopted, he would exert his influence at home, to suspend the definitive action of the nullifiers, until a Southern Convention of two or more states could be assembled. In spite of this pledge and tiie known influence of the Chancellor, there has been no suspension.—What is the solution of the mystery ? We have the strongest reason to be lieve, that the following is the secret history of the af fair. If we are mistaken, let those who are better in formed correct us, and we will stand corrected. It is understood, that on the Monday after the adjournment of the Convention, an individual, duly authorized by the most violent portion of tho delegates, was dispatched on a mission to the Chiefs of the Nullifiers in Caroli na. lie was instructed to recommend, that Chancellor Harper’s arrangement should not be regarded, and that Carolina should proceed immediately to nullify, as the best means of exciting the people of Georgia and draw, ing them to her support.—ls Judge Moore, Judge Clay, ton, or any of their friends have preserved a fuller min ute cf this very beautiful spscimen of diplomacy, no doubt they will oblige the public by its communication. —ln the mean lime let ail plain men, friends of peace, and of their country, ponder on this matter. GEORGIA CONVEX riON T .--XO.‘3. We stated in our last paper, that to avoid all contro. versy on the subject under consideration, we would pub lish a statement of the manner in which the people were represented in the convention. We perform our promise, and proceed to place belore the citizens ofGeijrgia, what we conceive to be a fair showing. Should we have com mitted any error, and it is pointed out to us, the correc tion shall immediately be made, and tiie error acknowl. edged. According to our statement in our last number, sixty one counties, containing a representative population of 350.000, presented themselves and took seat in the con vention. As there are in the state 50 counties and a re presentative population of 444.000, it is very clear that G1 counties, with a representatve population of 350,000, form a large majority ol the counties and of the people, and that if all the delegates had been duly elected or chosen, the convention would have been truly a conven tion of dispeople ot Georgia, and authorized to act and to speak in their name. The question then naturally follows : were those delegates duly and properly elected ? Before proceeding further in our statement, it is neces sary to call the attention of the reader to the statement we made in our paper before the last, that at the meet ings which were held in many counties of the state, in conformity to the resolutions adopted in Athens, —41 counties in number, with a representative population of 289,50$, —opposition was expressed to the doctrine of nullification and to the convocation of a slate convention, or opposition to the doctrine of nullification, with an ap probation of a state convention with limited powers. We beg the reader to keep this statement in mind, because, in order to ascertain whether delegates were or were not properly elected, we must necessarily recur to the ex pression of the public feeling*, as exhibited in those -gjunly meetings. If at those meetings the public leel ings were in favour of a state convention, as recommend ed in the Athens resolutions, it will necessarily be in ferred, that the people of such counties were willing to be represented in the convention. If. on the other hand, the public feelings were against nullification and a state convention as recommended in the Athens resolutions, it will be a clear demonstration, that we must have authen tic record of the election of delegates to the convention, before we can admit that such delegates were duly en titled to seats in that convention. Delegates from 61 counties appeared in the conven tion, and these 6! counties contain a representative po pulation of 330,003. Among these 61 counties, the following counties only, 51 in number, presented cre dentials of a less questionable form than the others. And it is here to be observed, that it the investigation proposed by Mr. Forsyth had been agreed to by the convention, there can exist very little doubt that many of the delegates, representing counties included in the following statement, would have been precluded from keeping their seats, by the defects of their credentials; for several protests were laid before the convention, against several of the sitting members, showing very forcibly the irregularity of their election. But as {he convention did not think proper to investigate the title of tiie members to their seats, it is almost im; ossible to ascertain the degree of authenticity to be attached to the credentials produced by the delegates, so dissimilar were they in form and in the manner they were certifi ed. We can ascertain this degree ot authenticity only by circumstances connected with the objects lor which the convention was to assemble, and by information derived from citizens residing in the counties represent ed in the convention. Taking all these difficulties into consideration, it will be seen and acknowledged that, instead of being strict in our statement, we have given tire utmost latitude to the constitution of the convention. The 51 counties mentioned above are the following: Burke, 8,919 Lee, 2.044 Bulloch, 2.268 Lincoln, 4,732 Baldwin, 5,747 Madison, 4,355 Bibb, 6.3:28 Meriwether, 4,647 Cairjjjen, 3,299 Monroe, 14,23- Clark, 7.939 Marion, 1.821 Columbia, 8,900 Morgan, 9,002 Coweta, 3,048 .Montgomery, 1,157 Crawford, 3.804 Muscogee, 4.2^2 DeKalb, 10,140 Newton, 8,884 Decatur, 3,620 Oglethorpe, 9,834 Doolv, 2,086 Pulaski, 4,063 Elbert, 9,819 Putnam, 9,894 Gwinnett, 12,144 Rabun, 3,031 Greene, 9,224 Randolph, 884 Hull, 12,077 Richmond, 9,289 Harris, 6,018 Scriven, 3 561 Hancock, 9.478 Talbot, 5,448 Henry, 9,971 Taliaferro, 4,702 Houston, 7,058 Tattnall, 2,188 Irwin, 1,1.34 Thomas, 3,205 Jackson, 8,507 Troup, 6,7&6 Jasper, 10,253 Walton, 8,968 Jefferson, 5,723 Washington, , 8,165 Jones, 10,349 \V arren, 7,834 Laurens, 4,410 328,290 Thus, it seems, that 51 counties, with a representa tive population of 328,290, were represented in the con vention, the delegates of which produced credentials, iff some form or other, and more or less authentic, many of which, if judged according to credentials usually and uniformly given to delegates to such public bodies as conventions of the people, would have been found to bs materially defective, in some essential requisites, namely, the absence of a concurrence of a majority of the citi zens entitled to vote for delegates, and the assent of that majority to the propriety of choosing delegates. If, therefore, we deduct from the above i' c :t all those coun ties in which a majority of the citizens did not vote for the choice of delegates, because they were opposed to the convocation of such a convention, and all those coun ties in which delegates were chosen, with instruction not to co-operate in the proceedings of the convention, should the doctrines maintained by South Carolina, and subsequently incorporated in the fifth of the reso’utions adopted by the convention, directly or indirectly be a matter of deliberation, it would be. found that tiie follow ing counties only would have been represented in the convention, by delegates whose credentials, though ad missible, were, nevertheless, more or less questionable. Bibb, 6,328 Muscogee, 4,282 Columbia, 8,900 Newton, 9,884 Elbert, 9,819 Oglethorpe, 9,834 Greene, 9,221 Seriven, 3,561 Jefferson, 5,723 Taliaferro, 4,702 Laurens, 4,410 Tattnall, 2,188 Monroe, 14.231 Thomas, 3.205 • Montgomery, 1,157 Troup, 6,786 I 104,234 It seems that the delegates from 15 counties, with a representative population of 104,234, had authority of some sort to go into convention, and proceed to act on < the recommendation of the resolutions adopted in A thens. Furthermore, admitting that the delegates of 1 the 31 counties named above, containing a representa- ' five population of 328,290, bad full authority from their * constituents to form a convention, it is clear that these < 31 counties and their representative population, consti- < tute a majority of the counties and of the people of the 1 state, and, if united in convention, could have taken 1 upon themselves to act and to speak for the people of ' Georgia. But how stands tiie case, after fifty-three I members thought proper to secede ? Did the remain. < ing members form a convention, by representing a run. I jority of the counties and people ? Let us ascertain < this fact. From the 51 counties containing a represen- * tative population of 328,290, we must .deduct the conn- I ties and their representative population, the delegates 1 of which retired from the convention. We shall de duct only the counties the whole or a majority of whose 1 delegations, respectively, retired. Counties the delegates of which seceded : Bulloch, 2.268 Irwin, 1.131 « Crawford, 3 804 Jasper, 10.233 | Camden, 3,299 Lee, 2.041 , Coweta, 5,048 Madison, 4.335 DeKalb, 10,140 Meriwether, 4.647 ' Dooly, 2,086 Pulaski, 4,063 * Gwinnett, 12,144 Rabun, 3,031 I Hall, 12,077 Randolph, 884 j Hancock, 9,478 Richmond, 0,289 ( Henry, 9,971 Walton, 8,968 Houston, 7,058 Washington, 8,165 : 134,206 i From 51 counties and a representative population of 1 328,290, deduct 22 counties and a representative popu- i lation of 134,206, and it remains 29 counties, with a i representative population of 194,084. So that the de- 1 legates only of 29 countes, out of the 80 counties of 1 the state, with a representative population of only 194,. . 084, out of 414,000, the representative population of j the state, remained in convention. And if from these t 29 counties, we deduct the counties of Harris, Lincoln, 5 Talbot, and Warren, whose delegates divided on the j measure of seceding from the convention, it would re- f duce the number of counties represented in that body c to 25. And if from this last result, we deduct the j counties ot Jones, Burke, Jackson, Appling, Decatur, e Marion, Montgomery and Tattnall, on account of do- s sects in the credentials of the delegates of some of j these 8 counties, in the manner they were elected, or c. on account of the known wishes of a majority of the 1 people 01 Jones, Burke, and Jackson, that their dele. { gates would not remain in convention, unless a majori ty ot the people of the state were duly represented, it would bring the number of counties represented in con vention, authorized to act upon the recommendation of a the Athens resolutions, to 17, as stated in our last pa- per. with a representative population of 130,000. c W e offer these statements to the consideration of our I fellow-citizens. They are offered with a good inten- c tion; with the intention of contributing what we can, * in arresting the march of innovation in our public in. smutions, and sophistry in the manner of constructing the federal constitution ; and especially in arresting the ■ strides that minorities are making towards absolute and arbitrary power. If the people—a majority of the i people—were to sanction the usurpation of their pewe by a minority, and, much more to be {1 readed, by a min ority of delegates, representing themselves as the or cans of the sovereignty of the whole people of Geor cria-; the liberties we now enjoy would be totally de stroyed. It is then the imperious duty of this majority of the people, to cut up by the roots the dangerous pre cedent which a few ambitious leaders would estabhsl in our country, and which, if allowed to grow, wouh produce, in a very short time, all the horrors of civi dissentions, and, ultimately, the degradation which ne ver fails to visit the population who had not the couragt to maintain their liberties, and to repel all attempts tc invade their most essential rights. GOV. HAMILTON’S MESSAGE. The Charleston City Gazette speaks in the following terms of the War Message of Gov. Hamilton to tnc le gislature : Ti'ip Governor's Message —Taken all in all, is a most unparalleled performance —compared with any thinin the disguise of tin Executive Message, purporting to treat upon the condition of a free and enlightened people, the document stands alone —an isolated monument ot unap proachable and confused grandeur.—lt is a most lamentable specimen of arrogant and bewilder ed patriotism mounted in the desolating Car ot Revolu ion, marking war upon a phantom, to try the experiment 01 a “ peaceful remedy” wi h twelve thousand soldiers! It is a most ineffable “ conjuncture of deep and momentous interest, that even bis deep cunning seeks no longer to “ conceal nor deny.” V\ hat a commentary up on his language, but* a day or two before, when ho spoke of us as “ sons oi one family, blossoms from the same s’oek,” when he now de mands soldiers bv the thousand to keep alive the excitement of a peaceful, very civil crisis! “ Four battalions of infantry with one flank com pany of riflemen attached to each, one squad ron of cavalry, and two battalions, one ol field ondthe other of heavy artillery, are required ior the defence of this city against a circular from the Treasury Department ordering the dudes to he collected “ elsewhere !” Modern limes furnish no parallels for tins era of‘civil remedy’ with “battalions ol Infan'ry and a flank Company of Riflemen” —for, ii we expect the past-times of French terror, we must go hack for an apt coincidence to the day ot Catiline. It may ho refreshing for some ol our “ no man’s men” to learn, that Catiline began his overthrow of “tyranny and usurpation,” with a “ test 07///” from his adherents, and had the command of “ twelve thousand men” —and that this “ Roman patriot ,” after a severe bat le, “ seeing his forces reduced to u very small num ber, and calling to mind the figure he had former ly made in the world , lie rushed into the thickest of the enemy, and was there slain in the “ last ditch ” fighting in the most chivalrous and ele gant manner ! The coincidence, it will he ob served, holds good with respect to the Twelve I thousand —hut Catiline had no Infantry and ri flemen to flank them —which may make some difference ! THE DEMAGOGUE. We do not recollect to have read a more true and just description of the Demagogue, than the one con. turned in the following extract from Mr. Gaston’s ad dress delivered before the Philanthropic and Dialectic Societies, at Chapel Hill, North-Carolina, in June, 1833. We beg tiie reader, after giving to the subject due at tention, to look around him, for the purpose of ascer taining whether the description cannot be applied to some of our great and patriotic men, who appear rea dy to defend with their swards, and while a drop of their generous blood circulates in their reins, the liber ties of the people, now in such imminent danger. And who, like a cert a'n captain in the play, ice have no doubt, would advance one step, with sword in hand, towards an adversary, and then fall hack three, unwill ing after all to shed a countryman's blood ! Meanlv ambitious of public trust, without the virtues to deserve it; intent on personal distinc tion, & having forgotten the ends for which alone it is worth possessing, the miserable being con centered all in self, learns to pander to vulgar pre judice, to advocate every popular error, to chime in with every dominant party, to fawn, flatter and deceive, and becomes a demagogue. Mow wretched is that poor being who bangs on the people’s favor! All manliness of principle has been lost in this long course of meanness ; he dare not use his temporary popularity for any purpose of public good, in which there may be a hazard of forfeiting it; and tiie very eminence to which he is exalted, renders but more conspicu ous his servility and degradation. However clear the convictions of his judgement, how ever strong the admonitions of his, as yet, not thoroughly stifled conscience, not these, not the law of God, nor the rule of right, nor the public good, but the caprice of his constituent, must be bis only guide. Having risen bv artifice,and conscious of no worth to support him, he is in hourly dread of beingjsupplan ed in the favor of the deluded multitude by some more cunning deceiv er. And such, sooner or later, is sure to be his fate. At some unlucky moment, when he bears his blushing honors thick upon lain, (A: wi ll may such honors blush!) lie is jerked from his eleva tion by some more dexterous demagogue, and fails unpitied, never to rise again. And can this be the lot of him who has been here trained to admire love highminded excellence—who has been taught by high classical authority to regard with the same fearless & unmoveable indifference, the stern countenance of the tyrant, and the wick ed ardor of the multitude, and who has learned from a yet higher and holier authority, to hold fast on “ whatsoever things are true, what soever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, to ab hor that which is evil and cleave .to that which is good” ? Believe me however, this is no fancy picture.—The original may be found in the work! every dry. Nor will it sirpries those who have had occasion to see how the vain heart is swollen, and the giddy head turned, how honesty of purpose and manliness of spirit, an perverted by popular applause. Iris but the first step that costs. Once yield to the sugges tion, that a little deceit or prevarication, a slight sacrifice of principle and independence, a com promise of con-cience in matters not absoluely fundamental, may be excused, when the imme diate gain is obvious and the end in view' im portant, and the downward path becomes ev. ery day more and more smoo h, until in its de scent, it reaches the very abyss of vulgar trading, intriguing, electioneering, office hunting politi cians. If in this lowest depth a lower deep can be found, none of us, I am sure, have the curiosi ty to explore it. MU. WIRT. In publishing the following communication, which appeared originally in the Providence American, the Republican Herald, a paper printed in the same place, observes ; “ Inasmuch as Mr. Wirt appears to be dis. posed to effect a cessation of political hostilities, he is certainly entitled to warm commendation. If Mr. Clav follows the good example set him, we shall have a po litical calm for a period to come.” A CARD. To the Editor of the Providence American, Sir—The National Intelligencer of the 16th ins’, which has just been handed to me at this - r place, informs me that my name bus been i- sen’ed in your paper in reference to the ole r- of President in 1836—7. It is proper, It hi'l” r- that 1 should, without delay, place my own V i ?- of the subject before you, & request that t|, ey 6 J 3 ybo made public for tiie information of'hose wf ?- may take an in’crest in them. I consider it° l!l nomination which I accepted as havirio- r 5 ll finally disposed of by the recent election ■ il the same sentiment of difference which Li , . r lender - the circumstances ol tnc case, fed mo to V! r.u ' e mv own wishes to those of a portion of rnv feif ° citizens in assenting to that nomination binds me with increased obligation to acquffs'" in the decision of the whole which has been in ? upon it. The question of re-nomination f new question, on which I may expect to be he* * if it should bethought expedient to make it * time proper for its consideration. That time ■ think, is not the present. The election i s V ! far off, and the future too entirely unknown ' permit me to judge of what it may, hereafter V 1 .1 “ * > I proper to do. Should the question ever he put for my c :, c • sinn, I shall answer it according- to mv j-. n -1 my duty as a citizen of the United States °r j, know of no legitirna’e purpose ofsuch a non i nn 1 tion, hut the elec ion of a President for the coir' mon good and happiness of the country. p,„" 1 _ former letter of acceptance,! said dis'inc ) v j , could never consent to be the President of ay ty, and the same sen’irnent will continue J > n " fiaence me in any future decision I may be chi' ‘ ed to make upon this subject. Meantime are other subjects of fearful magnitude !| ]nt press themselves on the immediate attention of j the patriot, and demand all his solicitude. g”,, ] Union itself is in danger; and the signs of times render if problematical whether if may be the will of Heaven that we shall ever havean. j other presidential election under the present con. stitution of the United States. I pretend to no right to control the press in die selection of j j topics. But I may rightfully desire to have * understood that, at such a time as this, and under the circumstances ol public anxiety and alarm which surround us, I take no pleasure, and tk reverse, in seeing my name the renewed subject ' of newspaper discussion, for a purpose remote j. but so contingent. lam sensible of the favor. . able regard which, I have no doubt, prompted your arts ie, and grateful for it.—But I should lose all self respect if, at such a time and under such circiiins’arices, 1 could be thinkingofmvself, or sanction, by my silence, what seems lo me so very unreasonable an obtrusion of my name on the consideration of the public. There is, already, far too much of exasperat. ed feeling a molin' our people from other causes , of immediate an 1 unavoidable pressure.—The efforts of every true friend of onr country should be directed to the great purpose of conciliation ( and peace. Instead, therefore, of opening a j new source of excitement by the premature dis. mission of the subject of the next election,! am more disposed n> unite in an endeavor to shut up those other fountains that arc already send, ing out their bitter waters so freely among us, and to sec if it lie not pos ible to bring back something like that state of great and disintest. ed love of conn ry, and fraternal concord, in which the war of the revolution left us, and (he federal consti’u’ion (bund us. Ir was that an. 1 spicions state of things that made the i ntroduc- i tion of free government so easy, and its action | hitherto so prosperous. I indulge in no romantic 1 expectation of the return of that golden age. But, unless .something effectual can lx; done in allay the agitation that has already arisen, and bring our people to n kinder s’nte of feeling and I more harmonious action, it requires no great s’retell of poll ical sagacity to see that our in- I stilutions will rush so speedy ruin. At such a time, and in such a state of things, I must he excused from any agency, express or tacit, in the premature agita’ion of the question of the next election of President. WM. WIRT. Annapolis, Nov. 17th, 1832. f \ intuitu « em u. Lntc arrivals in New-Ynrk from Cadiz and f-iverpool, bring European dates to the 23d October. From (he New-York papers we have made (be following extracts, | and under our commercial head, will Ire found the state of the cotton market in Liverpool on the 22d. The Charleston papers state, that Caps. Turner, of the ship Virginia, arrived at that port from Amsterdam, reporti that when he left Holland, on the 20th of October, infor mation had been received of hostilities having com menced between Belgium and Holland. FROM THE JOURNAL OF COMMERCE. I lLater*4 iroiix Europe—Capture of Dw* || ISSigiael’s Fleet. I Onr News Schooner Journal of Commerce | came up at helf past four o’clock this morning, ft with the important verbal report, brought by Gap. || Barren, of the brig Monti video, who left Cadiz I Oct. 23, that the entire fleet of Don Miguel had I surrendered to that of Don Pedro. Our pro | vious accounts left the fleet of Don Miguel at I Vigo, where it put in Sept. 29th, under the pre- I fence of making repairs, but had been received I coldly and ordered to perform a quarantine® l I eight days, the Admiral's remonstrance to the I.; contrary notwithstanding. Ii The statement ofCupt. Barren is, that on the I, morning lie left Cadiz, a Spanish brig arrived ||. there from Vigo, the captain of which stated, fl that in order to maintain the neurality of the- ■ port, the authorities of Vigo had deemed it proper 1 to require that the fleet should leave their p° rt fl or he disman’led. The Admiral pro fur ■ H former, and during the night put to sea, hut ■ came in contact with the fleet of Don Pedro un- ■ der Admiral Sartorius which lav off port. V H action ensued which resulted in a com;T” fl victory by Sartorius, and bolli squadrons H seen steering for Oporto in c ompany. I T he rc port was gem rally credited in Ctcf H and received with apparent pleasure by the ’> I hahitan’s. _ . I The squadron of Don Miguel consisted r ,: H Don Juan VI. of 80 guns and 77"* men, P>j n "” I Royal frigate of 50 guns and 480 men, C>hv® fl sloop of war, 20 guns and 234 men, Isabelle - I guns and 199 men, brig Fego 20 guns and D 11 men. To’al 218 guns 1990 men. H All was quiet in Cadiz. The Queen R<ff e ‘ I had issued a decree of amnes’y towards I I engaged in treasonable conspiracies during g- j King’s extreme sickness, which however exC 1 ' Jm eci fifteen persons. King Ferdinand’s health" ■ improving. It London, Oct. 21- 1, Continncd Sncccw of Don Pedro. B Private accounts have been received - ! jy Madrid stating that a continued attack was o-f B on Oporto on the 29th and 30th fl Ist Oct. The Miguelites were obliged to B don their ou’pos'.s, and have retreated 5 icag ,j - fl from Oporto. . H Tiie Miguclitc squadron entered Vig° ’• B on the 29 h Sept. Sartorius arrived on _ A B Bay on the 3d Oct. and was blockading £ ‘ e ‘ R at both mouths of the bay. B London, Oct. 21. —Advices have been r || ceived from Bordeaux, of the 14th inst. B that c n 10th the Miguelite army Dpv-“ 1